People could take an absolutist view of two realms in the Founders' time; they 
obviously cannot any more, with the enormous expansion of government.

My commitment to religious liberty, including the ministerial exception, is 
based in a deep commitment to civil liberties more generally. There should be 
no inconsistency in protecting the rights of believers in Hosanna-Tabor and 
protecting the rights of nonbeliever with respect to the Pledge. Both are about 
various ways in which government interferes with the religious beliefs and 
practices of individuals and groups.  

Of course imposing a minister on an unwilling congregation is a far more 
serious intrusion than asking (but not requiring) school children to give a 
brief and generic affirmation of faith. But such judgments about the weight of 
violations do not go to the basic point. My commitment is to liberty for all. 

On Thu, 12 Jan 2012 17:48:47 -0500 (EST)
 ledew...@duq.edu wrote:
>I would like to return to the panel at AALS that John Taylor mentioned. 
>Two of the panelists arguing in favor of the ministerial exception, Chris
>Lund and Douglas Laycock, would not be considered pro-religion in the
>conventional sense—both believe for example that the Pledge of Allegiance
>is in principle unconstitutional.  Their support of the ministerial
>exception could not really be based on history or the need for an
>unfettered religious presence in society.  So, upon what was their support
>ultimately based—what underlying worldview was being urged?
>
>Although only mentioned once on the panel, I think the worldview at stake
>was the “two realms” understanding—that the State and the Church operate
>in separate domains.  But there are problems with this view.  First, we as
>a society do not really believe it.  The King’s criminal law now reaches
>into the churches, fortunately, and a capitalist society will always
>ensure that ministers’ contracts are honored by churches, in court if
>necessary (as the Court in Hosanna-Tabor predictably reserved).
>
>But neither do religious believers accept the two realms.  For separate
>realms can also mean marginalization of religion into a private space. 
>The next time believers want a national motto with the word God in it, the
>objection will be raised that State and Church are indeed separate, as the
>ministerial exception seems to imply.
>
>The basis of the ministerial exception has to be something quite
>different—that it is precisely because churches do not operate in a
>separate realm that the ministerial exception stands for a limit on the
>omnipotence of the State in any of its activities (and this has been a
>defense of the symbolism of one Nation under God as well).  Of course if
>this is the case, then in principle the ministerial exception could be
>available to groups that are not now considered religious and it suggests
>that Smith was wrongly decided since the Free Exercise Clause also stands
>for the proposition that the government is not omnipotent even in its
>legitimate activities.
>
>Bruce Ledewitz
>Professor of Law
>Duquesne Law School
>
>
>_______________________________________________
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Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
     434-243-8546
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