Via,
https://newlinesmag.com/review/chomskys-america-centric-prism-distorts-reality/

A sense of the embarrassing level of Chomsky’s knowledge about Syria can be
seen in the same video interview in which he claims that there was no
uprising in Syria in 2012 (according to our subaltern knowledge, the
uprising started in March 2011) and then implies that, if there were
protesters, they were there alongside the Islamic State and other jihadist
groups.

We get an equally interesting glimpse into Chomsky’s mode of thought when,
on the issue of humanitarian intervention after the chemical massacre of
2013, he asks the same Syrian doctor and activist: Who should the Americans
bomb in Syria? The regime? Because that would of course undermine the
“resistance front” to jihadists.

That is alluded to here.

In the years since August 2013, Chomsky has said little about Syria. And to
the extent he has, his silences have been more appreciated. Speaking at
Harvard in September 2015, Chomsky scolded a Syrian doctor
<https://youtu.be/JFiCg67cDTs?t=57m40s> for asking if the US should
intervene to protect Syrian civilians. "If you attack Assad, you are
undermining resistance to the Islamic State and al-Nusra, who'll then take
over," he said: "Is that what you want for Syria?"

Elsewhere he criticized the "meaningless" US strategy
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uv7EKQ6Rrrs> because it wasn't supporting
the forces that "are really combatting ISIS": "Iran, PKK, and the Assad
regime". In an appearance on UK's Channel 4 News
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YmshN5b92Ic>, he claimed IS was now
"almost a representative of a large part of Sunni Islam". And where was
Chomsky getting all these insights? "One of the main commentators on the
region… one who's been most informed and accurate: Patrick Cockburn."

Via
https://www.newarab.com/opinion/chomsky-and-syria-revisionists-lefts-moral-cul-de-sac

The embedded hyperlink, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JFiCg67cDTs&t=3460s
, pointing directly to that exchange at the Harvard Kennedy School, being
questioned by a Syrian Doctor.

Besides Patrick Cockburn, Reese Ehrlich, early on, was a source for
Chomsky.

Inside Syria
The Backstory of Their Civil War and What the World Can Expect
REESE ERLICH - FOREWORD BY NOAM CHOMSKY
<https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781633882362/Inside-Syria-The-Backstory-of-Their-Civil-War-and-What-the-World-Can-Expect>
Based on first-hand reporting from Syria and Washington, journalist Reese
Erlich unravels the complex dynamics underlying the Syrian civil war.
Through vivid, on-the-ground accounts and interviews with both rebel
leaders and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Erlich gives the reader a
better understanding of this momentous power struggle and why it
matters.Through his many contacts inside Syria, the author reveals who is
supporting Assad and why; he describes the agendas of the rebel factions;
and he depicts in stark terms the dire plight of many ordinary Syrian
people caught in the cross-fire. The book also provides insights into the
role of the Kurds, the continuing influence of Iran, and the policies of
American leaders who seem interested only in protecting US regional
interests.Disturbing and enlightening at once, this timely book shows you
not only what is happening inside Syria but why it is so important for the
Middle East, the US, and the world.


I don't see that Chomsky disputing that there was an uprising here.

Discussing America’s role in the Syrian civil war: A Conversation with Noam
Chomsky <https://chomsky.info/20220517/>Noam Chomsky Interviewed by Raghav
KaushikMay 17, 2022. *Countercurrents*
<https://countercurrents.org/2022/05/discussing-americas-role-in-the-syrian-civil-war-a-conversation-with-noam-chomsky/>
.

*Q: Let us begin by discussing the initial US response to the Syrian
uprising. *

NC: In the early stages of the opposition to the savage Assad regime, the
US stood aside.  It had a very easy way to support the opposition, which
didn’t carry the obvious risks of direct confrontation (namely, bringing
the Russians in and escalating the atrocities).  The easy way was to
encourage Israel to mobilize its forces along the northern border, a move
that would not produce any objections from the international community and
which would compel the regime to withdraw its forces from a number of
frontline positions and relieve the pressure on the opposition. It was not
done, apparently never considered.

It’s reported that at the same time that the US was strongly supporting
Assad in this way, a small CIA operation was supporting the opposition.  If
so, the most likely conjecture is that the US (and obviously Israel) wanted
to be sure that Assad would be weakened, even if victorious.

*Q: Commenting on the US policy on Syria, Gilbert Achcar states that: “Now,
what has been the most important intervention of the Obama administration
in Syria? To answer this question, let us compare its attitude toward the
Syrian opposition to the way the United States dealt with the mujahideen
who fought the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan. Washington supported the
Afghan mujahideen, along with the Saudi kingdom and the Pakistani military.
It is well known that it armed them with anti-aircraft missiles, Stinger
missiles. Compare that to Syria. Not only did the United States not deliver
any such weapons to the Syrian uprising—even in 2012, when it was still
dominated by what could be described as a democratic opposition. But it
even forbade all its regional allies from delivering such weapons to the
Syrian insurgents. Turkey produces Stinger missiles under U.S. license, but
it wasn’t allowed to deliver a single one of them to the Syrian
opposition—nor were the Gulf monarchies. That was the crucial intervention
of the United States in the Syrian conflict. And that is what allowed
Bashar al-Assad’s regime to remain in place. It allowed him to maintain a
monopoly of air power, which enabled his regime to even drop barrel-bombs
from helicopters—a most indiscriminate and devastating type of bombing.” Do
you agree with Achcar’s assessment?*

NC: I think Achcar is making a fair point here. It would be interesting to
look into why the US took this position. But I think the Obama
administration reservations on supplying Stinger missiles to the opposition
are part of a more general concern. These missiles are easily
transportable, and if they fall into the wrong hands, could become a major
threat to commercial aircraft. In contrast, drawing Assad’s troops to the
southern border posed no threat. Failure to do that is the decisive
evidence that the US-Israel were not opposed to Assad’s remaining in power.

