Another critique of Rockhill,
https://cosmonautmag.com/2026/04/the-comfort-of-conspiracy-a-review-of-who-paid-the-pipers-of-western-marxism/
.

"...This review, however, argues for an inversion of Rockhill's
causation: class position creates ideological orientation, and the
imperial superstructure recognizes and amplifies tendencies that serve
its interests. CIA operations are effects of class dynamics, not their
cause. Understanding this distinction matters for revolutionary
strategy. If we misidentify the cause of past failures, we will
misidentify the cure, wasting limited resources on the wrong battles
while the actual obstacles to revolution remain unaddressed. By
treating CIA operations as the primary cause of Western Marxism's
theoretical weaknesses—instead of as amplification of tendencies
rooted in class position—this approach offers contemporary communists
a seductive but politically damaging explanation for organizational
failure. It allows us to externalize responsibility for our weakness
onto past institutional manipulation, deflecting attention from the
material obstacles and strategic questions that serious communist
organizing in the imperial core must address. If the left's failures
stem primarily from CIA sabotage and not from our own inadequacies—our
inability to build organizations workers want to join, our mechanical
application of models developed for different conditions, our
sectarian fragmentation—then no fundamental self-critique is
necessary. The problem becomes one of exposure (revealing the sinister
enemy's machinations), rather than learning hard lessons concerning
organizational reconstruction and strategic development.

The conspiracy-focused framework emerging in works like Rockhill's
(and shared, with different emphases, by Domenico Losurdo's Western
Marxism: How It Was Born, How It Died, How It Can Be Reborn) reflects
a broader methodological error: the substitution of empiricist
documentation for a truly dialectical analysis. These authors treat
historical outcomes as determined by institutional forces rather than
as products of class struggle in which revolutionary agency remains
possible. If we misdiagnose the sources of past defeats, we will
replicate rather than overcome them...."

Daniel Tutt @TuttReal
Rockhill is not a conspiracy theorist. Conspiracy theorists are in
abundance today but to reduce this work to that is a misnomer. I have
a review on Rockhill's Pipers that addresses its strengths and
weaknesses, hopefully out soon.
https://x.com/TuttReal/status/2044417730044956872

On Losurdo, a defense,
https://cosmonautmag.com/2026/04/the-poverty-of-anti-stalinism-or-how-not-to-criticize/
, in reply to, https://www.newintermag.com/against-losurdo/?ref=newintermag.com
, https://www.newintermag.com/losurdos-lies/?ref=newintermag.com ,
https://www.newintermag.com/revisionism-revisited/ .

A minor correction.

Andrew : "Earlier the class warrior from the Hawkeye State (I just got
that name by googling, I’ve only got a vague idea of where his
homeland is), does not entirely focus on intellectuals’ ties to the
CIA."

Grew up not in Iowa, but, Kansas.

Via 
https://monthlyreview.org/in-the-public-eye-gabriel-rockhills-who-killed-the-pipers-of-western-marxism/
MR Online: “An Insider Critique of the Imperial Theory Industry:
Gabriel Rockhill Interviewed by Michael D. Yates”
https://mronline.org/2025/11/21/an-insider-critique-of-the-imperial-theory-industry-gabriel-rockhill-interviewed-by-michael-yates/

“Michael Yates: Gabriel, what we are as adults is conditioned by our
childhoods. Tell us something about where and how you grew up. How do
you think this influenced who you are now?

Gabriel Rockhill: I grew up on a small farm in rural Kansas, and
manual labor was an integral part of my life from an early age. This
included work on the farm, of course, but I also worked construction.
My father is a builder and an architect, so when I wasn’t working on
the farm, I spent most of my time, outside of school and sports, on
construction sites.

Andrew : "Amongst many cases of villainy he reveals that Ernesto
Laclau (whose writing unlike most of the figures Rockhill cites, had
some minor but real political influence), worked in research at one
point for the Ford Foundation on some knavery (P 39-40)."

Rockhill's footnote regarding Laclau and the Ford Foundation’s
Proyecto Marginalidad (Marginality Project).

Rockhill, Gabriel. Who Paid the Pipers of Western Marxism? (p. 40).
Monthly Review Press. Kindle Edition.

