[Marxism] Erdoğan Article in WSJ

2018-09-10 Thread RKOB via Marxism

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He is in cul-de-sac. He also confirms that Turkey and his FSA allies are 
ready to conduct "counter-terrorism operations" against HTS et al.


https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-world-must-stop-assad-1536614148

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Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA?s Founders

2018-09-10 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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First off, I've been pretty mature and level-headed considering some of the
wild and overall insulting stuff hurled at me over pointing out that the
Democrats are always the Democrats. Your silence when people were saying
that stuff was noted.

Second, lighten the hell up, really. Irving Howe was a cranky old grouch
and racist asshole. Michael Harrington was a fence-sitter and straddled the
status quo when the urban middle class of New York City was being
repulsive, racist, and classist towards a set of political developments
that could have led to a genuine municipal democratic socialism. If you go
read David Harvey, one of his pinpoints on the timeline of neoliberal
history is 1975 and Gerald Ford telling NYC to 'Drop Dead'. That was the
moment of finance capitalism in America speaking from the Oval Office and
causing a counter-revolution we are still in the death grip of. The only
reason that happened was because Howe and Harrington and Shanker had broken
the alliance between the middle class unionists and the working class
taxpayers who were most reliant upon the Welfare state.

I will close here with this quote from Noel Ignativev's essay on Thomas E.
Watson, the Populist politician who ended life as a Dixiecrat <
https://hardcrackers.com/rainbow-coalition-class-war/>:


In 1896, the national Democratic Party, feeling the heat of Populism,
nominated William Jennings Bryan for President on a platform that borrowed
planks from Populism. Now the Party was confronted with a dilemma, to go
with Bryan or hold out for the complete platform. At its St. Louis
Convention, the Party split, some voting to support Bryan, others to remain
independent. As a compromise Watson agreed to accept the Populist
nomination for vice-president on a ticket headed by Bryan.

The election, won by Republican William McKinley, was a debacle for
Populism, leaving its supporters embittered and leading to the Party’s
demise. Watson withdrew from politics, turning his attention to writing
histories, biographies, and a novel. Then in 1904 he returned to politics,
now as an advocate of disfranchising black voters. (At that time, black
people still voted in the South even though their political organizations
had been repressed and their power reduced when Reconstruction was
overturned.)

How to explain the change? It was not a result of corruption, bribery or
personal betrayal; in fact, it was not personal at all, but representative
of a general problem in U.S. history, and there was logic in it.

The so-called “Negro Question” had always been his nemesis; if, he
reasoned, the black vote could be eliminated as a factor in elections, poor
whites would no longer be afraid to vote their interests, and the
banker-industrialists dominating the New South could be overturned. Hence,
he endorsed the disfranchisement of black voters. He also launched attacks
against the Catholic Church, which he accused of serving a foreign power,
and against Jews, whom he saw as representatives of northern capitalist
interests. (His stirring up popular resentment of Jews led to the 1915
lynching of Leo Frank in Atlanta.)

The roots of his transubstantiation were to be found in his failure, and
the failure of the movement he led, even in the days when he was preaching
unity of black and white poor, to address the material basis of the
disunity.

There were always fissures in the Populist coalition, largely based in
differences in standing between black wage-laborers and white farm owners:
for example, when the Colored Farmers’ Alliance proposed to call a strike
of black cotton-pickers, the president of the (white) Alliance denounced it
as an effort “to better their condition at the expense of their white
brethren.”

Watson’s efforts at uniting the poor of both races had always been grounded
on the premise that the “races” had divergent (as well as common)
interests; it was, therefore, a small step for him to abandon those efforts
when new avenues promising greater success opened.

What if black laborers were more often than whites wage-workers? What if
black sharecroppers generally found themselves laboring under more
unfavorable terms than whites, terms enforced by legal and extra-legal
terror? What if black people made up the overwhelming majority of victims
of the convict lease system? What if rural schools for black children were
open a hundred days of the year, shutting down during cotton-picking
season, while schools for whites stayed open year-round? Why, when the task
is to unite the laborers, focus on the things that divide them? Doesn’t it
make more sense to focus on the grievances they have in common, their
common subordination to the 

Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA?s Founders

2018-09-10 Thread Saman Sepehri via Marxism
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 What in the hell does this have anything to do with any serious discussion of 
DSA today--for or against (cis-gendered man  having sex with etc.etc jussy 
gossip about  Irwing Howe sodomizing Harrington...)? 
This from your previous comment says it all:
"First, I have to admit that I find it deeply satisfying to see that I
garnered such a reaction, it means I struck a nerve. Either way one looks
at it, my ego profits mightily from this exercise. Way cool!"

Please stop trolling on this list. No matter what you think you are doing.
Don't need this filth presented as debate on DSA, any more than I need 
"grabbing Pussy" on part of Trump as legitimate discussion.




On Monday, September 10, 2018, 9:14:34 PM CDT, Andrew Stewart via Marxism 
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a) There is nothing bizarre or even radical in describing Bayard Rustin as
a cis-gendered man, which he was. He did not present himself as trans in
public and I have not encountered anything saying otherwise. He was cis, he
was a man who had sex with men (MSM), and he was Black. Ergo "*they all are
cis men and, except for Rustin, white heterosexuals*" is the proper
description. What, is there some juicy gossip about Harrington sodomizing
Howe that I missed out on? ;)

  
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Re: [Marxism] In memory of Fred Feldman (John Riddell)

2018-09-10 Thread Gary MacLennan via Marxism
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Sorry to hear this. Vale Fred

comradely

Gary

On Tue, Sep 11, 2018 at 7:05 AM Richard Fidler via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