*Q: Now let’s discuss the post-2013 American policy, specifically the CIA
program to arm the rebels. It is clear from all reporting, e.g., Shane
Bauer’s, that the CIA program was (a) big – a billion dollar program, one
of CIA’s biggest covert operations, (b) lethal – it supplied TOW
(tube-launched, optically tracked, wireless-guided) anti-tank missiles to
the opposition, and (c) anti-Assad in its goals.*

NC: It’s pretty clear that a few years later, Obama had joined the main
European allies in thinking that Assad might be removed.  It is clear that
the CIA was by then sending advanced anti-tank weapons that blocked the
offensive actions of Assad’s army, dismissing the warnings by
correspondents on the ground (and anyone who bothered thinking) that this
might incite direct Russian intervention, destroying the weapons and
sharply escalating the atrocities. As happened. At this point Obama backed
off, not wanting to move on to likely nuclear war.

*Q:  Interestingly, Bauer’s piece indicates that what you described was not
just the position of journalists on the ground, but also understood by the
White House itself. Bauer interviewed Philip Gordon, the White House
coordinator for the Middle East from 2013 to 2015. This is what Gordon
stated referring to the Russian intervention: “It was the logical
continuation of what we had already seen, which is that the more that we
intervene, the more they intervene,”*

NC: Very interesting comment by Gordon.

*Q: What according to you was the motivation for the CIA program? As
you’ve stated in the past and confirmed by your answers above, the US “may
not like the (Assad) regime, but it is nevertheless a regime that is well
practiced in accommodating their demands and any unknown alternative might
prove worse in this respect.” *

*Bauer offers an explanation for why Obama launched the CIA program in the
summer of 2013. “The decision in the summer of 2013 to directly arm the
rebels may have had just as much to do with an escalating proxy war against
Iran as it did with Assad’s use of chemical weapons. For more than a year,
the Free Syrian Army had controlled al-Qusayr, a strategically important
town near the Lebanese border and the highway between Damascus and the port
of Tartus. In May 2013, al-Qusayr came under an assault led not by the
Syrian army, but by Hezbollah, the Lebanese militia with decades of
experience in guerrilla warfare. In less than three weeks, al-Qusayr fell
to the regime. It was Hezbollah’s first major offensive in Syria, and many
Syrians felt betrayed to see an organization they had revered for its
opposition to Israel now acting as an occupier. Thousands of Hezbollah
fighters were said to have entered the country to help the regime retake
Aleppo and other opposition strongholds. In Washington, Hezbollah’s
involvement was seen as evidence of Iran putting its finger on the
scale……In June 2013, one month after Hezbol­lah’s attack began, the White
House publi­cized the intelligence community’s findings on chemical weapons
and Obama decided to arm the rebels.”*

NC: The facts are correct. The speculation is conceivable, though I know of
no evidence for it.  A simpler explanation seems to me to be that the
US-Israel wanted to keep Assad weak, even if remaining in power. But I
don’t see much point in debating a policy decision about which we have no
evidence.

*Q: Many activists argue that the opposition was forced to bear arms due to
Assad’s brutality and had to get arms from wherever they could get them to
defend themselves. *

NC: One can debate whether the CIA should or should not have sent weapons.
I took no stand on it, so I’m not relevant to this debate.

*Q: The topic of the American role in Syria divided the US left, roughly
between those who exclusively focused on the CIA program and its impact,
and those who exclusively focused on the pro-Assad nature of US policy in
the early days of the uprising. Do you have any thoughts on these
disagreements?*

NC: I honestly don’t see the disagreement.  Few to my knowledge – I can’t
think of one – have discussed the pro-Assad component of US-Israeli policy,
namely refusing to draw his forces to the South to relieve the opposition.
After that, US policy vacillated depending on circumstances.

The only disagreement I see is whether we have to rigidly impose a
pro-/anti-Assad position to Obama or whether we can consider how policy was
adjusted to circumstances and – crucially — over whether we should have
concern for the fate of Syrians, as Cockburn and Glass had when they warned
about the consequences of sending heavy arms to the opposition – correctly
as it turned out.

*Q: Another point of controversy – this one concerns your views, but does
not pertain to the core of your arguments which are captured above, but the
way in which you present them – appears to be your emphasis of the legality
of what Iran and Russia did. What you say is correct – Iranian and Russian
interventions were not acts of aggression – but it doesn’t seem
significant. Many activists, myself included, do wonder why you bring it
up. The core of your argument is unaffected by the legality of what
Iran/Russia did. If anything, as a lot of the reaction indicates, it is
clearly distracting people from the core issues.*

NC: As far as I recall, I once responded to the claim that the
Russian-Iranian intervention was illegal by pointing out that it is not.
That sentence is my total emphasis on the legality of what they did. The
rest is bitter condemnation of their primary role in the horrendous
atrocities.

In response to tantrums about this correct statement, I have occasionally
reiterated it.

>


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