42. Néstor Kohan, La brújula y el mapa: Cultura, crítica y ciencias
sociales en la revolución cubana (Cuba: Ocean Sur, 2022), 269. Also
see Néstor Kohan, ed., Ciencias sociales y marxismo latinoamericano
(Buenos Aires: Amauta Insurgente, 2015).

Rockhill, Gabriel. Who Paid the Pipers of Western Marxism? (p. 46).
Monthly Review Press. Kindle Edition.

A pdf of the first cited book by Nestor Kohan,  "La brújula y el mapa:
Cultura, crítica y ciencias sociales en la revolución cubana."
https://ri.conicet.gov.ar/bitstream/handle/11336/233150/CONICET_Digital_Nro.65cde606-7b45-4df4-b6b0-3c39d4688a41_B.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y

A pdf of the 2nd cited book, edited by Nestor Kohan ,"Ciencias
sociales y marxismo latinoamericano."
https://cipec.lahaine.org/b2-img/CienciassocialesyMarxismoLatNestorKohan2.pdf
Among the documents reproduced in the chapter,"Dossier Daniel Hopen,"
are several polemicizing against the Ford Foundation’s Proyecto
Marginalidad. Targeted scholar José Nun replied,
https://aesthethika.org/A-50-anos-del-Proyecto-de . Google Chrome will
auto translate, as it will, this review of the volume via La Jornada,
https://www.jornada.com.mx/2015/05/08/index.php?section=opinion&article=019a2pol
.

Scrolling through Jose Nun's text, I see these anti-imperialist
scholars noted as having been connected to the Ford Foundation’s
Proyecto Marginalidad. Aníbal Quijano, Pablo González Casanova,  Andre
Gunder Frank.  Eric Hobsbawm was one of the 3 foreign advisors.On
Project Camelot, noted by Nun, see,
https://nacla.org/rise-and-fall-project-camelot/ .

An extended excerpt : "For a story of infamy

This is the brief history of the Marginalidad project, irrefutable
testimony to the stubbornness with which a group of researchers have
defended their academic freedom and their scientific autonomy, facing
at the same time the offers and the pressures that so effectively
usually transform a twenty-year-old Cato into a helpful
thirty-year-old ganapán.

Like all transparent history, this is a public history, exposed on
various occasions verbally and in writing, known to all who have been
interested in this investigation which - like no other - has always
been open to any request. (There are some small-time heroes or
heroines out there who feel they deserve a guerrilla medal because
they got one or two of our questionnaires: their remarkable feat is to
have stolen what they didn't bother to ask for. They would have gotten
it immediately and much more completely, of course with less emotion.
And everyone knows what emotions they can afford).

It was not easy to find reasons to criticize this project in front of
the students. What's more: from the theoretical assumptions of the
work to the personal trajectory of each one of those who participate
in it, they were showing that this is one of the few sociological
investigations of academic scope that is being carried out in Latin
America to examine at an empirical level, from a rigorously critical
conceptualization, the social problems posed by a dependent capitalist
development.

However, various interests were converging to promote the attack: from
the most despicable ones—adventurism of the yellow press; subordinate
grudges of those who were not hired by the Project; personal envy and
hatred; maneuvers of some turiferaris of imperialism who seek to
discredit our team in order to prevent the unfavorable repercussions
that may cause its current liquidation—even those who are linked to a
permanent and disloyal ideological struggle against the orientation
that informs our task.

How then to mount a scandal? Of course, touching naive ears with the
subject of subsidies. Later I will refer to this point in more detail.
However, it is worth insisting: for some reason the notoriously
exceptional circumstances that have surrounded this particular subsidy
are ignored and for some reason the matter is invoked precisely when
the subsidy has just been cancelled. But, even distorted, this
argument was not sufficient for a complaint. As there was no other ,
it has simply and plainly resorted to infamy, to such an extreme that
it only serves to define the calamity of these unfortunate and
self-imposed censors.

I am going to collect some of his slanders, not to defend the
investigation - which does not need it - but to illustrate to the
students about the moral stature of those who intend to become their
mentors.

