-Caveat Lector-

http://www.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2002/2/17/122713.shtml

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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

Commentary: Gung-Ho And Alone In Iraq
NewsMax Wires
Monday, Feb. 18, 2002
WASHINGTON -- At a book party given by U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and
Lynn Cheney last week, there was no doubt among conservative columnists and
intellectuals that the United States would be at war with Iraq before summer.
"Within two months of Cheney's return from a 10-day, 10-country (no reporters
allowed) swing through the Middle East (which begins in mid-March),"
predicted one of the better informed columnists, "the United States will take
on Iraq until the Saddam regime, like the Taliban, is defeated."

The only reason for not going after the Iraqi leader as an addendum to
Afghanistan, another media insider explained, is that the Pentagon had to
replenish its almost exhausted arsenal of smart bombs and other
precision-guided munitions.

The fact that no European ally or Mideastern friend (with the exception of
Kuwait) will back the Bush administration if it decides to go it alone does
not faze Cheney. He told the Council on Foreign Relations he believed the
international community would stand behind the administration.

It is hard to believe that U.S. Embassies have fallen prey to telling the
home office what the administration wants to hear. More likely ranking
visitors from the Middle East have nodded instead of shaking their heads. The
only problem with a nod in the Arab world is that it's a sign of politeness,
not acquiescence. The Arabs are always loathe to say no. It's rude.

At the vice president's book party for the paperback of edition of the novel
"The Apprentice" by Scooter Libby, his national security adviser, the buzz
was that the United States would go it alone, or almost alone.

"All we need is Turkey and Kuwait," said one media star, "and we have them
both." When it was suggested that Turkey was not even lukewarm, the
knowledgeable columnist said, "not according to my Turkish sources, including
the ambassador."

Phone calls to equally knowledgeable sources in Ankara elicited no favorable
echo.

Day of Reckoning At Hand

A check with other guests amid the dozens of loud conversations that drowned
out the lone army piano player conveyed the same foregone conclusion. The day
of reckoning with Saddam Hussein was at hand, the dye had been cast.

When it was suggested such an operation would require about 100,000 U.S.
combat personnel and that the only immediately deployable divisions are the
101st Airborne and the 10th Mountain, the conventional wisdom was that the
United States wouldn't need that many troops, witness the fact that Colin
Powell during Desert Shield had estimated that 500,000 troops were needed
before Desert Storm could be launched.

The Afghan model came up repeatedly. The vast difference between a backward,
medieval society like Taliban-ruled Afghanistan and the Middle East's most
militarized society was dismissed with, "Saddam's forces are only one-third
the strength they were when he invaded Kuwait in 1990." Iraq now has 424,000
men under arms and another 650,000 in the reserves.

Clearly Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, who was among the guests,
and his let's-get-Saddam-now hawkish followers within the administration, has
won the intra-mural struggle against Secretary Powell. But the Saddam devil
is in the Pentagon details.

That the Kurds will rise up against Saddam as soon as the first bombs fall
was another given at the vice president's party. Two days later, the Wall
Street Journal front-paged a 2,000-word piece from the Kurdish area of Iraq
that made clear the Kurds had never had it so good with their share of Iraqi
oil sales and wanted no part in a war to remove Saddam from power.

Another question raised with the conservative opinion-makers was what happens
if the U.S. victory in Afghanistan continues to unravel as it appears to be
doing. There was a response for all the caveats. "We should not be involved
in Afghanistan beyond the defeat of al Qaida and Taliban," said another
stalwart.

What happens if Saddam does not sit this out waiting for the superpower to
strike? He may well agree to a return of U.N. inspectors -- whatever weapons
of mass destruction capability he has accumulated is well hidden by now and
presumably beyond discovery -- under the 1991 U.N. Resolution 687?

Nuclear Weapons Free Zone

Saddam is reported to be leaning in that direction with a little wrinkle
designed to sway Arab opinion: Resolution 687 has an unimplemented provision
that calls for "the establishment of a nuclear weapons-free zone in the
Middle East region." Israel is known to have a nuclear arsenal of some 300
weapons. Such a ploy would automatically garner the support of the Arab
league of 22 nations.

This was a likely dilatory diplomatic tactic that might throw a monkey wrench
in the timetable for unilateral U.S. action. But questions that reflected
caution were dismissed as irrelevant. The war will be sooner rather than
later. The allies are dismissed as nervous nellies for criticizing President
Bush's "axis of evil" State of the Union address, as the EU's External
Affairs Commissioner Chris Patten did when he described U.S. policy as
"unilaterialism in overdrive." This is not routine European carping.

What the unilateralists have not thought through is the extent to which the
Bush Doctrine pushes away close allies and new friends like Putin's Russia --
indeed encourages them, in effect, to stand up for America's enemies. Not a
good trade-off.

To speak softly and carry a big stick is a geopolitical philosphy that has
been rejected since Sept. 11. The American people now want their president to
speak loudly and use, not carry, a big stick.

But the United States should not mix rotten al Qaida apples with rotten
Saddam oranges. There is no proof, and much doubt, that Iraq was ever part of
Osama bin Laden's global network. As long as he is in power, he will be
menace to the region. But that is no reason to throw caution to the wind. Act
now and think later is not good policy. Invidious suggestions that Bush's
popularity as a wartime president means that he is now in search of another
war to keep his ratings up are being whispered half-facetiously in some NATO
capitals.

The Bush administration is quite right when it argues that the mission
dictates the coalition, not the coalition the mission. But that should not
detract from the need to cobble a coalition from the remnants of the
post-Sept. 11 coalition.




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