WL: Specifically, the concept of antagonism I deploy is different from that
of the Marxists and communist of the period of the Third International or
how antagonism was articulated in various philosophic schools of thought in
the 
Soviet Union and even the era of the Sino-Soviet split. 

^^^
CB: How was the concept of antagonism deployed by the Marxists and
communists of the period of the Third International ?

How was "antagonism" employed by the CPC during the period of the
Sino-Soviet split ?

^^^^^



WL: So the answer is yes, - I think, maybe "No" because my use of antagonism
as a concept is different from the literature of the period of the Third
International in describing the "class struggle." But then there is also a
difference 
with how antagonism was described by the CPC during the period of the
Sino-Soviet split. I opposed the Khrushchev groups domination of the CPSU
and its theory projections and politics. 

^^^^^

WL:The way I write this mimics the English version of the Theories of
Surplus Value and Engels English articulation of the movement of antagonism
in the sections on the crisis of overproduction. So the answer is "NO"
because there is a difference between Engels articulation of antagonism in
his editing of 
Theories of Surplus Value and the "Textbook of Marxist Philosophy." 

^^^^
CB: What is the difference between the way Engels' articulation of
"antagonism" in his editing of Theories of Surplus Value and "Textbook of
Marxist Philosophy" ?

^^^^^^

WL: To be more precise, the concept of "externalization" rather than and in
contradistinction to simply "overcoming" and the "subordinate aspect of
contradiction becoming the dominate aspect" is used.  The reason for this
emphasis is contained in the history of the polemics between the CPC and the
CPSU and Chairman Mao's mimicking of the 1939 "Textbook of Marxist
Philosophy." 

CB: Please elaborate on the distinction between "externalization" and
"simply 'overcoming' and the 'subordinate aspect of contradiction becoming
the dominate aspect"

^^^^^

WL:Although Chairman Mao the individual, was without question the greatest
organizer of hundreds of millions of people in humanhistory and
revolutionary to the core; a beacon of hope to the hundreds of millions of
slaves of the bourgeois imperial world order, and in the context of China's
history, the last human being to inherit the mandate of heaven, some of us
understood Marx and Engels 
deployment of antagonism different. This difference did not mean we - I,
stood outside of or apart from the polarity headed by the CPC during the
time framework of that puny buffoon Khrushchev. 

^^^^
CB: Please clarify. You stood "inside" the polarity, but where "inside" more
specifically ?

^^^^^^

WL:What this communist sector of the working class or communist proletariat
is external to is the direct connection with value production and through
this connection the bourgeoisie as property and production relations. Hence:
"This struggle is spontaneously by its very nature against the state." 

CB: This is the new communist class, correct ? Are these the descendants of
the reserved army of the unemployed and relative surplus population ? How
are they qualitatively distinct from them ?
What is the form of this struggle against the state ?

^^^^^^

WL: This is the best I can answer the questions above because they lack a
description of how Marx formulates antagonism or expresses the concept of
society moving in antagonism. 

CB: What is a brief description of how Marx formulates antagonism or
expresses the concept of society moving in antagonism ?

^^^^

WL: In my opinion, Engels English rendering of the movement of 
antagonism is sufficient to express the essence of "external collision" of
opposites at a certain stage of development. 

CB: "External collision" of opposites is "external" because the communist
class is "outside" the value producing process ?

^^^^^

WL: I wrote: 

1. "This new class of poverty stricken proletarians, that is (a)
crystallized and clarified in the context  of our current leap to a new mode
of production; (b) the most destitute of the working class or (c) the
communist segment of our working class, or (d) the communist proletariat,
(e) have no form of mediating structures between it and the state as state.
None . . . Nada . . . 
Zero."

CB: Does no form of mediating structures between refer to the state
imprisoning the new class ? Police murders of them ? Sent to the military /
Does it refer to the new class' being in the state welfare systems ? What is
the form of the direct antagonism, if that's what it is, between the new
class and the state ?

^^^^^

WL: Also stated was: 

2. "The social struggle after Los Angeles 1992,  - as it is emerging in
front of us, between this destitute segment of the population, called "the
new class" or the communist proletariat, is not a class conflict but a form
of society moving in class antagonism."


CB: What is the difference between "class conflict" and "society moving in
class antagonism" ?

^^^^^ 

WL :3. "This struggle is spontaneously by its very nature against the state,
and everyone senses and knows that it emerges outside the bond between labor
and capital as value production." 

CB: Is this struggle against the state a struggle to take state power ? Is
it a struggle for reforms of the state ?

^^^^^

WL: These statements are derived from looking at American society in the
context of our living history. The Los Angels Rebellion in the wake of the
Rodney King verdict, expressed something new - qualitatively different. The
multinational character of this civic disorder was markedly different from
say Watts 1965 or Detroit 1967 or even Birmingham 1963. Then of course this
rebellion occurs 
in a specific time frame that is different from say 1930 and the upsurge of
industrial unionism. 

In terms of living events of the moment and our place in history as Marxist
communists, one need go no further than examine - in a Marxist sense, the
impact of hurricane Katrina to get a view of this new polarity in our
society. All classes in and around the areas hit, from Florida to Texas,
were set in social and political motion. The social and political response
immediately shifted 
to how to care for and meet the needs of the most poverty stricken sectors
of the population who immediately needed food, clothing, shelter, schooling
for children, transportation, etc. 

The most poverty stricken sector of the population urgently needed 
consumption rights outside the social contract of labor and capital or
distribution of the social products without money. Distribution of the
social products without money is economic communism to me. 

What is interesting is that the vast majority of the peoples of America were
drawn into the political debate of how to care for and service this poverty
stricken mass and supported government aid being immediately given, without
a labor contribution precondition. The peoples of America were extremely
angry at 
the bourgeois press and media calling this massive wave of poverty stricken
proletarians refugees. In this poverty stricken mass, the working class of
America saw itself and took a class stance in favor of providing health care
for these victims of the hurricane - even if they had no money of health
coverage. 
Taking a class stance is not the meaning of class consciousness but the only
place we can start in teaching our class its immediate and long term
interest as a class. 

^^^^^^
CB: What is the relationship between the new class and those still involved
in the labor /capital value producing relationship ?

^^^^

WL:This entire social and political stuggle and how to respond to the urgent
needs of millions of people took place on the basis of ones attitude and
response to the most poverty stricken sector of the working class or the
communist proletariat or the underclass or any label one choose to describe
this mass of people, other than simply "black people." This event and
response and my 
understanding of it did not come from simply reading Marx, but paying
attention to what was taking place and of course by being directly impacted
by the events 
from living in Texas. 

This new proletariat is new in the sense of history and the qualitative
changes in the produtive forces and relations of production now underway.
This new 
proletariat is not the only sector attacking society by it existence. So,
also is the financial bourgeoisie. When we talk about the destruction of
American 
society as it had existed, what is being said is that it is coming about
because of the spontaneous activity of practically every social grouping -
every class in the sense that I am using the term. That is why it is
difficult to simply express class in a rigid sense of the word. Society is
made of and composed 
of a heck of a lot more than bourgeoisie and proletariat. These classes -
social groupings, are responding to changes in the material power and the
configuration of the productive forces in the last instance and we Marxist
understand this. 

^^^^
CB: What is your projection of the result of this new configuration of class
struggle ? How is it different the the projections of Marx and classical
marxists ?

^^^^^

All of our approaches as Marxists are derived from the writings of Marx on
one level or another. The popular use of the word capitalism world wide is 
derived from Marx. 

Waistline 



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