1) First of all, it is about exploiting the " anti-Camelot reflex ".
For this, it is not only miserably hidden that - while these brave
accusers had the prudence to keep their mouths shut - the Latin
American institutions and researchers linked to our Project were the
first to publicly accuse the Camelot Plan, but because of ignorance or
bad faith - or, what is worse, for both reasons at the same time - the
true scope of that Plan is misrepresented.

The Camelot Plan was an investigation:

a) organized by the US Armed Forces, unrelated to any scientific
priority and based on strictly military interests ;

b) executed by Yankee professionals whose sole task was to discover
subversive nuclei in Latin America ;

c) based on surveys of a national dimension, for which initial funding
of the order of six million dollars was available ;

d) tending to obtain confidential data that would be processed and
analyzed in the US and

e) explicitly aimed at strengthening imperialist domination in our continent .

At the other extreme, the Marginalidad project is an investigation:

a) organized exclusively by Latin American scientific institutions to
study a topic chosen by them and whose priority character was
indicated by the most diverse currents of opinion (entities such as
CEPAL, DESAL, CEUR, Institute of Peruvian Studies, Universities of
Mexico, Santo Domingo, San Pablo, Chile, Guatemala, Colombia, etc.;
sociologists such as Aníbal Quijano, Fernando H. Cardoso, Pablo
González Casanova, Florestán Fernández, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Orlando
Fals Borda, José A. Silva Michelena, Julio Cotler, Francisco Weffort,
etc., economists such as Aníbal Pinto, Celso Furtado, Andrew Gunder
Frank, Zygmundt Slawinski, Osvaldo Sunkel, etc.);

b) executed by Latin American professionals who try to conceptualize
and expose the various mechanisms of exploitation of the working class
that operate on the continent;

c) based on different observation techniques, limited to very small
sectors of the population, exploratory and only useful for the
formulation of theoretically significant hypotheses, for which purpose
there is a total funding of the order of one hundred and fifty
thousand dollars, of which only twenty thousand are intended for field
workers who are fulfilled in Argentina and Chile;

d) tending to obtain absolutely public data that are processed and
analyzed in Latin America and over which the research team is the only
one that exercises control and

e) explicitly aimed at showing the negative effects of imperialist
domination on the development of our countries. Undoubtedly, ignorance
is fertile ground for slander. But in this case it is required to be
twice ignorant: about the Camelot Plan and about the Marginalidad
project.

2) The second series of infundios belongs to a classic chapter in the
repertoire of infamy: " police informants ". With a baseness worthy of
scoundrels of the worst kind, he has not hesitated to invent that some
of our interviewees from Chaco were arrested by the police... because
of the way they answered our questionnaire.

The frankly terrifying thing about a resource of this type is that it
is not only a monstrous and conscious lie, but it is with the type of
individual capable of propagating it that fascism is built and the
torturers and the McCarthys are manufactured. Who but a psychopath can
imagine a falsehood of this nature and intend to use it as an
instrument of ideological struggle? Who but an imbecile can assume
that the police need our scattered three hundred Chaqueña
surveys—still not even processed—to organize their action? And who but
a poor spirit can have such a low regard for professional decorum and
ethics to listen to such statements?

3) It is thinking about this that one does not manage to laugh, but to
be saddened in the face of what would appear to be a joke of the
underprivileged: another "proof" of our sinister machination would
consist in the fact that we asked the interviewees from Chaco for data
on relatives or friends who have come to the capital... As any student
of sociology should know, this is the well-known indirect sampling
technique that has been used for half a century to analyze migration
processes: information is obtained in the place of origin to then
locate the migrants at the point of destination and see what their
luck has been, what problems their mobility project has faced, etc.
Pues bien: the sick mind of our inspired critics tries to fabricate
the chilling image of something like an attempt to get Buenos Aires
"hostages" from our Chaco respondents. The only thing this slander
serves is to illustrate a classic proposition: "tell me how you think
and I'll tell you who you are".

And there are plenty of reasons for concern when subjects capable of
thinking (?) in this way, not only circulate in the country but call
themselves "leftists" and friends of the people.