>   POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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> #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
> #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
> *
>
> In memory of Fred Feldman
> (Including: A guide to Fred's online writings)
>
> By John Riddell
>
> Fred Feldman, a widely respected socialist activist and long-time leader
> of the
> U.S. Socialist Workers Party, died August 25, 2018. An accomplished and
> influential writer, Fred had fallen silent in recent years due to ill
> health.
> Fortunately, most of his texts are online and easily accessible. A guide
> to his
> writings is provided below.
>
> Back in the early sixties, as a student activist, Fred was often arrested
> during
> the Freedom Rides for Black human rights.  In 1964, Fred supported the
> Socialists Workers Party (SWP) presidential campaign against L.B. Johnson
> and
> Barry Goldwater. He soon joined the SWP. He wrote voluminously for SWP
> publications, mostly on international issues, and served for many years as
> a
> full-time volunteer on the staff of its publications and of
> Intercontinental
> Press/Inprecor.
>
> Full: http://tinyurl.com/y7cr9sm2
>
>
>
>
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Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA?s Founders

2018-09-10 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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a) There is nothing bizarre or even radical in describing Bayard Rustin as
a cis-gendered man, which he was. He did not present himself as trans in
public and I have not encountered anything saying otherwise. He was cis, he
was a man who had sex with men (MSM), and he was Black. Ergo "*they all are
cis men and, except for Rustin, white heterosexuals*" is the proper
description. What, is there some juicy gossip about Harrington sodomizing
Howe that I missed out on? ;)

b) Two matters to discuss here:

You might want to check when bombing of North Vietnam began (hint: JFK was
out of office;) he was criticized on the right for *not* trying to invade
Cuba

i) American bombing of North Vietnam

We can go back and forth for days about what exactly qualifies as "American
bombing", which to me strikes me as being equivalent to arguing how many
Angels of Death can dance on the head of a pin. In the hindsight provided
by the Pentagon Papers, the National Archives disclosures, the Kennedy
administration papers being declassified, and Wikileaks, there is a cogent
and logical case for American provision of arms and bombs to the forces
opposing the North Vietnamese as early as 1946 as a response to Ho's
election in January of that year. Some might argue the French were not
acting as our proxies in that instance (something I fundamentally beg to
differ on). However, since Chomsky and his blush response is being brought
up, here is what Noam wrote in his polemic RETHINKING CAMELOT <
https://zcomm.org/rethinking-camelot/> and particularly <
https://zcomm.org/wp-content/uploads/zbooks/htdocs/chomsky/rc/rc-c01-s05.html
>:

*On October 11, 1961, Kennedy ordered dispatch of a US Air Force Farmgate
squadron to South Vietnam, 12 planes especially equipped for
counterinsurgency warfare, soon authorized “to fly coordinated missions
with Vietnamese personnel in support of Vietnamese ground forces.” On
December 16, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, whom JFK had put in charge
of running the war, authorized their participation in combat operations
against southerners resisting the violence of the US-imposed terror state
or living in villages out of government control. These were the first steps
in engaging US forces directly in bombing and other combat operations in
South Vietnam from 1962, along with sabotage missions in the North. These
1961-1962 actions laid the groundwork for the huge expansion of the war in
later years, with its awesome toll...*

Certainly we can ask about when the public knew about bombing or when they
became cognizant of the war. But the record indicates, after 50 years, that
we had our hands in that cookie jar during the Truman administration with
an air war component as late as the first Eisenhower term.

ii) he was criticized on the right for *not* trying to invade Cuba

We sent a CIA-backed invasion force into the Bay of Pigs. That was an
American operation. JFK was criticized for not sending in the cavalry

---to re-enforce ground troops we had already put into action---.

That whole episode would have been little more than a failed fireworks
display had it not been for the CIA's role in training and provision of
arms.

As for the matter of parking lots, I don't think that is hyperbolic at all.
Where are you going to put all the dump trucks as they steal the pillaged
natural resources and other booty from our piratical imperialist
operations, Ho Chi Minh's bungalow? We were trying to ransack the place and
make room for highways by which the expropriation might be streamlined.

I invite you to take a second look at my analysis here:
<
https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/08/31/grappling-with-the-racism-of-the-dsas-founders/
>

-- 
Best regards,

Andrew Stewart

from: Matt Harvey 
to: hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com
cc: marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu
date: Sep 10, 2018, 8:00 PM
subject: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA?s Founders

Andrew,

I really wanted to give your piece on DSA a chance. It starts off well and
I think the legacy of Cold War era Pentagon--CIA or DC think tank, pick
your description--socialists as represented first by the *Encounter* then
*Dissent*, Irving Howe and late-period Schactman is fertile ground for
repertorial spade work. Shanker's destructive cleaving the old NYC liberal
coalition is an extremely interesting footnote if nothing else. I even
tried to choke down this bizarre line, "*(and they all are cis men and,
except for Rustin, white heterosexuals)"  *[Cis?] in the hopes that you
were attempting irony or it was an unfortunate editorial addition.

Unfortunately the ahistoricism continues apace with an anti-Kennedy
rant--climaxing with, "[JFK] was in the 

[Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA?s Founders

2018-09-10 Thread Matt Harvey via Marxism
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Andrew,

I really wanted to give your piece on DSA a chance. It starts off well and
I think the legacy of Cold War era Pentagon--CIA or DC think tank, pick
your description--socialists as represented first by the *Encounter* then
*Dissent*, Irving Howe and late-period Schactman is fertile ground for
repertorial spade work. Shanker's destructive cleaving the old NYC liberal
coalition is an extremely interesting footnote if nothing else. I even
tried to choke down this bizarre line, "*(and they all are cis men and,
except for Rustin, white heterosexuals)"  *[Cis?] in the hopes that you
were attempting irony or it was an unfortunate editorial addition.

Unfortunately the ahistoricism continues apace with an anti-Kennedy
rant--climaxing with, "[JFK] was in the midst of the genocidal effort to
turn Vietnam into a parking lot"--that would make Chomsky or Alexander
Cockburn blush. (You might want to check when bombing of North Vietnam
began (hint: JFK was out of office;) he was criticized on the right for
*not* trying to invade Cuba, btw.)

So I alas I didn't find out if the overhyped DSA is doomed by original sin.
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[Marxism] Citizen Action: It's Easier than We Think, Pt 1

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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This morning I woke from a bad dream about being in the back seat of a 
car driven by Puff Diddy who made a sharp turn off the highway into a 
corn field. As happens customarily, I listen to the radio for a few 
minutes to get over the bad dream--usually to sports radio stations or NPR.


