Nah, nih baca Chan! "Kemakmuran" dan "kebahagian" kaum buruh Tkk. dibawah
"sosialisme dengan ciri Tkk"
The Life and Resistance of a Chinese Worker
One worker’s tale of exploitation and fighting back in the new China.by Hao
Ren, Zhongjin Li, & Eli FriedmanA migrant worker returning home from a shift in
Beijing, China. Matt Ming / Flickr
- 87
Under China’s labor management system, independent unionism is strictly banned,
and the state’s official trade union body monopolizes worker representation.
That means that all of China’s 806,498,521 workers are barred from forming
independent organizations to agitate for their interests — in an economy where
the poorest 25 percent of householdsown just 1 percent of the country’s total
wealth, and where long hours, safety hazards, and authoritarian management
define life in the factories.This official antagonism has not stopped the
emergence of workers’ resistance. The number of strikes has been increasing
over the past two decades, and as Eli Friedman wrote last year, “on a typical
day anywhere from half a dozen to several dozen strikes are likely taking
place.” Workers’ rights NGOs, while operating from a distinct disadvantage,
have become increasingly involved and visible.The Chinese state denies the
legality and even existence of these growing strikes. Thus the landscape of
coverage and analysis has been sparse.China on Strike: Narratives of Workers’
Resistance has arrived to fill that gap. It was compiled by Chinese university
students, workers, and activists who embedded themselves in workers’
communities and workplaces, hoping not only to record their stories but to
outline a roadmap of resistance to other workers.The following excerpt serves
both as a record of one person’s working life and of a particular strike in the
southern metropolis of Shenzhen; its underlying causes, how workers developed a
consensus about what to do and what to demand, and its ultimate outcome.It both
encapsulates the extraordinary circumstances ordinary Chinese workers face and
shows the transformative potential of China’s expansive labor unrest.Iam from
Guizhou Province and was born in 1980. I am the third of six children in my
family. I left home to find work because I had little education and my family
was poor.At first I did well in primary school, scoring 80 percent or 90
percent in exams. So I skipped a grade, but my scores started to slide. In
those days I had to work from 5 AM until school started at 8 AM. It was very
tiring. I dropped out in fifth grade. I also felt that there was too much of a
burden on my mother. I therefore did not want to continue schooling, but rather
try to support my younger sister’s studies.After I dropped out of school I
secretly got a job in a local coal mine, where I was paid 450 yuan for fourteen
days’ work. One day, at 8 AM there was a methane gas explosion, and four of us
were buried more than twenty meters underground. Rescuers dug toward us from
outside, and we dug toward them from inside. We had no food, and the digging
was exhausting. It was after 5 AM the following morning that we were finally
rescued.All four of us had injuries. I had been struck by a rock on the back of
the head. Another person’s arm was broken, a third person had some flesh torn
from his back, and the fourth person had been struck by a rock on the forehead.
Fortunately, none of these injuries was serious.The boss paid our medical
expenses, but gave us no compensation. My nephew held the boss’s only child, a
three-year-old boy, out of a fourth-floor window and threatened to drop him if
the boss didn’t pay up. The boss hastily agreed. I received fifty yuan, and the
others received a hundred yuan each.In 1996 I left home in search of work. I
first went to Hainan Island to look for my elder brother who was there, but I
couldn’t find him. I had to sneak across to the island.I spent a miserable New
Year alone living in a brick factory. I told the boss that I would eat at his
place and I would work for him after the New Year. He said it didn’t matter and
I could eat with him as long as I liked. The boss needed employees then, and I
suppose he thought I could help out. I was sixteen years old, and I couldn’t
actually do much work.On the third day after the New Year I ran away, and found
my older brother the following day. He had a child who was just six months old,
and I looked after him until he was eighteen months. Then I got a job on a
banana plantation. I helped with the weeding, spraying the banana crop, and
generally looking after the trees. My monthly salary was 400 yuan for
eight-hour days. I worked from dawn to dusk, and grew vegetables for myself and
my brother to eat. I also raised more than forty chickens. In this way I was
able to save 300 yuan a month to send home.In 1999 I went to Shenzhen. I didn’t
originally intend to go there, but my older sister persuaded me to go, saying
that you could earn 600 yuan a month. I thought that wasn’t bad, so I went.In
2000 I couldn’t find a job. Apart from meals, I didn’t dare leave the house
because my identification card had not been processed and I was afraid of
getting picked up by the police for having no temporary residence permit. Not
having an identification card was one problem; another was that one needed