4) Being crafty, our prosecutors have taken some of the questions we
use out of context and present them as new evidence of who knows how
many crimes. Here it is worth recalling, first of all, certain basic
rules of research that, surprisingly, not all aspiring sociologists
seem to know. The first is that, in a study like ours, the researcher
is the only one who has access to the data and commits his
responsibility and his honor in guaranteeing the character and
anonymity of all the information he obtains. Secondly, only
statistical totals are disclosed, which makes it impossible even to
indirectly identify the natural or legal persons who are interviewed.
But for an almost didactic purpose, let's take one of the questions
that has most deliberately been tried to exploit: it is the one that
asks the respondent to indicate whether he participated in any act or
political demonstration in which there was violence and, if so,
requests that he explain in detail the circumstances of the fact...
Here, apparently, is a police model: chosen for purely theoretical
reasons).

Of course, the malicious observation falls at its base before the
natural secrecy and anonymity of the questionnaire.

But let's go a step further: neither the meaning of a question can
generally be understood at the level of the questionnaire itself, nor
can it really be known what information is being sought without
knowing the instructions that the interviewer carries.

In the example I'm referring to, this question - along with others -
seeks to transcend the superficial - or "unobjectionable" - political
participation/non-participation dichotomy, discriminating between the
passivity of those who never intervened in politics and those who
suffered negative experiences that led them to retreat.

An indicator of such experiences are, of course, situations of a
political nature in which the interviewee has been the victim of some
type of repression. But it makes the technique of a questionnaire
eliminate as much as possible the ambiguity of the answers: in this
case, an affirmative answer creates doubts about the effective
coincidence between the definition of violence with which the
respondent handles it and the one implicit in the question. That is
why the interviewer is instructed to deepen the answer by asking for
some general details of the aforementioned event, so as not to confuse
different types of violence later in the analysis. Almost as
unfortunate as having to explain basic issues like this is that
slander can take advantage of the poor sociological training of many
who, in good faith, lend an ear to it. And the most serious thing is
that questions like the one mentioned, with which we seek to uncover
the latent mechanisms of repression, which inhibit popular
participation at different levels, are distorted in bad faith.

5) Of course, when there is free stone for indecency, any trick is
valid. It had to be shown that so-called left-wing intellectuals were
"pro-bourgeois". This could not be done from the theoretical
perspectives or the hypotheses of our work; it has then appealed to a
children's gadget. Along with the questionnaire that we applied to
Chaco workers, the complainants stole a letter that we sent to
industrial establishments in Greater Buenos Aires anticipating the
visit of our surveyors. This one gives details about the investigation
and that one, no. Conclusion: the Project is discriminatory because it
provides employers with more information than workers...

Please note: as the robbery was incomplete, these sharp detractors do
not have the similar letter of introduction shown to each Chaco
worker. But it is not only the incomplete nature of the robbery that
must be attributed to the bad faith of the imputation: already in the
first year of sociology a student must know that the questionnaire is
an instrument that is used exclusively by the interviewer and that it
is not displayed or given to the interviewee . Therefore, neither the
questionnaire intended for workers nor the one intended for companies
contain the explanations that, instead, include the presentation
letters addressed to companies and workers .

And for that reason, only an ignorant or a scoundrel can think of the
absurdity of trying to compare a cover letter with the cover of a
questionnaire.

The importance of the Marginalidad project

The facts are stubborn and it is to them that I refer. A general
report has already been published, which sets out the overall
theoretical framework and strategy of the investigation (Nun, Marín
and Murmis, op. cit.); a detail of the stages and the empirical
universes of the work (CIS Informa, 1968); a historical introduction
to the categories that are used (Laclau, CIS, 1968). There are half a
dozen documents and communications in the process of printing.
Gradually, during 1969 and 1970, the different results of our studies
will appear. This is and will be our contribution; let those who can
discuss it.

Because the most remarkable thing about our slanderers and what
definitively proves the nature of their motives and their guts is that
they have not found an argument to question a single one of our
hypotheses or our theoretical propositions, nor have they been able to
debate the validity of a single one of the different aspects of our
approach to the subject .

The only thing they succeed in is trying to weave lies by distorting
valuable parts of the study...." <SNIP>


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