This morning, I accidentally tuned to the wretched WBAI by mistake, 
thinking I had hit the button for NPR. It was Ralph Nader being 
interviewed by David Barsamian instead and it was really great stuff. 
You can get an mp3 or a pdf for $10 from his website, which is kind of 
steep. But I promise you that you will hear Nader in rare form.



https://www.alternativeradio.org/collections/latest-programs/products/nadr020
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[Marxism] China to take over Zambia's power firm over loan default – Finance – Pulselive.co.ke

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.pulselive.co.ke/bi/finance/china-to-take-over-zambias-power-firm-over-loan-default-id8826502.html

This news follows puff piece from a few days ago about China offering 
$60 billion in loans to African countries with no strings attached.


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[Marxism] I see you, Bashar al-Assad

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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The following is an open letter to Bashar al-Assad, President of Syria.

***

As the famous Ibn Khaldun phrase goes, "The tyrants bring the invaders".

Bashar al-Assad, you are truly are a pied piper.

For only you can bring tens of thousands of Iranians, Iraqis, Lebanese, 
Afghans and Pakistanis to fight your battles on the ground (because for 
years now, you've been unable to find enough Syrians to fight for you) 
while claiming that you're defending Syrian "self-determination".


You can boast unashamedly of how you valiantly "recaptured" cities such 
as Aleppo, while the foreign forces representing you on the ground 
boasted of their greater importance than your vastly outnumbered rump army.


These forces were of course dominated by "secular" and "non-sectarian" 
border-crossing anti-Islamists - such as "The Nobles of the Party of 
God" (Hizballah al-Nujaba), the "Imam Ali Brigades" and "The Party of 
God" (Hizballah).


You can engage in conspiracy theories about the "plot" against you 
through your friends in Russian and western ("alt-right", and 
unfortunately, much of the "alt-left") propaganda outlets. But the real 
conspiracy has always been how the "democratic world" allowed you to 
employ a genocidal scale of violence in the 21st century.


You can - quite literally - say that "millions" of Syrians rose up 
against you in 2011, though you claim all were sympathisers of "Islamic 
extremists", while actually sectarian militias from seven different 
countries fought your battles on the ground.


full: 
https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/comment/2018/9/10/i-see-you-bashar-al-assad

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[Marxism] Jim Higgins: The Prophet's Children (Winter 1995/96)

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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The late Jim Higgins was irreplaceable. The last paragraph of his review 
of Tim Wolforth's memoir:


The Prophet’s Children is a strange book. At the end of it one does not 
understand why Tim Wohlforth did what he did. He was, it seems, 
motivated by goodwill to others, he was hardworking and unselfish, and 
prepared for sacrifice. But why he made those sacrifices is unclear. He 
thought Shachtman was a great man, and also James P. Cannon. To be fair, 
they certainly stood out in a field full of the vertically challenged, 
but to confer similar status on Healy shows a lack of judgement that 
sets you firmly amongst those who cannot tell Stork from butter. Still, 
Wohlforth has an endearing foible of larding his tale with little 
vignettes from everyday life. He visited a female comrade, Deborah, who 
worked in the party office, but was off sick. She was, it appears, not 
sick, just in love with him. Before you can say knife: “... we kissed 
passionately and started to undress each other. We staggered to her bed 
and were soon making passionate sweaty love.” Afterwards, Tim gets up, 
gets dressed, and is about to leave when the phone rings. Deborah 
answers the phone. “Hello, Trina”, she says, “I just fucked the Great 
Pumpkin.” Tim does not say so, but I think it must have been Halloween. 
What other explanation can there be?



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[Marxism] [UCE] The Guardian continues its shameless misinformation campaign against Nicaragua and its people | BLOG: Tirades and Diatribes

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://www.camiloemejia.com/?p=195
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[Marxism] In memory of Fred Feldman (John Riddell)

2018-09-10 Thread Richard Fidler via Marxism
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In memory of Fred Feldman
(Including: A guide to Fred's online writings)

By John Riddell

Fred Feldman, a widely respected socialist activist and long-time leader of the
U.S. Socialist Workers Party, died August 25, 2018. An accomplished and
influential writer, Fred had fallen silent in recent years due to ill health.
Fortunately, most of his texts are online and easily accessible. A guide to his
writings is provided below.

Back in the early sixties, as a student activist, Fred was often arrested during
the Freedom Rides for Black human rights.  In 1964, Fred supported the
Socialists Workers Party (SWP) presidential campaign against L.B. Johnson and
Barry Goldwater. He soon joined the SWP. He wrote voluminously for SWP
publications, mostly on international issues, and served for many years as a
full-time volunteer on the staff of its publications and of Intercontinental
Press/Inprecor.

Full: http://tinyurl.com/y7cr9sm2




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Re: [Marxism] The controversial ending of the US war against Vietnam

2018-09-10 Thread Dennis Brasky via Marxism
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That's the Chomsky view - that it was a symbolic but Pyrrhic victory for
the DRV/NLF.