personal connections to get a job. I tried many places, but couldn’t find
anything. I was checked for my temporary residence permit many times, and I met
both good and bad people. Once I met a person from my hometown who took pity on
me and gave me ten yuan to buy food.On another occasion my nephew and I were
stopped on a bridge by a police patrol. My nephew ran away, but it cost my
relatives fifty yuan to get me released. Another time I was arrested with six
or seven others and they demanded 200 yuan. We protested that we didn’t have
that much money. In fact, we all had a bit of money, and I had hidden 50 yuan
in my socks. Anyway, they finally had us weeding a flowerbed. When we had
finished weeding and realized that there was nobody watching us, we ran away.In
2000 I handed over 1,000 yuan to get a job at K Factory. It is a Hong
Kong–invested company that made electric toothbrushes, foot-massage basins,
electric cookers, and the like. It had a workforce of more than eight
thousand.The employment arrangement was working for twenty-six days a month,
eight hours a day, for a basic wage of twenty-three yuan a day. There were two
shifts, and mealtimes were counted as overtime. We got a new work uniform every
six months for free. Management issued one bag of laundry powder and a pair of
gloves every month. At that time I got to know a man from my hometown, and he
had some connections with both the police and some of the company’s managers.He
made money by introducing people to the factory. The K Factory never recruited
workers directly, it got them all through this guy and another person from
Sichuan.As a result, most people at the factory came from Sichuan or Guizhou
Province. Others were from a couple of cities in northern Guangdong Province,
and were also introduced to the factory by their fellow townspeople. Basically
there was no way to get a job there by oneself. I heard that people who got
into the factory on their own had all been fired.I worked hard there, and was
soon promoted to become the head of my work team and later section head.
Because I didn’t have much education, management provided me with an assistant.
In that factory the head of a work team was in charge of sixteen machines, and
each machine had two or three people tending it. A section head supervised
several work team heads.
Secretly Planning a Strike
At that time the canteen food situation was very bad. We often found insects in
the rice. I once bit into one, and never wanted to go to the factory canteen
again. But after eating instant noodles for three days, I was driven back to
the canteen.Another problem was that the factory charged us twenty cents for a
bucket of hot water. That came to twenty or thirty yuan a month. Everybody was
dissatisfied with this.On one night shift five work-team leaders (two men and
three women) met to discuss going on strike. They came to me, and we went into
the office to talk. Three or four assistants saw us and wanted to join. We
discussed blocking a national highway and envisaged what kinds of difficulties
could crop up and how to handle them:
- If the police, beat, injure, or kill any of our people we should handle
the situation together.
- If any of us falls down while we are blocking the road we should
immediately pick him/her up, otherwise he/she might get trampled on, possibly
fatally.
- If the organizers of the strike are discovered or if there are other
problems, the two male work-team leaders shall shoulder the penalty. After the
strike is over, an appeal will be made for donations to compensate them.
As it turned out, what we had imagined beforehand closely corresponded to what
actually happened. In addition, we discussed whether we wanted to let everyone
else who worked at the factory know what we were planning. In particular, we
did not want those ass-kissers to know, in case they leaked the plan. If we
mishandled the situation, we could lose our livelihood.At the time there were
two shifts. The assistants and the work-team leaders jointly printed a number
of flyers, which read, “Tomorrow at 8 AM converge on the national highway!”
Some work-team leaders told their people to stop work for ten minutes. More
than three hundred workers pasted up flyers, covering four machine shops. They
even stuck them up at the boss’s office.When people asked what this was all
about they were told that the office had arranged it. When the workers came to
ask how we had arranged it, we didn’t dare explain in detail. We only said we
should all go to the national highway and create a disturbance to demand better
conditions from management. From the point of view of safety, if anyone fell
down she was to be instantly picked up. We didn’t dare explain too clearly in
case the action failed and the workers blamed us organizers.
The Course of the Strike
The next morning after the night shift finished, we streamed toward the factory
gate, taking the security guards completely by surprise. We pushed the security
guards aside and forced open the gate. The guards, fearing violence, locked the
gate behind us. With banners at the front, we headed straight for the national
highway and completely shut it down.Most of the workers were keen to see the
uproar, and many did not know the purpose of the rush to the national highway.
