Did anyone catch an editorial in yesterday's WSJ? It seemed very anti IMF 
(rightly so, though I suspect for different reasons than many on this list 
would propose). Is this a normal WSJ stance? Since when?

For those that haven't seen it, I  have enclosed it below.

Alan

Wall Street Journal
January 8, 2002

Editorial

Who Lost Argentina?

With Argentina devaluing its peso over the weekend, the conventional
economic wisdom finally got its way. We hope that Argentines now watching 
their life
savings dissipate feel as gratified. Someone should also pause, amid the
conventional backslapping, to ask why, if the dollar-peso peg was such a
terrible idea, it managed to last for a decade?

The answer is that the peg did enormous good in Argentina as long as its
discipline was followed. Keep in mind that the decision to anchor the peso
to the dollar was made in 1991 as a last policy resort. Amid labor strikes and
fears of a military coup, then-President Carlos Menem revoked the central
bank's power to print local currency except when it had the dollar reserves
to back it up.

The result was almost immediate success. The peg restored credibility to the
peso, broke the Argentine scourge of hyperinflation and brought the first
economic stability to that country in our lifetimes. Argentine GDP grew by
about 10% in each of the next two years and nearly 6% in the two after that.
The peg even helped Argentina to ride out any contagion from Mexico's peso
devaluation of 1994; growth fell in 1995 but the country's refusal to take
conventional advice and follow with its own devaluation helped growth
rebound through 1998.

Of course, the challenge with any hard-money policy is that its benefits
require that policy discipline be maintained. And over time that is
something Argentina's politicians proved incapable of doing. In particular, its
political system provided no control over the free-spending of state
governors. The country's rigid labor laws were never eased and new private
monopolies, such as in telecom, hurt its competitiveness.

The peso-peg's intellectual Achilles' heel, however, was probably Mercosur,
the country's customs union with neighboring Brazil. A free-trade area like
Mercosur can be useful, but it is inevitably unstable when one of the
countries is linked to the dollar and the other isn't. So when Brazil
devalued its real in January 1999, Argentina got whacked.

Devaluations of this type used to be called beggar-thy-neighbor policies for
a reason. In this case it gave Brazilian products an exporting advantage and
made Argentina bear the pain of adjustment. Argentine exports fell in 1999
for the only time that decade. Mercosur's common external tariffs trapped
Argentina into this arrangement and blocked its industries from the
discipline of global competition. In response Argentina began fiddling with
its dollar-peso link, adding the euro to the mix in another sign of
weakening discipline.

This is where both the Clinton Treasury and the International Monetary Fund
failed Argentina. At worst then-Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin encouraged
Brazil to devalue, at best he did nothing to stop it. And devaluations are
of course the IMF's household remedy for any economic ailment. Worse, when
Argentina's economy suffered as a result, the IMF then recommended its other
patent medicine -- austerity and higher taxes to close its "budget deficit."
While there certainly was a budget problem, austerity to solve recession is
self-defeating, not to say idiotic.

Rather than devalue, Argentina would be better off now to go all the way to
complete dollarization while breaking free of Mercosur. This would restore
credibility to the peso, which is essential to attracting new investment.
And it would limit the devastation to the living standards of the country's
middle class.

If there is a silver lining to this debacle, it is that Argentina's
international creditors won't be bailed out. This is in contrast to what
happened after the Mexican and Asian crises of the 1990s, and goes a ways
toward removing moral hazard from the global monetary system. The Bush
Treasury deserves credit so far for holding the line here. We can hope that
in the future markets will start to pinch credit to troubled countries
sooner, before any downward spiral and while there is still time for less
painful remedies.

It would be even better for world economic growth and stability if the IMF
is one of the creditors that isn't repaid. Its bad advice has contributed to
Argentina's troubles, but its bureaucrats will pay no heed until their own
pretensions are pricked. They will continue to live comfortably in
Washington with their own assets in dollars, immune from the damage that
devaluation does to peso-holding Argentines.

More hopefully, an Argentina free of the IMF could finally address its own
problems more realistically. Things may now get worse before they get
better, but Russia faced similar turmoil after its last economic crisis in 
1998. The
Russians threw off the IMF yoke, stabilized the ruble and cut taxes, and the
result has been a burst of prosperity. There's no reason Argentina can't do
the same.


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