I agree with Mark that Smith allows the political process to deal with 
religious exemptions -- as long as those exemptions do not violate any other 
constitutional guarantee. It may well be that the state has a choice as to how 
it can respond to a claim that it discriminates in favor of religious speech. 
Instead of standing by the discriminatory exemption -- which would require a 
court to invalidate it -- it could generalize the exemption to apply to all 
expressive meetings. But if the state refuses to extend the exemption, doesn't 
that require a Court to subject the exemption to strict scrutiny and, 
presumably, to strike it down?

Alan Brownstein
________________________________________
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Scarberry, Mark [mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu]
Sent: Saturday, June 20, 2009 6:25 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: "A Bible study group and a book club are not treated the same"

If Smith is going to be used to justify a constitutional prohibition on 
religious exemptions, then it is even worse than I thought. But the point of 
Smith, as I understand it, is precisely to allow the political process to deal 
with requests for political exemptions. To the extent that land use laws 
applied in a supposedly neutral way would prevent religious groups from 
meeting, it seems that the granting of an exemption by the local government 
would be permitted by Smith. Whether the granting of such an exemption then 
would require that similar non-religious group meetings would need to be 
permitted is an interesting question that could affect the outcome of the 
political process with respect to allowing exemptions for religious meetings 
but should not invalidate such exemptions. At least that's my initial take.

Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine

  _____

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of Brownstein, Alan
Sent: Sat 6/20/2009 5:52 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: "A Bible study group and a book club are not treated the same"



If we had a constitutional regime that confers special protections for 
non-expressive religious exercise against neutral laws of general 
applicability, the issue of how to treat expressive religious exercise would 
require some difficult line drawing and analysis. But since Smith controls the 
meaning of the free exercise clause, there is no special federal constitutional 
protection for religious exercise -- whether it is expressive or not. Under 
this regime a statute that confers special protection for expressive religious 
exercise is going to confront serious and unavoidable establishment clause and 
free speech clause issues, isn't it?

Alan Brownstein
________________________________________
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Bezanson, Randall P [randy-bezan...@uiowa.edu]
Sent: Friday, June 19, 2009 9:05 AM
To: 'Law & Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: "A Bible study group and a book club are not treated the same"

Let's see ... speech is fully protected, but religious speech is even more 
fully protected, indeed advantaged.Can that be right?  Yes, if the Free 
Exercise Clause confers special protections for religious speech exercise -- a 
not implausible theory.  Yet I have always thought that the non-establishment 
clause could justify greater or additional limitations on religious speech.  
Could both be true?  I don't see any reason why not since the two religious 
clauses are often, though not always, at war with one another because they 
serve two distinct purposes.

Randy Bezanson

-----Original Message-----
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Friday, June 19, 2009 10:05 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: "A Bible study group and a book club are not treated the same"

        I haven't read the whole opinion yet, but in my skim I was struck by 
this line:

        "The trial court appears to have been troubled that an operation which 
can be and often is conducted for purely secular purposes could be entitled to 
increased protection from government regulation if conducted for religious 
reasons. But TRFRA guarantees such protection. Just as a Bible study group and 
a book club are not treated the same, neither are a halfway house operated for 
religious purposes and one that is not. Under Smith, the Free Exercise Clause 
does not require strict scrutiny for religious activity affected by neutral 
laws of general application,66 but TRFRA imposes the requirement by statute."

        Is it clear that it's constitutional, given the Free Speech Clause and 
the Establishment Clause, and the position of 6 of the votes in Texas Monthly 
v. Bullock, for the law to treat Bible study groups better than book clubs?

        Eugene



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Douglas Laycock
Sent: Friday, June 19, 2009 7:58 AM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Texas RFRA

The Supreme Court of Texas has unanimously given the Texas RFRA its intended 
meaning to provide real protection for exercises of religion.  Barr v. City of 
Sinton, Link to opinion below.  The case involves a religious halfway house in 
a small town in South Texas.  The city made no serious effort to prove a  
compelling interest in closing the halfway house; its main argument seemed to 
be that there was no burden because the halfway house could leave town, and 
that that Texas RFRA should not apply to zoning anyway.
Most of the opposition to Texas RFRA was from neighborhood associations worried 
about land use.  The lead sponsor in the House told me that if people got the 
idea that this meant that black churches could locate in white neighborhoods, 
the bill would be dead.  The compromise was to provide that cities would have 
no less land use authority than they had had under federal law on March 17, 
1990 (the day before Smith.)  The land use folks claimed that Sherbert and 
Yoder had never applied to them; the bill's supporters claimed that Sherbert 
and Yoder had been a generally applicable test that applied to all regulation, 
including land use regulation.  The state supreme court just resolved that 
argument in favor of the bill's supporters.
http://www.supreme.courts.state.tx.us/historical/2009/jun/060074.htm

Douglas Laycock
Yale Kamisar Collegiate Professor of Law
University of Michigan Law School
625 S. State St.
Ann Arbor, MI  48109-1215
  734-647-9713
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