They saw people running toward it and followed them. It was said that the
drivers who were stopped by the blockade were not resentful or upset. Some on a
stopped bus slept, while others climbed down and smoked.There was trouble at
the start of the demonstration when four patrolling officers saw us pouring
onto the national highway, and shouted, “What are you doing?” They came up and
started beating people with their truncheons. They injured some young women,
who started biting their assailants. One patrolling officer was bitten on the
face. There weren’t too many of us young men, and we were scattered throughout
the melee. So we couldn’t bring our full force to bear.There were too many
people involved in the chaos, and a dozen or so were injured. Some of the
injured were trampled on and hurt. The people in the middle were continuously
being pushed around. Eventually, firefighters, public security officers, and
even some local policemen came. Police cars were parked four hundred meters
away, but we didn’t see anyone with guns. Because there were so many workers
there, they would not be able to do much if someone grabbed their gun.
Officials from the labor bureau turned up with money to send the injured to the
hospital for treatment.After the police arrived they began pushing us to the
side of the road. They didn’t hit us, but used their truncheons to form a solid
wall pushing us back. The front line was formed of women who didn’t dare to
resist. Had they started to hit people we probably wouldn’t have been able
fight back properly against policemen who had professional training. After two
or three hours we had been gradually forced to the side of the road. Then we
all trickled back to the factory.
Back to the Factory and Negotiations
Those of us who had blocked the road were all night-shift workers. There were
some people on the day shift who didn’t know what the fuss was all about but
nevertheless joined in.Two thousand factory workers had been locked in their
dormitories by the local police. There was a policeman at every gate and
staircase, probably about four hundred altogether. The young women were
particularly angry. Anything they could get their hands on in their dormitories
they threw around, throwing some at the policemen. Some four hundred to five
hundred workers went to the canteen and dumped all the food for more than eight
thousand people on the floor.When we returned from blocking the road one of the
managers bawled through a loudspeaker, “If anybody has a grievance, speak out!”
He then demanded that we send a delegation for negotiations. For the time being
we selected a young man who was the head of the factory personnel department, a
man of some education, to represent us.Since everybody was in favor, he had no
choice but to comply, and the boss asked him to come and negotiate. A pay raise
was the first item for discussion. The head of the personnel department asked
us what our demands were. The people in front said that they wanted a wage
increase, and the people behind shouted their approval.The head of the
personnel department then passed this information on to the manager. The
manager offered an increase to twenty-five yuan a day and asked whether we
would accept it.Then the issue of hot water was brought up. The manager said he
didn’t know that we had to pay for hot water, and immediately promised that we
would get it free from then on. He admitted that there was a problem with the
canteen food and promised that from then on we could choose to eat in the
canteen or not. Those who didn’t eat in the canteen would not be charged for
canteen food.When we returned to our workplaces nobody did any work that day.
The work-team leaders called a meeting. The manager did not intervene, but
attempted to persuade the work-team leaders, who in turn tried hard to convince
the other employees.On the evening of the day of the strike we got extra food,
with plenty of meat dishes. Instead of the usual two dishes, we got four
dishes. On the third and fourth days we got a bottle of cola and two apples
each. Also on the day of the strike, the manager sent office managers to look
after the young women who were recovering from their injuries in the hospital.
When their injuries were healed they were reinstated at the factory and
received better treatment. None of them wanted to leave.
Results of the Strike
After the strike, conditions at the factory definitely improved:
- Food hygiene in the canteen was improved. There were no more insects in
the food. There was a fifty yuan reward for every insect found in the food.
When a female worker found an insect in her food a security guard took a photo
of it, and the same afternoon she was told to go and pick up 50 yuan.
- Whereas previously money was deducted from our wages for canteen meals
whether we ate them or not, now we were not charged for meals we didn’t eat.
- Hot water was now free of charge.
- The daily wage was raised from twenty-three yuan to twenty-five yuan, and
the twenty-six-day working month was reduced to twenty-two days.
A Japanese manager was brought in, who put a stop to eating fruit and consuming
drinks in the workshops. This was because bits of fruit and drops of drinks on
the floors attracted mosquitoes and flies, there by affecting the product. In
addition, the dormitory floors were only swept once a week.Because the workers
under the striking work-team leaders understood the situation well, they were
in the forefront when it came to blocking the national highway. They were also
the first to come forward when the manager called for negotiators.Some
work-team leaders and office assistants stuck to their work and refused to join
the road blockade. When two male work-team leaders were arrested in their
office, more than a thousand workers surrounded the police cars that came to
take them away.But they eventually took them away anyway. When we went back to
the factory we refused to start work again for another two days.The manager
asked the police to release the arrestees. When they were released the factory
dismissed them without pay. Almost every worker contributed five yuan to
compensate the two strike leaders who had organized the strike. Those who did
not contribute would be looked down upon.The involvement of three women
work-team leaders and office assistants was kept secret so they were not
arrested. Later, they left the factory one by one perhaps because they were
afraid. I also left to look after my wife. A general manager with many years of
experience also resigned voluntarily because of the strike.
