Let me also join this discussion with a position I believe I have already 
expressed earlier.

I agree that with his so-called “special military operation,” Putin did not 
intend to occupy the whole of Ukraine, but rather to change the existing 
government, remove Zelensky, and install a pro-Russian leadership there.

All of Putin’s actions since 2014 have aimed at preventing Ukraine from joining 
the EU, because EU membership would mean that Russia — that is, Putin and his 
oligarchic system — would lose its political and economic influence in Ukraine. 
Putin clearly considers Ukraine part of Russia’s sphere of influence and has 
acted consistently to strengthen pro-Russian forces within it. NATO membership, 
at that time and in the foreseeable future, was not a realistic option, since 
several NATO members would never have agreed to it.

Putin believed this could be achieved relatively easily and judged the 
international situation to be favourable for such a move — that was his 
strategic assessment.

A few words about the Minsk negotiations.

Immediately after the Maidan events, Putin reacted by annexing Crimea. He also 
exploited the anti-Maidan protests (which would have been entirely legitimate 
had they remained peaceful protests) by intervening and supporting armed 
actions that led to the violent seizure of power by pro-Russian forces in parts 
of eastern Ukraine.

The Ukrainian government decided to try to retake these areas by force (whether 
this was the best decision remains open to debate). Ukrainian forces succeeded 
in regions further from the Russian border, but failed in Donetsk and Luhansk, 
where Putin introduced Russian military forces that inflicted defeats on 
Ukrainian troops. It should also be mentioned that far-right units were present 
within Ukrainian forces, something Putin used extensively in propaganda claims 
that Russians in Donbas were threatened with “genocide” by Nazis.

Without Putin’s military intervention, Ukrainian forces would most likely have 
restored control over the entire Donbas with relatively limited casualties.

The conflict in Donbas then developed into a civil war–like situation. Ukraine, 
as the weaker side, was compelled to enter negotiations and sign the Minsk 
agreements.

It is correct that these agreements envisaged referendums and the continued 
existence of these territories as autonomous regions within Ukraine. One of the 
central disputes concerned the sequencing: Ukraine insisted that Russian troops 
must withdraw first before any referendum could take place, while Russia 
demanded that referendums be held first, followed by withdrawal.

What was Putin’s objective in the Minsk process? Even if Donbas had remained 
formally within Ukraine as autonomous regions, Putin would have retained 
effective influence over them and used that leverage to block Ukraine’s 
integration into the EU — a role somewhat comparable to that played by 
Republika Srpska within Bosnia and Herzegovina.

I would also add that it is worth reading the previously shared interview with 
Taras Bilous, paying particular attention to his remarks regarding the 
Ukraine–Russia negotiations in Istanbul, alongside the broader arguments he 
makes in that interview.


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