http://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/22/world/middleeast/22saudi.html?_r=1&bl&ex=1167195600&en=c7597c7769129006&ei=5087%0A&oref=slogin

Bickering Saudis Struggle for an Answer to Iran's Rising Influence in 
the Middle East

RIYADH, Saudi Arabia, Dec. 21 --- At a late-night reading this week, a 
self-styled poet raised his hand for silence and began a riff on 
neighboring Iraq, in the old style of Bedouin storytellers.

"Saddam Hussein was a real leader who deserved our support," he began, 
making up the lines as he went. "He kept Iraq stable and peaceful," he 
added, "and most of all he fought back the Iranians." He continued, "His 
one mistake was invading Kuwait."

Across the kingdom, in both official and casual conversation, once-quiet 
concern over the chaos in Iraq and Iran's growing regional influence has 
burst into the open.

Saudi newspapers now denounce Iran's growing power. Religious leaders 
here, who view Shiism as heresy, have begun talking about a "Persian 
onslaught" that threatens Islam. In the salons and diwans of Riyadh, the 
"Iranian threat" is raised almost as frequently as the stock market.

"Iran has become more dangerous than Israel itself," said Sheik Musa bin 
Abdulaziz, editor of the magazine Al Salafi, who describes himself as a 
moderate Salafi, a fundamentalist Muslim movement. "The Iranian 
revolution has come to renew the Persian presence in the region. This is 
the real clash of civilizations."

Many here say a showdown with Iran is inevitable. After several years of 
a thaw in relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, Saudis are growing 
concerned that Iran may build a nuclear bomb and become the de facto 
superpower in the region.

In recent weeks, the Saudis, with other Persian Gulf countries, have 
announced plans to develop peaceful nuclear power. Saudi officials 
publicly welcomed the Iraqi Harith al-Dhari, whose Muslim Scholars 
Association has links to the insurgency, during a visit in October, and 
they have indicated that they may support Iraq's Sunnis over the 
majority Shiites with links to Iran. All were meant to send a message to 
Iran.

"You need to create a strategic challenge to Iran," said Steve Clemons, 
senior fellow and director of the American Strategy Program at the New 
America Foundation. "To some degree, what the Saudis are doing is 
puffing up because they see nobody else in the region doing so."

Yet a growing debate here has centered on how Iran should be confronted: 
head on, with Saudi Arabia throwing its lot in with the full force of 
the United States, or diplomatically, with a grand bargain Iran would 
find hard to refuse?

The apparent split burst into the open last week when Prince Turki 
al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to Washington, abruptly resigned 
after just 15 months. The resignation is seen by many here as part of a 
long-running battle over Saudi Arabia's foreign policy.

On Tuesday, Prince Saud al-Faisal, the country's ailing foreign 
minister, confirmed the ambassador's resignation, citing personal 
reasons. Privately some Saudi officials and analysts with knowledge of 
the situation say Prince Turki resigned over deep differences with 
Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the national security minister and former 
Washington ambassador, over how to deal with Iran.

Prince Bandar is believed to favor the tough American approach of 
confronting Iran, analysts say, while Prince Turki advocates more 
diplomatic tactics, including negotiating with Iran.

If this is the case, then the successor to Prince Turki as Saudi 
ambassador --- Adel al-Jubeir, a foreign policy adviser to King Abdullah --- 
is a wild card, Saudi and American officials said Thursday.

Polished and American-educated, Mr. Jubeir, 44, once worked for Prince 
Bandar when he was ambassador to Washington. Mr. Jubeir became well 
known as the public face of Saudi Arabia, defending Saudi policy after 
the Sept. 11 attacks, appearing on talk shows and escorting NBC's White 
House correspondent at the time, Campbell Brown, around town.

But Saudi officials said that Mr. Jubeir did not necessarily share 
Prince Bandar's opinions. "Basically, the king is putting his own man in 
America," one Saudi official said. "Adel will be a direct line between 
the king and the administration."

Mr. Clemons, whose blog, The Washington Note, first reported Mr. 
Jubeir's appointment on Wednesday, said Mr. Jubeir "is someone who can 
help de-escalate tensions between quadroons of the royal family. I don't 
think he necessarily brings Bandar's views on Iran to the table."

Just days before President Bush met with the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri 
Kamal al-Maliki, the outlines of what seemed to be a new plan were made 
public by Nawaf Obaid, a Saudi security consultant. In an op-ed article 
in The Washington Post, he said that if the United States withdrew from 
Iraq, the Saudis would back the Sunnis "to stop Iranian-backed Shiite 
militias from butchering Iraqi Sunnis."

Saudi Arabia said Mr. Obaid did not speak on its behalf, and he was 
subsequently dismissed from his position. He is widely expected to 
return to the government in some capacity. And King Abdullah warned Vice 
President Dick Cheney during a meeting in Riyadh three weeks ago that 
Saudi Arabia would back the Sunnis if the Americans withdrew from Iraq 
and a civil war ensued.

"The possibility of having conflict is very high," said Abdelrahman 
Rashid, managing director of the satellite news channel Al Arabiya and a 
respected Saudi columnist. "Who will face the Iranians tomorrow? Just 
the Israelis alone? I don't think that is possible." Prince Turki, Mr. 
Clemons and palace insiders say, had lobbied Washington for a broader 
policy that eschews a military confrontation in favor of a policy that 
will strike Iran's interests. In effect, Mr. Clemons said, Prince Turki 
had sought a plan mirroring some of the recommendations in the Iraq 
Study Group report but with a harder edge.

"Turki is not playing nice guy at all," he said. "Essentially, the 
Saudis are engagers. They want to weave together a blurry ambiguity to 
what they want to do."

A member of the Saudi royal family with knowledge of the discussions 
between Mr. Cheney and King Abdullah said the king had presented Mr. 
Cheney with a plan to raise oil production to force down the price, in 
hopes of causing economic turmoil for Iran without becoming directly 
involved in a confrontation.

Shortly afterward, Mr. Obaid's op-ed article was published, building on 
earlier public comments that Saudi Arabia intends to get serious about 
Iran and may back Sunnis in Iraq in the event of an abrupt United States 
pullout. Neither Prince Bandar nor Prince Turki was available for 
comment for this article. An adviser to Prince Bandar said there were no 
divisions over policy, and many officials have been at pains in recent 
days to prove there is no split.

Many Saudis have grown openly critical of the country's policy on Iraq, 
citing its adherence to an American-centric policy at the cost of Saudi 
interests. More pessimistic analysts here say the country has lost 
significant strength and stature in Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian 
areas, while Iran, with its populist, anti-American agenda, has benefited.

"The Saudis made a big mistake by following the Americans when they had 
no plan," said Khalid al-Dakhil, a professor of political sociology at 
King Saud University in Riyadh. "If the Saudis had intervened earlier 
and helped the Sunnis they could have found a political solution to 
their differences, instead of the bloodshed we are seeing today."

Last week, a group of prominent Saudi clerics and university professors 
called on the government to begin actively backing Iraq's Sunnis. The 
clerics described what they called a Persian-Jewish partnership 
besieging the Sunnis.

"There is a segment in this country that will do everything the U.S. 
wants," said Turki al-Rasheed, who runs a group that seeks to encourage 
democracy in the Persian Gulf. "But fortunately the big leaders know 
this whole agenda will take us to hell."

+++


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