On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 4:09 PM Michael Meeropol  wrote:

> MUCH MORE INTERESTING QUESTION _- Did the US in the end "WIN" the wars in
> Indochina by destroying the indigenous independent revolutionary forces
> within "South" Vietnam thereby leading to the conquest of South Vietnam by
> North Vietnam -- the unification of Vietnam under the Northern regime
> rather than a true compromise --- leading, ultimately, to the slide towards
> capitalism in Vietnam ---
>
> Whether it was because of the politics of the DRV or the destruction of
> the ability of the entire country -- north and south -- to support itself
> due to agent orange, unexploded ordinance, a massive death toll, etc. ---
> the result was no "socialist paradise" but an economically depressed
> country that in the end opted for capitalism.
>
> The US prevented the spread of a nationalistic version of communism which
> of course was the main reason for opposing the Viet Minh when they were
> fighting the French --- a great cost in human life.  Vietnam, Laos and
> Cambodia got to control their own country but the people of none of those
> countries ended up with socialism ...
>
> So the question remains -- did international capitalism ultimately WIN the
> war against the INdochinese people??
>
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Re: [Marxism] The controversial ending of the US war against Vietnam

2018-09-10 Thread Michael Meeropol via Marxism
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MUCH MORE INTERESTING QUESTION _- Did the US in the end "WIN" the wars in
Indochina by destroying the indigenous independent revolutionary forces
within "South" Vietnam thereby leading to the conquest of South Vietnam by
North Vietnam -- the unification of Vietnam under the Northern regime
rather than a true compromise --- leading, ultimately, to the slide towards
capitalism in Vietnam ---

Whether it was because of the politics of the DRV or the destruction of the
ability of the entire country -- north and south -- to support itself due
to agent orange, unexploded ordinance, a massive death toll, etc. --- the
result was no "socialist paradise" but an economically depressed country
that in the end opted for capitalism.

The US prevented the spread of a nationalistic version of communism which
of course was the main reason for opposing the Viet Minh when they were
fighting the French --- a great cost in human life.  Vietnam, Laos and
Cambodia got to control their own country but the people of none of those
countries ended up with socialism ...

So the question remains -- did international capitalism ultimately WIN the
war against the INdochinese people??
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Re: [Marxism] China Is Detaining Muslims in Vast Numbers. The Goal: ‘Transformation.’

2018-09-10 Thread David McDonald via Marxism
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These are Gulags. They are straight out of the totalitarian playbook of
destroying all foundations of life and social being by seeing any kind of
attachment as a threat to the Party. It's a society run by the secret
police. Such purges are always tried out first on troublesome "alien"
forces, even if they are the actual indigenes. Scary.
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism

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This message did not go thru. 2d try.

John Reiman wrote

However, I still feel that the end of bourgeois democracy in the US, if 
it happens anytime soon, will more resemble bonapartism/one-man rule 
than fascism, although there will likely be a fascist component to it.


Agree. But of course, with the threat to women's right to their own 
bodies, all the billions with a different hue or eye-shape from whites, 
immigrants, those subject to the dangers of military and environmental 
annihilation, and the working class and all affected by a lifetime of 
far-right SCOTUS, no reference to farce follows.




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Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA’s Founders

2018-09-10 Thread Steven L. Robinson via Marxism
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Howe's legacy is not insubstantial - just from the founding of Dissent back in 
the 1950s.  That journal has long been a leading voice of voices associated 
with DSA.  Whether or not it is now eclipsed by Jacobin is a legitimate 
question.

More important was Howe's role on shaping DSA's perspective on international 
matters.  Yes, he was a zionist but he was also a cold warrior.  Toward the end 
of his life, he supported the Gulf War of 1991. Not all DSA leaders shared his 
precise views on that point, but he certainly influenced them. Harold Myerson 
comes to mind. In 1991 he was a columnist for the Los Angeles Weekly and a DSA 
member. Myerson devoted a better part of a column of his to red baiting the 
main local and regional anti-war coalition, attacking it as being led by a 
bunch of Trots. Those attacks led to the creation of a rival coalition. The war 
ended before the new coalition did much of anything.

Whether or not the current DSA inherits the foreign policy views of Howe is - 
hopefully - doubtful because of the huge influx of new, younger members and the 
change of the group's character from a small largely paper organization to a 
much larger activist grouping. Given all that, the current DSA is more likely 
to be influenced by the politics of Bernie Sanders and less by Harrington and 
Howe. While that is problematic on its own terms, it is not addressed by 
dredging up the history of Shachtman, Harrington and the Coalition Caucus.  SR 


> On September 9, 2018 at 10:15 AM Joaquin Bustelo via Marxism 
>  wrote:

> 
> Yet, when I saw the name of Irving Howe my reaction was: "Irving who? 
> The guy who wrote World of our Fathers?"  So I'm not the one to judge him.
> 
> So that was the first reason I didn't include him. The second reason is 
> that the charges he lays against Howe are that he was a Zionist 
> (perfectly true, I gather), that he was part of the cold-war 
> anticommunist social democratic current years before DSA was founded, 
> and that he never completely abandoned some of those views.
> 
>
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread Dennis Brasky via Marxism
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http://www.startribune.com/review-one-person-no-vote-by-carol-anderson/492648911/

On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 11:24 AM John Reimann <1999wild...@gmail.com> wrote:

> Yes, that is certainly possible. Another alternative could be that if he
> and the Republicans feel that loss of control of one or both houses is very
> likely this November, they could carry out voter suppression to a degree
> not seen since the pre-civil rights days in the US. This could possibly
> lead to major protests, possibly even on voting day itself and there could
> be mass repression in response to that. That could lead to one-man rule
> along with the further expansion of groups like the Oathkeepers. But I
> think that would tend to mean one-man rule/bonapartism, not fascism.
>
> John
>
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On Sep 10, 2018, at 5:04 PM, Dennis Brasky  wrote:
>
> If Trump loses the House to the Dems in November and/or faces the end of
> his rule from the Mueller investigations, does he blame it on "voter fraud"
> and call out his supporters to protest? Do they get violent and if so, will
> that be tolerated or crushed?
>
>
>>
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread John Reimann via Marxism
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Yes, that is certainly possible. Another alternative could be that if he and 
the Republicans feel that loss of control of one or both houses is very likely 
this November, they could carry out voter suppression to a degree not seen 
since the pre-civil rights days in the US. This could possibly lead to major 
protests, possibly even on voting day itself and there could be mass repression 
in response to that. That could lead to one-man rule along with the further 
expansion of groups like the Oathkeepers. But I think that would tend to mean 
one-man rule/bonapartism, not fascism.

