> a classic book that in some ways summarizes the Frankfurt school viewpoint
for me is Orwell's _1984_, where there is total domination and no hope.

Well, the domination is not total, because Winston revolts and, for example,
has an affair with Julia (the description of the character Julia owes much
to Wilhelm Reich's analysis of fascism). In fact, Orwell refers to the hopes
Winston feels, in seeking to meet Julia.  If there was no revolt by Winston,
there would be no story. The problem is rather that although Winston
revolts, the story implies he cannot win in any way, because the "machine"
will get him anyhow, and beat him down. The radical or extremist power of
the story derives in part from the gradual but inexorable process of the
complete destruction of all hope, which is completely contrary to the happy
ending which most welladjusted people believe possible, and is therefore
disturbing to them. Interestingly, Isaac Deutscher titled his review of 1984
"The mystification of cruelty". His view seems to have been that the story
lacks emancipatory potential, because Winston experiences his world as
arbitrary and relatively incomprehensible in his repressiveness, there is no
sense of the Enlightenment idea of "reason in revolt", no sense of being
able to understand that world profoundly, there is no possibilty of
articulating another, alternative meaning, no "Interpretationsfreiheit".

Orwell's story contrasts with Ira Levin's (in my opinion) superior story,
which is more attuned to American imagery, called "This Perfect Day", where
Chip ends up destroying the machine, because he has understood its
functioning, and can put a spaniard in the works, which blows up the entire
system that oppresses him.
>
> Harry Braverman's LABOR AND MONOPOLY CAPITAL was also highly influenced by
this school (as was Baran's POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GROWTH). These books were
excessively influenced by the bad political situation (the working-class
demobilization) after World War II; the authors had a hard time transcending
this situation.

Yes, but they were good and influential books anyhow. Baran was amazingly
astute, I would like to read him again actually because some of his insights
about third world economies are very pertinent still, even although he is
largely forgotten. I read these works in 1980 and 1981 respectively. Michael
Burawoy wrote some scholarly critiques of what came to be known as the
Braverman thesis, as did Paul Willis, but this is not linked explicitly to
any project for cultural or political action.

> these days, it seems, the situation is even worse. But people have got
into other things besides Frankfurt School theory...

They dropped the theory, and went for the Frankfurter. It's often a new
agey, hedonistic, nihilistic response. The rational kernel in it is, that a
social vision of gloom and doom may produce only gloom and doom, whereas a
more optimistic, imaginative, hedonistic perspective, even if not justified
by circumstances, pragmatically opens up new possibilities for social and
personal change, and reveals new inner resources. For example, revolts
against and subversion of social injustice might be fun, a source of joy. In
a lot of Leftwing culture, there is exultation of the heroism of
"revolutionary sacrifice" that people should emulate, a culture of suffering
and martyrdom in the name of an ideal, but the more intelligent radical
knows this to be self-destructive stupidity in many cases, a rhetorical
hangover from the 1930s, from Marxism-Leninism, or from christian religion,
which masks a bad social analysis, and is the result of a bad social
analysis, which is stubbornly maintained for the wrong reasons, and hence
produces senseless suffering.

It is this phenomenon that David Horowitz tends to zoom in on, because as a
neo-conservative, he instinctively feels that the most powerful critique of
radicalism is that it promotes irrational suffering. But that is just to
say, that he mystifies the social origins of his own "wayward" radical
phase, he regards his own radical phase as an irrational deviation,
ultimately his ostensibly radical politics were not consistent with the real
impulses of his personality and out of step with history as he perceives it.
Lenin referred to this phenomenon as "infantile leftism", i.e. a childhood
disease or puberal rebellion against authority, driven mainly by emotion or
moral sentiment, rather than mature intellect, and which, precisely driven
by emotion and moral notions, has a rationality explicable only within human
subjectivity, within the individual, but is unrelated to the real world and
abstracts from social relations.

Mutual misunderstanding
After the fact
Sensitivity builds a prison
In the final act
We lose direction
No stone unturned
No tears to damn you
When jealousy burns

- Elton John

Ooh, life is bigger
It's bigger than you
And you are not me
The lengths that I will go to
The distance in your eyes
Oh no I've said too much, I said it all
That's me in the corner
That's me in the spotlight
Losing my religion
Trying to keep a view
And I don't know if I can do it
Oh no I've said too much
I haven't said enough
I thought that I heard you laughing
I thought that I heard you sing
I think I thought I saw you try

- R.E.M.

Jurriaan.

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