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Decline of The West
by George Szamuely
Antiwar.com
June 1, 2000
Clinton in Europe

Bill Clinton is on a trip – promised to be his last – to Europe. This made-for-
CNN event comes prepackaged with recycled headlines about the unshakable
strength of the transatlantic alliance, the "unacceptability" of Slobodan
Milosevic's Serbia, Bill Clinton's legacy, the viability of the Third Way. Yet
it already all seems so dated now. It is not just the tedious disputes that are
so hard to keep track of. Americans complain about Europeans unfairly
restricting imports of bananas, hormone treated beef, and genetically-modified
foods. They also complain about European government aid for the Airbus
consortium and a new EU aircraft noise law that allegedly discriminates against
US equipment makers. Europeans turn around and complain about a US law that
gives American exporters $4 billion a year in tax breaks.

Fundamentally, however, Europe and America have nothing to say to each other.
Transatlantic Europe is dead on arrival. Ever since the Cold War ended, US
policymakers have been doing their damnedest to figure out a justification for
NATO's continued existence. NATO is the critical instrument of US supremacy.
The Bush Administration came up with the need for "stability." The Clinton
Administration was more cunning. It played on Europe's insecurities about its
supposed terrible past. A new post-War generation had come to power in Europe.
And though its only experience was of a society more tolerant than any the
world had ever known, the one issue it felt passionate about was "intolerance."
NATO's raison d'etre, therefore, would be to fight racism, anti-Semitism, and
"ethnic cleansing." The project for the "new NATO" went together with a sudden
US Government preoccupation with Holocaust restitution. Europeans had to make
amends for its past. Europe's banks and industries had to fork over billions or
else face legal and financial sanctions in the United States. But more was
needed. A movement cannot get off the ground without someone living to hate,
someone who can energize the faithful. The Serbs were made to fill in as the
alleged embodiment of Europe's past. But things did not go according to plan.
Last year's bombing campaign was a flop. Europe's leaders – or at least the
more intelligent among them – know that NATO did not win. The Russians saved it
from disaster. The "new NATO" is no longer even on the agenda.

To be sure, Europe's policymakers still find the idea of "humanitarian"
crusades appealing, doubtless as a way of pretending that the European Union
stands for values higher than farm subsidies and regional policy. This is why
the EU jumped at the chance of showing its strong disapproval of Austria's
Joerg Haider. In a retread of the good old days, President Chirac left no
cliché unuttered when he recently described Serbia as "an apparently entrenched
bastion, where the worst memories of Europe's past still fester: nationalism,
ethnic persecution, hatred of others and contempt for freedom." In short,
Yugoslavia was "an offence to the founding principles of the Union."

However, Europe's electorates are a stubborn lot. They are not interested in
any of this highfalutin stuff. They just want to continue to enjoy a
comfortable life. They have little taste for imperial adventures. Instead of
interfering in the Balkans, they believe, the European Union should be
protecting their standard of living from the depredations of globalism. Such
narrow-minded parochialism infuriates Europe's elites as much as it does our
own. But things are a little different in Europe than here. Perhaps it has
something to do with the high voter turnouts, but unlike in the United States,
politicians in Europe have to accommodate the wishes of voters.

Last year's bombing campaign was as much the elite's war in Europe as it was in
the United States. But it was Europe's governments, not the Clinton
Administration, which hovered on the brink of collapse just before the Russians
stepped in to pull the plug on the Serbs. Year in, year out Europe's
policymakers vow to make the Continent's economy more like that of the United
States. They urge the creation of "flexible" labor markets, of an
entrepreneurial culture. They promise to cut back on welfare, long vacations,
extensive health care benefits. Europe has to become more "competitive," they
cry. The trouble is, Europeans have no interest whatsoever in living under
American-style capitalism. They have no wish to compete with the sweatshops of
Asia and Africa. The swiftest road to electoral disaster in Europe is to start
fiddling around with the welfare state. Jacques Chirac in France tried it and
in 1997 lost control of the National Assembly. Helmut Kohl tried it and was
ignominiously thrown out of office in 1998. His successor, Gerhard Schroeder
continued where he left off and soon his poll numbers were down in the toilet.
It was only when he reversed himself with a few government bailouts of
industries that his fortunes began to recover.
Europe's elites shudder with horror at Joerg Haider. But the dirty little
secret of Europe – and it really is not even much of a secret – is that almost
everyone agrees with him. Europeans are distinctly unenthusiastic – to put it
mildly – about immigrants. They lower incomes, spoil the quality of life and
undermine national cultures. Most Americans believe the same thing. But in
Europe politicians respond and pass laws that restrict the rights of entry of
asylum seekers. Europe's elites drone on endlessly about enlarging the European
Union and inviting a number of the former Soviet bloc countries to become
members. As far as most European voters are concerned, however, this would be
nothing short of disaster. Like Haider, they do not want to be inundated by
Poles and Slovaks looking for work and undermining trade union bargaining
power. Nor do they want to see BMW or Renault transferring their operations to
the East. As for "free trade," Europeans expect full-blooded protectionism from
the EU.

The materialist aspirations of Europe's voters and the political ambitions of
Europe's elites have been the driving force behind the emergence of the
European Union as a global rival to the United States. The other day, President
Chirac proposed the other day the creation of "a new European rapid reaction
force for the North Mediterranean area." This force would supplement the
European army of 60,000 agreed to in Helsinki in December. This crisis force
will allegedly soon be available for deployment outside Europe. Chirac did not
explain what he meant by the "North Mediterranean area" or what sort of
military missions he had in mind. Since NATO is already taking care of any
possible "missions" and more, there is no military point to his proposal. It is
entirely about the creation of an EU armed force. German Chancellor Gerhard
Schröder has called for the creation of a "hard core" of EU states that would
integrate more quickly than others. This so-called "multi-speed Europe" would
have to be in place before any new member-states are allowed to join the EU. In
other words, EU enlargement was being put on the back burner.

German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer elaborated on this in greater detail in
a major speech recently. "Will a majority of member states take the leap into
full integration and agree on a European constitution?," he asked. "Or, if that
doesn't happen, will a smaller group of member states take this route as an
avant-garde, ie will a center of gravity emerge comprising a few member states
which are staunchly committed to the European ideal and are in a position to
push ahead with political integration?" Clearly Fischer very much prefers the
"avant-garde" approach. "One possible interim step on the road to completing
political integration could then later be the formation of a center of gravity.
Such a group of states would conclude a new European framework treaty, the
nucleus of a constitution of the federation. On the basis of this treaty, the
federation would develop its own institutions, establish a government which
within the EU should speak with one voice on behalf of the members of the group
on as many issues as possible, a strong parliament and a directly elected
president. Such a center of gravity would have to be the avant-garde, the
driving force for the completion of political integration and should from the
start comprise all the elements of the future federation….The question of which
countries will take part in such a project, the EU founding members, the euro-
11 members or another group, is impossible to answer today." I will hazard a
guess. Germany and France will be the "hard core" of the "hard core."

What is this really all about? Europe's voters fear for their high standard of
living should millions of impoverished East and Central Europeans suddenly
become beneficiaries of the EU. Europe's elites fear that the accession of new
member-states will "dilute" Europe. The European Union will be so preoccupied
trying to integrate these countries that there will be no time left over to
play Great Power politics. Hence the Fischer solution: Either wait for ever for
EU institutional reforms before any new country can join. Or, alternatively,
change the system in such a way that there will be two EUs – a real one and a
meaningless one. Kosovo really was a failure. Not because Slobodan Milosevic
still rules in Belgrade. But, more important, it failed to put an end to EU
political ambitions.

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