On Sunday, March 12, 2017 5:39 AM, "Chalik Hamid [email protected]
[GELORA45]" <[email protected]> wrote:
Pada Minggu, 12 Maret 2017 5:29, "'Chan CT' [email protected]
[GELORA45]" <[email protected]> menulis:
Lho, ... membuktikan KEBENARAN tidak harus dengan ajukan teori-teori dari
buku, ... cukup melihat bukti-bukti nyata dalam praktek yang dijalankan RRT
selama ini saja! Bagaimana selama lebih 30 tahun ini berhasil melepaskan lebih
600 juta rakyatnya dari kemiskinan! Menciptakan hampir 300 juta warganya
menjadi klas menengah atas dan, ... dalam tahun 2016 yl. berhasil mengentaskan
lebih 10 juta warga miskin! Sekalipun proses kiemajuan ekonomi melambat di10
tahun terakhir ini, tapi RRT masih termasuk negara yang berkemampuan maju
dengan mantap! Sayang nenek dalam tempurung ini tidak bisa atau TIDAK BERANI
melihat kenyataan nyata ini! Tidak berani melihat musuh utama imperialisme AS
sedang kewalahan menghadapi kemajuan RRT yang makin kuat dan jaya! From:
Tatiana Lukman Sent: Sunday, March 12, 2017 11:24 AMTo: Chan CT ; Yahoogroups ;
GELORA_In ; DISKUSI FORUM HLD Cc: Jonathan Goeij ; Lusi.D ; Roeslan ; Daeng ;
Rachmat Hadi-Soetjipto ; Gol ; Harry Singgih ; Mitri ; Lingkar Sitompul ;
Ronggo A. ; Ajeg ; Farida Ishaja ; Marsiswo Dirgantoro ; Billy Gunadi ;
[email protected] ; [email protected] ; Karma I Nengah [PT. Altus
Logistic Service Indonesia] ; C. Manuputty ; [email protected] ; Oman
Romana ; [email protected] ; N. Nugroho Subject: Re: [GELORA45] Demo di
Washington menentang pembangunan pipeline.. Dulu ketika berdebat soal NEP, Chan
sama sekali tidak bisa menjawab argumentasi semua orang yang membantah dan
menolak digunakannya NEP untuk membenarkan restorasi kapitalisme Deng Xiaoping.
Satu-satunya bahan untuk membela diri adalah tulisan komunis remo Jepang.
Sederhana saja soalnya, bagaimana mau bicara soal NEPnya Lenin kalau orang itu
menolak membaca semua karya Lenin yang berhubungan dengan NEP!!! Tapi dasar
Chan, walaupun dia tidak mampu membantah argumentasi orang lain dan bahkan
pendapat Lenin sendiri, tetap saja dia ngotot seolah-olah restorasi kapitalis
Deng SAMA DENGAN NEP!!!!Chan juga ngotot seolah-olah Tkk masih sosialis
WALAUPUN dia juga tidak pernah mampu menunjukkan unsur-unsur sosialis dari
sistim ekonomi Tkk sekarang. Jadi yang Chan kerjakan dalam diskusi ini hanyalah
NGOTOT TAPI TANPA ARGUMENTASI. Jadi apa yang ditulisnya hanyalah sampah dan
pencerminan dari frustrasi dan kebodohannya sendiri. Kalau tetap ngotot
mempertahankan pendapat absurd Tkk masih sosialis, ya jelas dia juga ngotot
menolak bahwa Tkk sendiri sudah menjadi kekuatan IMPERIALIS. Yang jelas banyak
orang dari generasi muda di Indonesia yang jauh lebih mampu menganalisa hal
ihwal dengan logika yang tidak terbalik. Makanya teman muda Suar Suroso
sendiripun pernah mengajukan pendapatnya sendiri bahwa Tkk adalah IMPERIALIS.
Dan ini sulit dibantah oleh Suar.AS kekuatan imperialis yang sedang merosot,
sedangkan Tkk kekuatan imperialis yang sedang berkembang!!!
