[Edited Message Follows]
[Reason: Last two paras provide further development of my brief comment about 
the DSA in yesterday's post.]

On Thu, Dec 4, 2025 at 11:27 AM, Mark Baugher wrote:

> 
> Not all want to lead, but the actual leadership in a
> revolutionary-socialist organization needs to be far larger than the
> number of functionaries. A healthy organization needs to have more leaders
> than can fit into the small subset who participate leadership bodies or
> positions.

This points to the inherent tension in the concept of democratic centralism. It 
would be more democratic if the political committee were subordinate to the 
central committee which would meet more frequently and be representative of the 
competing tendencies in proportion to  their membership support.  However, 
internal party debate then would become more frequent and contentious and 
decision-making more drawn out between general meetings. This is what prompted 
Lenin to counterpose his model of a narrow centralized leadership directing the 
activity of a more politically conscious, homogenous, and disciplined 
membership able to swiftly and effectively carry out the party line above and 
below ground in a fast moving revolutionary crisis.

But we're are not in a revolutionary crisis and until we are, I agree the 
greater weight should be placed on the “democratic” side of the democratic 
centralist model. Whether this is more aspirational than achievable is an open 
question since the leadership of even today's multiple small Trotskyist and ML 
groups seems inevitably to devolve to their most experienced and committed 
individuals, often their founders, who become their paid or unpaid central 
leadership.

A more appropriate model IMO which corresponds to the current level of class 
struggle is the Marxist study group or caucus, not unlike marxmail but active 
outside of social media.  The fastest growing is the DSA which functions as a 
left social democratic caucus within the Democratic Party but which also 
independently recruits trade unionists and radicalizing youth to its ranks . 
Unlike the smaller and more marginal Leninist groups organized on democratic 
centralist lines, the DSA local chapters are relatively autonomous and the it 
welcomes multiple competing tendencies who are represented on its leading 
body..() https://socialistcall.com/2023/07/27/dsa-caucuses-guide-2023/ ) The 
organization has garnered much national publicity with the  rise of Zorhan 
Mamdani from obscurity to the NYC mayor’s office . Mamdani is a member of the 
DSA’s Socialist Majority Caucus which spearheaded his campaign.

The DSA and the Leninist groups are also sharply divided on strategy. The 
latter generally see themselves as revolutionary parties in embryo which, 
however isolated today,  are destined to  someday “intersect” with and form the 
core of a radicalizing working class. The DSA has an entryist perspective of 
building its forces from within the DP which, like the left-centre parties in 
Europe and elsewhere, has historically been the political home of the trade 
unions and allied social movements. It anticipates a “dirty break” with the DP 
as the class struggle accelerates, but the timing of a break with the Democrats 
is already a lively issue within the organization.


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