John

Sent from my iPad

> On Sep 10, 2018, at 5:04 PM, Dennis Brasky  wrote:
> 
> If Trump loses the House to the Dems in November and/or faces the end of his 
> rule from the Mueller investigations, does he blame it on "voter fraud" and 
> call out his supporters to protest? Do they get violent and if so, will that 
> be tolerated or crushed?
> 
>> On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 6:28 AM John Reimann via Marxism 
>>  wrote:
>> 
>> 
>> In the first place, I hope nobody is claiming that we already have a
>> fascist regime in place in the US. if they are, they will have to explain
>> why we are not all writing not from prison, but from six feet under.
>> 
>> Which brings me to my second point: What is Trump building? Is it fascism
>> or what could popularly be called one-man rule, or bonapartism? I think
>> there is an overlap between the two, but one element that distinguishes
>> fascism is a real, crazed mass base willing to go to the greatest extremes
>> and a militia directly controlled by the fascist movement. The Islamic
>> State has those characteristics, in my opinion. Trumpism does not. But it's
>> what enables fascism to go farther than bonapartism.  Whether Trump will be
>> able to achieve a true fully bonapartist, or one-man, rule is an open
>> question, in my opinion. Which already says a lot, much more than I ever
>> expected to be able to say about the US in my lifetime.
>> 
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Re: [Marxism] "What to do about 10, 000 al-Qaeda-linked terrorists in Idlib?"

2018-09-10 Thread mkaradjis via Marxism
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Indeed, this slipped into another article announcing a new supposedly
harder response to the current Assad-Putin massacre going on in Idlib:

"Asked whether the United States would consider its own airstrikes
against terrorist forces who are interspersed with Syrian rebel
fighters in Idlib, Jeffrey said, “We have asked repeatedly for
permission to operate” there, and “that would be one way” to respond."
(https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/in-a-shift-trump-approves-an-indefinite-military-and-diplomatic-effort-in-syria-us-officials-say/2018/09/06/0351ab54-b20f-11e8-9a6a-565d92a3585d_story.html?utm_term=.689651109268)

So US sour grapes about not being allowed to continue its own bombing
of rebels in Idlib alongside Assad and Putin, as it was doing till the
end of the first quarter of 2017, seems to be a factor in this "new"
rhetorical approach.

This produced events such as the US bombing of a mosque in western
Aleppo province (ie, part of 'Greater Idlib') in March 2017 that
killed 57 worshippers
(https://www.bellingcat.com/news/mena/2017/03/16/us-missile-remains-reportedly-recovered-from-site-of-aleppo-mosque-bombing/).
Supposedly the US was targeting "terrorists" (ie, HTS) who it claimed
used that mosque,sometimes.

Of course, neither Russia nor Assad had any objection to the US
bombing Idlib alongside them. The problem is that a couple of weeks
later, after Assad, encouraged by this Trump policy, bombed another
Idlib town with chemical weapons, the US launched a credibility strike
against an emptied Assad airbase in nearby Homs, from where the
chemical attack had been launched. Of course, as Trump had tipped off
Putin who had tipped off Assad, there wasn't much of value hit, and
thankfully no-one was killed (unlike with the US bombing of rebels and
"terrorists"), but for this affront, Russia effectively banned US air
operations in the northwest corner of Syria (the Russian area of
operation) after that.

That's why the US now has to ask permission "repeatedly" to rejoin the
Assad-Putin bombing of "terrorists" in Greater Idlib that Obama and
Trump had both excelled in.
On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 7:48 PM RKOB via Marxism
 wrote:
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>
> A bourgeois propaganda article reflecting the general agreement of US
> and Russian imperialism to fight "terrorism" in Idlib.
>
> https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/09/turkey-syria-hts-alqaeda-idlib-erdogan-ceasefire.html
>
> --
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread Dennis Brasky via Marxism
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If Trump loses the House to the Dems in November and/or faces the end of
his rule from the Mueller investigations, does he blame it on "voter fraud"
and call out his supporters to protest? Do they get violent and if so, will
that be tolerated or crushed?

On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 6:28 AM John Reimann via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

>
>
> In the first place, I hope nobody is claiming that we already have a
> fascist regime in place in the US. if they are, they will have to explain
> why we are not all writing not from prison, but from six feet under.
>
> Which brings me to my second point: What is Trump building? Is it fascism
> or what could popularly be called one-man rule, or bonapartism? I think
> there is an overlap between the two, but one element that distinguishes
> fascism is a real, crazed mass base willing to go to the greatest extremes
> and a militia directly controlled by the fascist movement. The Islamic
> State has those characteristics, in my opinion. Trumpism does not. But it's
> what enables fascism to go farther than bonapartism.  Whether Trump will be
> able to achieve a true fully bonapartist, or one-man, rule is an open
> question, in my opinion. Which already says a lot, much more than I ever
> expected to be able to say about the US in my lifetime.
>
>
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Re: [Marxism] Green and Pleasant Land

2018-09-10 Thread DW via Marxism
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A great review of a great set of books. The bottom line: it's all about the
soil...

David Walters
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread John Reimann via Marxism
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Yes, I agree about at least a major wing of the Christian evangelical right 
wing. Every fascist movement takes on the public face of the culture and 
traditions that are appropriate to the country or society in which it develops. 
I don’t think the openly fascist groups, with their “heil, Hitler” and similar 
stuff, will become a mass fascist movement here; they are too far outside the 
cultural traditions. Even the day of the KKK is past as far as becoming a mass 
movement, in my opinion. It’s the Christian evangelicals who have that 
potential. However, while almost all of them are far right, I don’t think they 
all are fascist; it’s only.a wing of them that is or has that potential. And 
that’s the entire point - that they aren’t a mass movement yet and don’t have 
that mass militia yet, although some of the Second Amendment gun fanatics could 
develop into such. But clearly, we are far from there, although especially in 
the US a lot of ground can be covered quite quickly.

However, I still feel that the end of bourgeois democracy in the US, if it 
happens anytime soon, will more resemble bonapartism/one-man rule than fascism, 
although there will likely be a fascist component to it.

