http://reason.com/archives/2015/06/23/president-bush-was-rig
ht-before-he-was-w
Why We Should Eliminate the Department of Homeland Security
<http://reason.com/archives/2015/06/23/president-bush-was-right-before-he-was-w>Let's
dismantle the Frankenstein monster and divide its responsibilities more
effectively.

Matt A Mayer <http://reason.com/people/matt-a-mayer/all>|Jun. 23, 2015 9:30
am

[image: Description: DHS]DHSAfter the September 11, 2001, terrorist attack,
President George W. Bush rightly resisted Congress' urge to create a new
federal department charged with the homeland security mission. Bush
believed the federal government could protect America with a strong
homeland security council managed by the White House, similar to the
National Security Council. Following relentless pressure, he acquiesced and
the federal government gave birth to the U.S. Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) on March 1, 2003.

The new department largely consists of agencies and offices pulled from
other existing cabinet departments. After twelve years of mediocre-to-poor
operations and countless scandals, it is clear President Bush's initial
instinct was right. The core functions overseen by DHS can be managed more
effectively elsewhere, especially where territorial battles undermine
operational efficacy.

It is time to eliminate DHS and put the various components where they are a
better fit. Eliminating DHS would result in annual fiscal savings of more
than $2.5 billion, with 4,000 fewer employees. Those reductions, however,
only represent part of the rationale for eliminating DHS. The other reasons
to do so are that DHS is riddled with performance inefficiencies and that
its existence creates inefficiencies in other federal entities due to the
need to coordinate across organizational boundaries. America can't afford
more of the same as terrorist threats reemerge.

With a new President getting elected in a year-and-a-half, starting this
discussion now hopefully will spur proponents and opponents to enter the
fray, and help presidential candidates to think about how they might more
efficiently and effectively protect America during their time in office.

I spent nearly two and a half years at DHS where I first oversaw the
terrorism grant, training, and exercise programs for state and local
governments under Secretary Tom Ridge. When Michael Chertoff took over, I
became the Counselor to the Deputy Secretary on policy and operational
issues. My time included the response to Hurricane Katrina. In the nine
years since I left DHS, I likely have written more on DHS than just about
anyone <http://www.heritage.org/search?query=%22matt+mayer%22&=nomobile>,
including a book, *Homeland Security and Federalism: Protecting America
from Outside the Beltway
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0313355223/reasonmagazineA/>*.

It goes without saying that I observed up-close the dysfunction, turf
battles, and inherent limitations in an entity that does so much. These
problems are exacerbated due to the fact that, in many cases, the
activities DHS engages in require enormous coordination with entities
embedded in other federal departments.

For example, the Transportation Security Administration must continually
coordinate with the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and the U.S.
Department of Transportation (DOT) given the overlap among their
responsibilities. By moving the non-air components to DOT and the air
components to the FAA, decisions would be made more quickly and without the
turf battles between department heads.

Similarly, with the creation of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Homeland Defense and Americas' Security Affairs, having the U.S. Coast
Guard (USCG) outside of the U.S. Department of Defense is nonsensical.
Syncing the four military branches that focus on our external threats with
the military branch that secures our domestic waterways will enable unified
command and control capabilities and streamlined support systems.

Two entities within DHS that would align better elsewhere are U.S.
Citizenship & Immigration Services (USCIS) and its Ombudsman. USCIS's
functions are closely associated with the U.S. Department of State's Bureau
of Consular Affairs (BCA). A quick look at their respective mission
statements shows how similar the two entities are. The mission of USCIS is:

USCIS will secure America's promise as a nation of immigrants by providing
accurate and useful information to our customers, granting immigration and
citizenship benefits, promoting an awareness and understanding of
citizenship, and ensuring the integrity of our immigration system.

The mission
<http://travel.state.gov/content/travel/english/about/mission.html> of BCA
is:

The mission of the Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) is to protect the lives
and interests of American citizens abroad and to strengthen the security of
United States borders through the vigilant adjudication of visas and
passports. CA contributes significantly to the USG goal of promoting
international exchange and understanding. Our vision is to help American
citizens engage the world. The Bureau issues the travel documents that
allow Americans to travel the globe and lawful immigrants and visitors to
travel to America and provides essential cycle of life services to American
citizens overseas.

With such similar missions, what efficiencies and effectiveness measures
are gained by having these entities in separate departments? BCA's more
extensive mission easily could absorb USCIS's complementary functions.

A final example is the domestic federal law enforcement functions within
U.S. Customs and Border Protection and U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement (ICE). Those two entities consistently must coordinate with
numerous elements at the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), including: the
Federal Bureau of Investigation; the Drug Enforcement Administration; the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms & Explosives; and the U.S. Attorneys.
By having those entities under a separate cabinet official, the opportunity
for turf battles and arbitrage are heightened.

