The world's governments are shocked and dismayed by their inability to stop the 
increasingly grave financial crisis. Nothing they have attempted has gotten 
lending flowing normally. Profitable companies are cut off from borrowing. 
Confidence is shot. 

Through Oct. 7 the U.S. stock market had its worst five-day performance since 
1932 on fears of a severe economic downturn. Says Stephen Jen, currency 
economist at Morgan Stanley in London: "The choices for the real economy are 
between a recession and a depression."

Can anything be done to halt this panic? As a matter of fact, yes. It won't be 
quick or easy. But the prerequisite for a new approach is unlearning doctrines 
that were developed in the aftermath of the Great Depression, the last time 
financial conditions were worse than this. The world has changed in the 
intervening seven decades, and what worked to quell the financial crisis then 
may not work now - as anyone trying to borrow money can see. 

So far, crisis managers in the US and abroad have relied mostly on using 
"helicopter money" - that is, dropping dollars across the financial landscape 
in hopes of reviving lending and spending. Generations of mainstream economists 
around the world learned this approach at the feet of the late Nobel laureate 
economist Milton Friedman, who coined the helicopter metaphor.

  a.. Will the VIX 'Fear Index' call a bottom?
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, while parting from Friedman in some 
particulars, shares his general approach - and in fact earned the moniker 
"Helicopter Ben" after citing Friedman's coinage in a 2002 speech. 

Following this logic, the Federal Reserve is aggressively lending money to all 
comers. The synchronized international rate cuts on Oct. 8 - which lowered the 
US federal funds rate to just 1.5% - is another example of helicopter money.

  a.. Where the Credit Freeze Has Thawed
Central banks figure that by flooding the banking system with reserves, they 
can get banks to relend the money to the rest of the economy. But while 
lowering interest rates and providing liquidity is essential, it's no longer 
enough, says Paul J J Welfens, president of the European Institute for 
International Economic Relations in Wuppertal, Germany. Says Welfens: "It's 
very dangerous if you don't have a strategy. The situation is worsening because 
no one is doing a (basic) program to restore confidence." 

An alternate approach that's gaining favor in many quarters is to place money 
strategically where it can do the most good, even if that means picking winners 
and losers and allowing some channels of credit to dry up for the time being. 
One tactic: direct government investments in selected banks on a large scale.

The theory behind this approach is that the banks are so wounded that simply 
lending them more money won't solve anything. To restore their positive net 
worth so they can lend freely, banks need fresh equity, and government is the 
only party that's capable of providing it in these extreme conditions. Sweden 
used this strategy to end a banking crisis in the early 1990s.

And on Oct. 8, Britain took a giant step in the same direction, announcing an 
offer to buy up to $88 billion worth of preferred shares in Britain's biggest 
banks. The government also said it would guarantee up to $437 billion of the 
banks' debt. "This is beginning a process of (undoing) a big problem where 
banks won't lend to each other for long periods," Chancellor Alistair Darling 
told Sky News. 

On Oct. 8, US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson broadly hinted that Washington 
is likely to use a targeted approach with at least some of the $700 billion 
authorized by Congress to deal with toxic mortgage-backed securities and other 
assets - including buying equity shares in some financial institutions. 

A targeted approach doesn't waste money on weak banks that deserve to 
disappear. "You are going to see significant consolidation in banking across 
Europe. As the tide goes out, the weak models and weak managements are 
revealed," says Robert E. Diamond Jr., president of Barclays, the British 
banking company. 

More policymakers and economists are coming around to approaches such as 
Britain's because of the manifest failure of loans, guarantees, and asset 
purchases to get the job done. In fact, an unhealthy dynamic has developed. The 
Fed and other central banks have steadily expanded the portions of the economy 
to which they are lending freely - in effect, declaring them to be protected 
within the walls of the fortress. But it's having unintended consequences. 

Central bankers' desperate extension of credit to new kinds of borrowers simply 
worsens the condition of solvent institutions left outside the walls, because 
investors and lenders pull money out of them. That explains the wild swings in 
stock prices and credit spreads.

For example, the branches of British-owned banks in Ireland lost money to 
locally owned rivals after Dublin offered blanket protection on all deposits of 
Irish-owned banks there. And in the US, corporations that borrow in the 
commercial paper market were cut off from funding because investors moved to 
safer Treasuries - forcing the Fed to say on Oct. 7 that it would step in to 
buy the commercial paper itself. The logical endpoint of this game is for 
governments to protect all financial assets. That's an awfully Big Government 
outcome for an approach that started out with a small-government thrust.

Moral hazard

US policymakers have sometimes departed from the helicopter-money approach, as 
in the rescues of Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and American International Group, 
which gave the government big equity holdings. They may need to jettison 
another bit of orthodoxy, which is that it's dangerous to make explicit 
promises of taxpayer support for fear it will encourage risky behaviors.

Economists have long been taught to avoid creating "moral hazard" - giving 
people an incentive to take big risks. Letting Lehman Brothers fail was 
intended to send a warning to risk-takers. But by trying so hard to avoid moral 
hazard, governments aren't giving markets the confidence they need, says 
Richard Portes, an economist at the London Business School, adding: "In 
circumstances like this, the last thing you want is ambiguity." 

The longer the banks are incapacitated, the worse the damage to the real 
economy. "Banking institutions are really the rock foundation of all of the 
economic activity that occurs," says Edward Liebert, who is treasurer of 
Philadelphia-based chemical maker Rohm & Haas as well as chairman of the 
National Association of Corporate Treasurers. Policymakers are getting the 
message.

"Generally speaking, central banks and governments are just beginning to 
understand the severity of the crisis and how it impacts on their economies," 
says Donald Moore, chairman of Morgan Stanley in Europe. "My view is we are 
going to take another three to six months to sort this." It may take that long 
for the generals to learn how to fight this war, not the last one.


http://www.rediff.com/money/2008/oct/11bweek.htm

He who puts up with insult invites injury







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