John

Sent from my iPad

> On Sep 10, 2018, at 2:35 PM, Michael Meeropol  wrote:
> 
> There is a potential mass movement that began to take shape quite a number of 
> years ago under the aegis (sp?) of the so-called "Christian Right."   My best 
> source on this is the Chris HEdges book AMERICAN FASCISTS which I think was 
> published over a decade ago (memory is hazy
> 
>> On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 6:27 AM John Reimann via Marxism 
>>  wrote:
>>   POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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>> 
>> In the first place, I hope nobody is claiming that we already have a
>> fascist regime in place in the US. if they are, they will have to explain
>> why we are not all writing not from prison, but from six feet under.
>> 
>> Which brings me to my second point: What is Trump building? Is it fascism
>> or what could popularly be called one-man rule, or bonapartism? I think
>> there is an overlap between the two, but one element that distinguishes
>> fascism is a real, crazed mass base willing to go to the greatest extremes
>> and a militia directly controlled by the fascist movement. The Islamic
>> State has those characteristics, in my opinion. Trumpism does not. But it's
>> what enables fascism to go farther than bonapartism.  Whether Trump will be
>> able to achieve a true fully bonapartist, or one-man, rule is an open
>> question, in my opinion. Which already says a lot, much more than I ever
>> expected to be able to say about the US in my lifetime.
>> 
>> John Reimann
>> _
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread Michael Meeropol via Marxism
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There is a potential mass movement that began to take shape quite a number
of years ago under the aegis (sp?) of the so-called "Christian Right."   My
best source on this is the Chris HEdges book AMERICAN FASCISTS which I
think was published over a decade ago (memory is hazy

On Mon, Sep 10, 2018 at 6:27 AM John Reimann via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

>   POSTING RULES & NOTES  
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> *
>
> In the first place, I hope nobody is claiming that we already have a
> fascist regime in place in the US. if they are, they will have to explain
> why we are not all writing not from prison, but from six feet under.
>
> Which brings me to my second point: What is Trump building? Is it fascism
> or what could popularly be called one-man rule, or bonapartism? I think
> there is an overlap between the two, but one element that distinguishes
> fascism is a real, crazed mass base willing to go to the greatest extremes
> and a militia directly controlled by the fascist movement. The Islamic
> State has those characteristics, in my opinion. Trumpism does not. But it's
> what enables fascism to go farther than bonapartism.  Whether Trump will be
> able to achieve a true fully bonapartist, or one-man, rule is an open
> question, in my opinion. Which already says a lot, much more than I ever
> expected to be able to say about the US in my lifetime.
>
> John Reimann
> _
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[Marxism] ZCommunications » Both Hate and Hope

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Victor Grossman on Chemnitz.

https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/both-hate-and-hope/
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[Marxism] Cabrini Blues | by Reinier de Graaf | The New York Review of Books

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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When it came to housing, segregation was enforced through racially 
restrictive covenants—binding legal obligations written into the deed of 
a property by the seller that barred African-Americans (and other 
minorities) from buying, leasing, or using it. The practice was common 
in both the southern and northern United States. Ironically, it was the 
National Housing Act of 1934—part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 
New Deal—that established housing segregation throughout the country. 
The newly created Federal Housing Administration’s Underwriting Manual 
expressly identifies “an incompatible racial element” within 
neighborhoods as a liability and recommends that the social and racial 
structure of neighborhoods be maintained by restrictions on eligibility 
for mortgages. It wasn’t until the Fair Housing Act of 1968 that such 
practices were abandoned and housing segregation was definitively banned.


full: https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2018/09/27/cabrini-green-blues/
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[Marxism] Review of Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Review of Books, SEPTEMBER 27, 2018 ISSUE
Missing the Dark Satanic Mills
Deborah Cohen

Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World
by Joshua B. Freeman
Norton, 427 pp., $27.95

Practically from the start of industrial manufacturing, gawkers appeared 
to marvel at the sight. The cotton mills of sooty Manchester were an 
obligatory stop for every clued-in visitor to that city. In the summer 
of 1915, Henry Ford’s Highland Park factory in Michigan, the first with 
a continuous assembly line, drew three to four hundred visitors a day. 
So prominent a feature of the industrial landscape were factory tourists 
that Diego Rivera painted them into his mural sequence Detroit Industry 
(1932–1933). In one panel, the throngs at Ford’s River Rouge plant 
(young, old, women, men, Dick Tracy among them) look on, their mouths 
downturned, as the line of chassis—pierced by steering wheels and 
ministered to by bent-over, jumpsuited workers—rolls by. In 1971, 
243,000 people visited River Rouge. Later that decade, the Commerce 
Department’s USA Plant Visits, 1977–78, a compendium of factories that 
offered tours, ran to 153 pages.


Although American manufacturing output today is near a historic high, 
the percentage of manufacturing jobs drifted steadily downward in the 
decades after World War II, and then in 2000 plunged sharply. Factories 
currently employ less than 8 percent of the American workforce, a 
consequence of offshoring as well as automation. Perhaps because there 
is not much romance in watching robots go about their day, the factory 
tour pickings are now more meager. In the Chicago area in the 1960s, you 
could have seen how steel, furniture, newspapers, pottery, automobile 
parts, hosiery, and, yes, sausages were made. Today, the only factory 
tours left in the city are epicurean: craft distilleries, artisanal 
chocolateries, and a popcorn factory. If you want to have a look at 
manufacturing of the Make-America-Great-Again variety in Illinois, you 
will need to drive nearly two and a half hours to Moline, where the John 
Deere company, headquartered there since 1848, still provides free tours 
of the harvester works.


With nostalgia for manufacturing jobs now thoroughly weaponized in 
American politics, Joshua Freeman’s Behemoth: A History of the Factory 
and the Making of the Modern World is timely. Freeman, a historian of 
American labor and the author of American Empire, the Penguin history of 
the post–World War II United States, takes as his subject huge 
factories, the behemoths of his title: River Rouge; the Soviet steel 
complex Magnitogorsk, east of the Urals; and China’s Foxconn City, with 
its hundreds of thousands of workers, arguably the largest factory ever 
in operation. Focusing on these giants, Freeman suggests, reveals what 
happens when concentrated production and economies of scale are taken to 
the showiest extreme. It also helps to explain the hold that factories 
have had on the imagination over the past 250 years: the promise 
(largely delivered on) that industrialization would lift billions out of 
poverty, competing with the fears (also realized) that it would wreck 
the environment and sharpen social conflicts.


