The greatest generation and Iraq war

2003-01-18 Thread Devine, James
Title: The greatest generation and Iraq war





[I find this to be a pleasant surprise.]


WWII Generation Asks What This War Would Be Good for
By Johanna Neuman
Times Staff Writer


Los Angeles TIMES/January 18 2003


WASHINGTON -- They survived the Depression and World War II, lived through Vietnam and Watergate, witnessed the Iranian hostage crisis, the Persian Gulf War and the Internet boom and bust. Shocked by the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941, they saw terror replayed in the assaults on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on Sept. 11.

Now, members of the World War II generation are worried about a possible war in Iraq. Of all the generations studied by pollsters, these Americans -- now in their 70s, 80s and 90s -- are showing the most resistance to an invasion in Iraq in surveys of American opinion.

Members of the World War II generation interviewed for this story do not shrink from war. They almost universally supported the U.S. campaign to rout the Taliban from Afghanistan, and most would endorse further efforts to defend the United States against terrorism. Some wish the United States had been more aggressive earlier with North Korea, and one even suggested going to war against Saudi Arabia.

Instead, concerns center on the view of some that Washington has not made its case. Many are unconvinced that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein is harnessing weapons of mass destruction, and they are dubious about invading his country before he has attacked the United States. Others are suspicious that President Bush and his war Cabinet are motivated by a desire to avenge the first President Bush's mistakes or to capture a ready supply of oil.

Patriotic about their country, however, they await an explanation -- beyond oil or revenge -- that will satisfy their memory of fighting what they view as the Last Great War. Now don't paint me as un-American, said Fred Thomas, 90, a retired telephone executive in Opelika, Ala., who commanded an artillery battery of the 79th Infantry Division in Europe. I'm a solid, hard-rock American. I've been a Republican since 1934. I just don't like fighting the kind of war that I can't put my fingers on. With the Germans, you could depend on what they were going to do, but these people fight different.

Gibson Reynolds, a 78-year-old retired aerospace engineer from Tuxedo, N.Y., echoed the point. A Signal Corpsman during World War II, he said he has always been very pro-American, it's part of the history of being at war. But he sees no evidence so far that merits going to war in Iraq. I'm willing to be convinced either way, he said. But if there's some darned good reason for going to war, I haven't seen it yet. There was a reason for going into Afghanistan. I was in favor of that. There was a reason for going into Kuwait. I was in favor of that. In this present situation, I have not been given enough information to know.

The Rev. Bill Berglund, 82, was a Marine who served, proudly, in World War II and Korea. He entered the seminary in 1969 at age 49. He is not, however, a pacifist. Berglund said he would have fought in Afghanistan too, if I weren't so old and feeble, and if they had let him on the battlefield in his golf cart. And he has not ruled out going to war with Saudi Arabia. They financed 9/11, and their young men flew the planes, he said.

But ask Berglund, who lives in a retirement community in Elizabethtown, Pa., about Iraq, and he all but bristles. I am dead set against it, he said. It is a needless exercise of power by a certain group of people in Washington.

In a Los Angeles Times Poll last month, support for sending U.S. ground troops to Iraq was 58% among all 1,305 respondents compared with 35% among the World War II generation. A poll of 4,469 Americans by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press in the fall indicated that 60% of Americans favored taking action in Iraq to end Hussein's regime, but that only 41% of participants 75 and older supported such action.

Women in every generation are more opposed to war than men, and in the senior generation, female support was only 35% in the Pew poll. But even among men, many of whom served in World War II, support was sharply lower among the World War II generation. Men in Generation X (ages 26 to 37) registered a whopping 71% support for forcing out Saddam Hussein in the Pew survey. But only 53% of the male participants 75 years old and older said they supported U.S. military action in Iraq.

for more, see 
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-ww218jan18,0,6472195.story?coll=la%2Dhome%2Dheadlines


Copyright 2003 Los Angeles Times


Jim





Banana workers press demands

2003-01-18 Thread Louis Proyect
NY Times, Jan. 18, 2003
Banana Workers Get Day in Court
By DAVID GONZALEZ with SAMUEL LOEWENBERG

CHINANDEGA, Nicaragua — Manuel Guido Montoya never had the children he once 
hoped would ease his workload and bring home a few extra dollars. Years 
ago, he tried to start a family, he said, but the woman left him once she 
realized he was sterile.