On Sunday, March 12, 2017 1:47 AM, Chan CT <[email protected]> wrote:
Hahahaa, ... beginilah suara sumbang nenek dalam tempurung yang TIDAK berhasil
MEMBEDAKAN dedengkok imperialisme AS dengan RRT yang menjalankan “KAPITALISME
NEGARA” Lenin! Berani menggunakan kapitalis-kapitalis dengan tetap pegang TEGUH
4 prinsip Sosialisme! Masih saja mempertanyakan bisa nggak dedengkok
imperialisme AS mencapai kemakmuran bersama? Sekarang nenek yang segalanya
masih bisa TERJAMIN didunia kapitalis untuk cukup hidup ini, tentu saja dengan
mudah mengabaikan “DUIT”, padahal ormas-ormas ditanahair bukan saja untuk
melancarkan aksi, untuk ngumpul berdiskusi apalagi yang lebih besar bikin
kongres saja banyak yang bingung, bahkan TERHAMBAT kurangnya “DUIT” itu! Payah
dan susahnya ngumpulin DUIT! Lalu, mencoba membandingkan dengan gerakan massa
di AS sono, ... ada2 saja! From: Tatiana Lukman [email protected]
[GELORA45] Sent: Sunday, March 12, 2017 12:15 AMTo: Yahoogroups ; GELORA_In ;
DISKUSI FORUM HLD Cc: Jonathan Goeij ; Lusi.D ; Roeslan ; Daeng ; Rachmat
Hadi-Soetjipto ; Gol ; Harry Singgih ; Mitri ; Lingkar Sitompul ; Ronggo A. ;
Ajeg ; Farida Ishaja ; Marsiswo Dirgantoro ; Billy Gunadi ;
[email protected] ; [email protected] ; Karma I Nengah [PT. Altus
Logistic Service Indonesia] ; C. Manuputty ; [email protected] ; Oman
Romana ; [email protected] ; N. Nugroho Subject: [GELORA45] Demo di
Washington menentang pembangunan pipeline.. Orang seperti Chan tidak akan
tertarik mendengarkan suara massa seperti ini. Tak terkilas di otaknya
orang-orang yang dengan sadar turut serta dalam manifestasi menentang
pembangunan pipeline di Dakota sama sekali tidak memikirkan "Duit" untuk
bergerak, untuk melawan ketidak adilan, melawan proyek-proyek
korporasi/konglomerat yang mematikan kehidupan manusia. Dan mereka tidak mau
menjilat atau mengemis kepada pengpengkong penguasa, pengusaha konglomerat).
Untuk perjuangan, mereka tidak menantikan dana atau kebaikan hati dari para
multinasional. Pasti tak terpikirkan oleh Chan bahwa manifestasi ini terjadi di
AS, negara kapitalis paling developed and industrialized dan juga kekuatan
imperialis nomer 1. Bisa nggak Chan menjelaskan: bagaimana mungkin di negara
yang p erkembangan kapitalisnya sudah begitu tinggi (Chan mendorong kita semua
untuk dukung kapitalisme untuk mencapai kemakmuran bersama ) , kok rakyatnya
masih harus berdemo menentang ketidak-adilan, kesewenang-wenangan polisi,
pengangguran, kemiskinan, rasisme, pelanggaran HAM etc. Lantas bagaimana Chan
akan meyakinkan rakyat Indonesia supaya mengambil jalan kapitalisme sebagai
hari depannya, kalau di AS saja, yang perkembangan kapitalisnya sudah begitu
tinggi, toh tidak bebas dari semua ketimpangan dan ketidak adilan yang
sekarangpun dialami di Indonesia.Kalau Chan sungguh-sungguh ingin keluar dari
tempurungnya, dia harus mencernakan semua komentar orang-orang yang turut serta
dalam manifestasi. Yang menarik, ada peserta demo yang bilang, kita bisa menang
dan bisa kalah dalam perjuangan ini. Tapi itu tidak apa-apa. Ini baru
permulaan. We have to keep fighting!!! Saya tambahkan, walaupun kita tidak
punya DUIT, W E GO ON FIGHTING!!! Inilah pandangan massa dari perspektif
rakyat, bukan perspektif konglomerat. Konglomerat bukan rakyat!! Jangan
mencampur adukkan rakyat dengan konglomerat! Native Nations STORM Front Of
White House
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Native Nations STORM Front Of White House
Jordan Chariton reports live from the Native Nations March on Washington DC. |
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