The scholarly literature on industrialization is vast and thicketed with 
controversy, but Behemoth is not one of those doorstop histories of the 
around-the-world-in-eight-hundred-pages variety. Rather, the book is 
episodic, assessing the turning points that take the reader from 
late-eighteenth-century Britain—where modern factories emerged—to early 
twenty-first-century China, with most of its pages devoted to the United 
States and the Soviet Union.


Freeman’s account is evocative and fair-minded, a humane treatment of 
the subject written with flair. It is also a fresh approach to a 
well-established genre: the biography of an object, which tells a story 
of global transfer and connections. Thus far, commodities such as tea, 
coffee, cod, cotton, porcelain, and gold have soaked up most of the 
attention. Unlike cod or cotton or any of the other objects that have 
been nominated for world-historical significance, factories did 
literally make the modern world. Unless you’re reading this review in an 
old-growth forest, nearly everything you’re looking at now was 
factory-made. But as Freeman charts the rise of the factory across the 
world, his book also poses the question, Is the factory a “thing,” and 
did it have a global history?


The rise of the factory was the consequence of three interrelated 
developments: machinery that was so large or expensive that production 
could not be carried out at home, 

[Marxism] Green and Pleasant Land

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Review of Books, September 27, 2018 Issue
Green and Pleasant Land
Verlyn Klinkenborg

The American Farmer in the Eighteenth Century: A Social and Cultural History
by Richard Lyman Bushman
Yale University Press, 376 pp., $40.00

This Blessed Earth: A Year in the Life of an American Family Farm
by Ted Genoways
Norton, 226 pp., $26.95

Fruitful Labor: The Ecology, Economy, and Practice of a Family Farm
by Mike Madison
Chelsea Green, 164 pp., $18.00 (paper)

Walking the Flatlands: The Rural Landscape of the Lower Sacramento Valley
by Mike Madison
Great Valley/Heyday, 157 pp. (2004)

“I owe very little to books,” wrote William Cobbett in 1818. At the 
time, he was living on Long Island in political exile from his native 
England, and he was referring to practical books about how to farm and 
garden. The sentiment sounds a little strange coming from him, for he 
was a great maker of books of the kind he owed very little to—books like 
Cottage Economy, A Treatise on Cobbett’s Corn, The American Gardener, 
The English Gardener, The Woodlands, A Year’s Residence in the United 
States of America, and, in its own way, Rural Rides.


As a farmer and writer about farming, Cobbett was both an innovator and 
a radical nostalgist, a forward-looking plantsman with an almost Roman 
sense of the relationship between the farmer as cultivator and the 
farmer as citizen. In his often obstreperous way, he wrote endlessly 
about the link between farming and politics, farming and monetary 
policy, farming and society itself. He was an unrelenting critic of the 
effect of capital and its manipulation on farmers and farm laborers, and 
his criticism is still instructive. Agriculturally, we live now on the 
planet of Cobbett’s nightmares.


The United States, Cobbett wrote, “is really and truly a country of 
farmers. Here, Governors, Legislators, Presidents, all are farmers.” Yet 
what Cobbett complained of in England—that farming had become a form of 
investment, purely a matter of profit and return—was barely understood 
in America at the time. In his illuminating new study, The American 
Farmer in the Eighteenth Century: A Social and Cultural History, Richard 
Lyman Bushman quotes a letter from Thomas Jefferson to George Washington 
in 1793, commenting on a query from Arthur Young in England. “I had 
never before thought of calculating what were the profits of a capital 
invested in Virginia agriculture,” Jefferson wrote.


An entirely different farming model prevailed in this nascent country, 
where land was abundant and labor scarce. The ideal was the 
“self-provisioning” farm, a family living upon a piece of land and 
working first to survive, then “to amass resources for the next 
generation.” As Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur put it in 1782, in one of 
his widely read “Letters from an American Farmer,” every American farmer 
was a kind of “universal fabricator like Crusoe,” struggling to develop 
what Bushman calls “a core household economy to satisfy most of the 
family’s wants.” Yet “almost no one,” he explains, “was self sufficient. 
Farmers had to enter into exchanges to live.” Instead of 
self-sufficiency, the goal was “to keep in balance with the world,” to 
avoid debt by producing what you needed at home. Farming wasn’t a 
vocation. It was “an activity, like gardening, that could be combined 
with other work.” And that other work—building coffins or boats, for 
instance, like Joshua Hempstead of New London, Connecticut—was as much a 
part of the system of exchange as the buying and selling of sheep or wheat.


The model of the self-provisioning farm eventually died, though it 
persisted, Bushman notes, right up to World War II and was the basis of 
the Homestead Act of 1862, which “adopted the small farm as the 
predominant plan for disposing of the national domain.” Yet you can 
still hear the idea echoing not only in the realm of small, diversified 
market farms, which have begun to proliferate (again) in the past decade 
or two, but also among conventional farmers trying to voice their 
relevance in the national economy.


Take Meghan Hammond, the outspoken Nebraska farmer who appears in This 
Blessed Earth: A Year in the Life of an American Family Farm by Ted 
Genoways. She and her family go about farming in much the same way as 
their neighbors, raising corn and soybeans and running some cattle. They 
use conventional methods, which involve, as one writer puts it, killing 
“everything but the crop.” And like their neighbors, they’re trapped, 
financially and contractually. Late in the book—late enough that the 
reader has a feel for her frustration—Hammond offers an impromptu survey 
of the 

[Marxism] Aquarius Rising | by Jackson Lears | The New York Review of Books

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Review of nine books about the 1960s radicalization.


https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2018/09/27/1968-aquarius-rising/
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[Marxism] Sweden in deadlock | Michael Roberts Blog

2018-09-10 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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What is not often known is that Sweden is no longer an epitome of state 
provision. The country is one of the world leaders in having public 
services supplied by the private sector, paid for by the government. 
About one-third of all Swedish secondary schools are so-called ‘free 
schools’, with the majority of them run by for-profit companies, while 
about 40% of primary healthcare providers are privately owned. Public 
provision has been outsourced to the detriment of quality.  Sweden’s 
schools have slipped from being one of the world’s best in international 
ratings to “one of the most mediocre”.


