Well said Brian!

To further distill the point: Marx wrote about the specific antagonisms of a
particular historical period defined by processes of industrialization, and
to romanticize the analysis of a past/outdated Marx as being universal without
being attentive to the distinct material/historical forces that define the
present is perhaps the most anti-Marxist position you could take.

~i


On Mon, Oct 29, 2018 at 9:35 AM Frederic Neyrat <fney...@gmail.com> wrote:

> Dear Brian,
>
> I totally agree with you, as usual. I'd like to highlight your last
> sentence: "What we are missing is a theory of social relations in the
> future" - but, let me play with your sentence, what future? A universal
> subject could have been the green one, the wretched of the Earth (aka
> Gaia); but it did not happen, or its advent is, like, buried in a
> national-populist grave. At least we have his/her ghost, the ghost of the
> collective that could have been able to embody the planetary exploited
> subject. Not sure this ghost dares to haunt us. (Okay, I read too much Mark
> Fisher these days...)
>
> Best,
>
> Frédéric
>
> On Mon, Oct 29, 2018 at 12:00 AM Brian Holmes <
> bhcontinentaldr...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> On Sun, Oct 28, 2018 at 8:48 AM ari <a...@kein.org> wrote:
>>
>>> Does an understanding of politics as transformative action not clash
>>> with one of it as a practice of belonging?
>>>
>>
>> Certainly not. The whole Marxist tradition conceived of class
>> consciousness as a practice of belonging.
>> However there are problems the Marxist tradition never solved. You want a
>> universal working class conscious of its own transformative agency; but you
>> will not be able to describe this class in terms concrete enough to address
>> any member of it in particular. No one can, those days are over, the
>> language does not fit the times.
>> When the *industrial* working class could still be conceived as a
>> revolutionary subject, such a description was possible. Marx and Engels did
>> it brilliantly, by spending years debating their ideas directly directly
>> with the workers. But after the crisis of the 1930s, all capitalist states
>> recognized the danger represented by the working class and made
>> extraordinary efforts to integrate the industrial workers to capitalist
>> practice, first through wage bargaining, then through benefits, then
>> through a variety of cultural and even military appeals, culminating in the
>> current situation where industrial workers are recruited to fascism with
>> anti-immigrant nationalism and the vague promise of industrial jobs.
>> This doesn't mean there is no transformative potential left in the
>> industrial working classes. But they can't hold the place of a universal
>> political subject,and the class you are looking for -  singular, concrete,
>> conscious of itself and ready to act - is not solely defined by work
>> anymore.
>> In fact, the focus of the state on work and the workplace encouraged
>> anyone who cared about class to look outside the factory and even the wage
>> relation for the inequality and injustice of capitalist societies. Because
>> those societies now focused as much on consumption - and more broadly, on
>> what Marxists call "social reproduction" - as they did on production,
>> direct oppression exerted by the capitalist state and by the forms of
>> social reproduction that it mandated could be found in many different
>> places. Identity politics emerged as a way of naming those sites of
>> oppression, and even more importantly, as a way to gain transformative
>> agency through the consciousness of belonging to an oppressed group.
>> The upshot is, that if you wanted to redo Marx and Engels, you would have
>> to start not by rereading their books and their tradition, but by taking
>> new ideas of both oppression and transformation down to the places where
>> identity politics is debated, and giving those new ideas a go.
>> Now, this all does not mean everything is fine with identity politics as
>> it is practiced today. Certainly just abandoning the question of work is
>> the wrong path (but no one serious does it, so I don't know what the
>> problem is?).  A new universal is definitely lacking, and much can be
>> learned from the attempts to conceive a universal working class. However,
>> it does mean that you can't just diss off identity in favor of some
>> supposedly correct concept which you have totally dehistoricized,
>> particularly by ignoring the dialectical negations to which it was subject.
>> No one will take you seriously if you do. Today, pretty much every "return
>> to Marx" is a return to some nostalgic and usually privileged self, alone
>> even in the typically tiny groups, trying to convince themselves that their
>> pure idea from the past can overcome everything that has happened in global
>> society since 1968.
>>
>> Don't get me wrong, I'm not saying "Marx to the trashcan." I'm just
>> saying that if you do go to the barricades, you will not find a universal
>> working class, and the language with which you seek to invoke or catalyze
>> one, will remain empty and useless. Doing real politics is far more
>> demanding than most of us can handle. The "back to class' posts in this
>> thread are so vague, so nostalgic, so empty, that they do not come anywhere
>> near the goal.
>>
>> What we are missing is a theory of social relations in the future. To be
>> transformative it will have to be inclusive, combative and aspirational,
>> attuned to a possible life beyond the dead-ends of the twentieth century.
>>
>> best, BH
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