Equally problematic is the multi-headed hydra faced by state and local law
enforcement. With a large portion of state and local terrorism funding
residing at DHS and ICE's existence in the department, state and local law
enforcement must contend with multiple intelligence entities (DHS' weak
fusion centers, DOJ's Joint Terrorism Task Forces, and the FBI's Field
Intelligence Groups), coordinating bodies, and funding offices. This
fragmentation only ensures that key items will fall through the cracks
between these departments, whose personnel spend far too much time fighting
each other for primacy than they should. Our enemies couldn't ask for a
more fertile environment within which to attack us.

During my time at DHS, I unfortunately spent too much time fending off
fiefdom building efforts by Michael Brown and his staff at the Federal
Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) over the $3.5 billion terrorism grant
programs that I ran and Brown wanted. During the transition from Secretary
Ridge to Secretary Chertoff, Brown and I engaged in a running debate over
whether preparedness functions should reside outside or inside of FEMA. I
won the debate when Secretary Chertoff keep the terrorism preparedness
functions outside of FEMA.

At the time, I focused on the importance of protecting terrorism
preparedness operations from the constant operational natural disaster
response and recovery tempo of FEMA. I made the case that terrorism
preparedness operations tended to wither on the vine because FEMA needed to
divert resources to ensure successful responses to natural disasters. With
the ever-increasing natural disaster declarations coming out of FEMA since
1993
<http://dailysignal.com/2012/02/05/chart-of-the-week-obamas-abuse-of-fema-declarations/>,
I had real concerns in our post-9/11 environment that terrorism would play
second fiddle to the nationalization of natural disasters.

In the congressional actions after Hurricane Katrina, FEMA finally got the
terrorism preparedness functions it had long sought. Though it's hard to
admit, I have to concede that combining the preparedness, response, and
recovery elements in FEMA hasn't resulted in terrorism preparedness getting
weakened. That doesn't mean it has improved either. Much of FEMA's recent
success is due to the excellent leadership of FEMA Administrator Craig
Fugate combined with the limited number of major natural disasters during
the Obama Administration. The experience of the FEMA Administrator is
clearly critical to its operational success.

In fact, given how often the FEMA Administrator interacts with the
President, creating a layer of secretarial management between the two makes
little sense. Having the FEMA Administrator report, instead, directly to
the president is especially important because it simply reflects the
reality of what happens anyway when a major natural disaster strike
America. FEMA should once again become a stand-along agency. That said, the
terrorism-related grants, training, and exercise programs should revert
back to DOJ, thereby strengthening the connection among domestic terrorism
entities in federal, state, and local governments.

As for the U.S. Secret Service, its main mission
<http://www.secretservice.gov/mission.shtml> is:

to ensure the security of our President, our Vice President, their
families, the White House, the Vice President's Residence, national and
visiting world leaders, former Presidents, and events of national
significance. The Secret Service also protects the integrity of our
currency and investigates crimes against our national financial system
committed by criminals around the world and in cyberspace.

Given that very specific mission, the Director should report directly to
the person his agency is charged with protecting. Perhaps the scandals and
failures of the last few years are due to the agency's lost standing
incumbent with being placed in the bowels of a department. It is hard to
think that reporting directly to the president will not up the
accountability level.

Beyond the fiscal savings of eliminating inefficient and, at times,
ineffective layers of management, operations should improve. Things
certainly couldn't get worse. As DHS Inspector General
<https://www.oig.dhs.gov/> and U.S. Government Accountability Office
<http://www.gao.gov/browse/a-z/Department_of_Homeland_Security,_Executive>
reports over the last twelve years unequivocally demonstrate, DHS has not
been a model of success. To boot, surveys of personnel consistently show
that DHS employees have the lowest morale
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/homeland-security-has-done-little-for-low-morale-but-study-it--repeatedly/2015/02/20/f626eba8-b15c-11e4-886b-c22184f27c35_story.html>
in the federal government.

As the saying goes, when you find yourself in a hole, it is wise to stop
digging. Good intentions led to creating a new cabinet department with
180,000 employees and a nearly $38 billion budget that has ballooned to
240,000 employees and a $61 billion budget. Those increases represent a 33
percent jump in employees and a 61 percent budgetary explosion in just 12
years. More people and money did not result in better outcomes.

My proposed reorganization may not be correct on all counts, but it would
be better than the status quo. Spending another decade allowing a
department to grow even larger while it continues to get weak results will
only ensure it becomes yet another permanent, and ineffective, federal
bureaucracy. We can and should do better. President Bush instinctively had
it right. It's now time we fix what politics got wrong.


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