The rise of the Democrats follows the pattern of so-called populism that 
we have seen in Germany, France, Italy, Denmark and other EU countries, 
as well as with Brexit in the UK and Trump in the US.  It is the product 
of the failure of capitalism to deliver after the end of the Golden Age 
in the mid-1960s, but particularly after the global financial crash, the 
Great Recession and the ensuing Long Depression.


full: https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2018/09/10/sweden-in-deadlock/
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Re: [Marxism] is Trump really fascist?

2018-09-10 Thread John Reimann via Marxism
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In the first place, I hope nobody is claiming that we already have a
fascist regime in place in the US. if they are, they will have to explain
why we are not all writing not from prison, but from six feet under.

Which brings me to my second point: What is Trump building? Is it fascism
or what could popularly be called one-man rule, or bonapartism? I think
there is an overlap between the two, but one element that distinguishes
fascism is a real, crazed mass base willing to go to the greatest extremes
and a militia directly controlled by the fascist movement. The Islamic
State has those characteristics, in my opinion. Trumpism does not. But it's
what enables fascism to go farther than bonapartism.  Whether Trump will be
able to achieve a true fully bonapartist, or one-man, rule is an open
question, in my opinion. Which already says a lot, much more than I ever
expected to be able to say about the US in my lifetime.

John Reimann
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[Marxism] Guerralism and Nicaragua

2018-09-10 Thread John Reimann via Marxism
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I read the comments on Nicaragua of comrade Bustelo with interest. Of
course, direct personal experience with the situation in any country is
irreplaceable. But so is theory, which is compressed history.

(Disclaimer: Much of the following is drawn from articles in Militant
International Review, which was in effect the theoretical journal of the
Committee for a Workers international. I was a founding member of the US
group associated with the CWI. While I have major criticisms of them, I
largely agree with much, but not all, of their world view of that time.)

We should remember that there was a strike wave in Nicaragua in the earlier
1970s. This includes strikes of teachers, health workers and construction
workers. In 1977, construction workers once again went on strike. In the
absence of any revolutionary working class force, many workers looked to
the FSLN as the force that could overthrow Samoza.

However, with many of its founding members drawn from the Moscow oriented
Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN), the Sandinistas never had either an anti
capitalist orientation or one based on the conscious activity of the
working class. Instead, its guerrilla strategy meant at best acting IN
PLACE OF the working class.

A guerrilla strategy rarely succeeds in overthrowing a regime. In Vietnam,
for example, the intervention of the regulars from the North plus arms
supplied by the Soviet Union played a decisive role militarily. (Of course,
so did the support of the Vietnamese masses.) In Nicaragua, the FSLN was
facing a military, at best, stalemate by 1970. This resulted in a debate
with one wing, the "Proletarian Tendency", advocating rooting itself in the
working class. They were expelled. Another wing advocated a Tupamaro-like
urban guerrilla strategy. The majority, led by Ortega, favored continuing
the guerrilla war.

Meanwhile, the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie became divided, with a sector of them
organizing what amounted to a popular front called the Democratic
Liberation Union (UDEL) in 1974. This included a wing of the union
movement. In 1977, Samoza lifted his State of Emergency, but rather than
mollifying people, this spurred them on further. An appeal for a
"democratic alternative" was made by UDEL in that same year. The response
was to assassinate Chamorro, the publisher of the newspaper which published
it. This was in 1978. UDEL and the unions called for a general strike on
the day of the funeral of Chamorro. 120 000 participated, terrifying the
bourgeoisie, which set up negotiations for a "moderate" solution. A wing of
the FSLN participated in this until US imperialism was brought in.

We should note, once again, that in the absence of a revolutionary
organization based on the conscious activity of the working class, of
course the FSLN was supported as the force that could overthrow Samoza, but
on behalf of the working class. So in early 1979, a new grouping arose,
based on some unions, the FSLN and a few bourgeois. The regime was
isolated, with its only real base being the National Guard. On June 10,
1979, a spontaneous general strike/mass uprising took place in Managua.
Even the National Guard was overwhelmed and fled. A vacuum was created.
Into this vacuum marched the Sandinista leadership, many of them from exile
in Costa Rica.

(Incidentally, there are similar lessons to be drawn from the
FMLNexperience in El Salvador. They had a military offensive in January of
1981. This was a military failure. However, the expectation was not a
military victory. Commander in chief Joaquin Villalibos explained in Le
Monde Diplomatique that the "objective was not to wipe out the army, but to
rouse the masses to revolt." But the masses March according to their own
timetable, and Villalobos admits that that time had already passed. In
early 1979, following the assassination of Archbishop Romero, Villalobos
admits there had been an enormous upswing, and he said that "the
revolutionary movement at the time had the capacity to paralyze the country
without any necessity of resorting to military action." But after the
moment passed, the regime went into the offensive.)

In Nicaragua,  bourgeois state had been overthrown, but the economy
remained in private hands. Nor did the working class ever have direct
control over this state through its own organization. These were the
preconditions for inevitable degeneration and corruption, with the main
difference between Nicragua and, say, Zimbabwe being that Mobutu had many
decades longer to further that process.

A comrade I used to know who was in a small Trotskyist group that supported
the FSLN both before and after they came to power recounted to me that
after 

[Marxism] "What to do about 10, 000 al-Qaeda-linked terrorists in Idlib?"

2018-09-10 Thread RKOB via Marxism

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A bourgeois propaganda article reflecting the general agreement of US 
and Russian imperialism to fight "terrorism" in Idlib.


https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/09/turkey-syria-hts-alqaeda-idlib-erdogan-ceasefire.html

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