Like scores of men and women in this banana-growing region — and thousands 
of field workers throughout Central America, the Caribbean, Africa and the 
Philippines — Mr. Guido blames dibromochloropropane, or DBCP, for his 
medical problems. The pesticide was banned in much of the United States in 
1977 when it was found to cause sterility, but continued to be used for 
years in the banana plantations that supply American supermarkets.

For two decades, the workers say, their efforts to win compensation for the 
damage done by DBCP — including sterility, cancer, and birth defects in 
children — have been frustrated by the legal tactics of American chemical 
and fruit companies. But now they are getting their day in court.

A ruling by a federal judge in New Orleans has opened the way for a lawsuit 
brought by 3,000 Central American banana workers seeking millions in 
damages, the first time one of these cases would be tried in the United 
States. The United States Supreme Court will hear arguments Wednesday on 
whether or not to allow other DBCP lawsuits to be tried in state courts.

And over the objections of the Bush administration, which has pressed the 
Nicaraguan government on behalf of the corporate defendants, courts here 
have begun awarding hundreds of millions of dollars in damages to banana 
workers.

The companies facing lawsuits are giants of the chemical and fruit 
industries: Shell Oil, Dow Chemical and Occidental Chemical; Dole Food, Del 
Monte Fresh Produce and Chiquita Brands International.

full: http://www.nytimes.com/2003/01/18/business/worldbusiness/18BANA.html

Louis Proyect, Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org



Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: Re: Artificial economic inefficiency

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
IBM was accused of requiring its customers of buying its punch
cards -- which were the way of entering data into a computer a
generation ago.  Monsanto requires people who purchase its seeds
to use its herbicide, Roundup, which we discussed last week.  Why
is that not a tie-in?  Maybe because the company claims to rent
its seeds.

Devine, James wrote:



 all I know is that back in the early 1970s, I was talking to
 the information technology folks at work (at the Chicago Fed)
 and they told me that IBM had been accused of anti-trust
 violation because they'd set up one of their peripheral
 machines so that it would only work with IBM mainframes. I do
 not know anything more than that.

--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





Class-conscious bankers

2003-01-18 Thread Louis Proyect
(From the February Harper's Magazine)



[Memo]

BANKERS OF THE WORLD, UNITE!

From a research note circulated in November by Morgan Stanley to its North 
American clients.

At the risk of encouraging the ghost of Joe Hill to come back and haunt us, 
we suspect investors should avoid heavily unionized industries today more 
than usual. From a long-term perspective, unionized areas have not been 
market-leading industries, and today heavily unionized industries stand 
directly in whatever the opposite of the sweet spot is. Consistent with our 
buy the 800-pound gorillas theme, nonunionized companies competing in 
heavily unionized arenas probably stand to accrue large relative gains.

What does history suggest about investing in heavily unionized industries? 
Avoid them. While the recent carnage in stock prices and brouhaha over 
excessive options issuance has kept investor focus squarely on the 
incredible shrinking tech sector, folks may be looking in the rearview 
mirror when it comes to where risks lie today. Yesterday's options problems 
in technology may be a lesser evil than tomorrow's pension and health-care 
funding requirements in rust-belt industries. In all kinds of respects we 
are living in a brave new world, but a decidedly old-world 
phenomenon—unions— may weigh on some new-world issues in the year ahead.

Look for the union label . . . and run the other way.


Louis Proyect, Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org



India's dollar glut

2003-01-18 Thread Ian Murray

India's dollar glut
C.P. CHANDRASEKHAR
Volume 20 - Issue 02, January 18 - 31, 2003

The bulging foreign exchange reserves and the currency appreciation that
India is experiencing and the government's response are reminiscent of
the perilous path taken by East Asian and Latin American countries that
had relatively healthy economies.

INDIA'S external balance of payments appears robust. In the net there is
far more foreign exchange flowing into the country than flowing out. As
a result, the year 2002 ended with foreign exchange reserves crossing
the $70-billion mark. This followed the accretion of as much as $10
billion over the previous four months and another $10 billion in the six
months prior to that. As has been noted in the financial media, this
trend represents a substantial acceleration of the rate of growth of
reserves, which rose from $20 billion to $30 billion over a period of
more than four years ending December 1998 and from there to $40 billion
over a two-year period ending December 2000. A part of the increase in
reserves is the result of a revaluation of the dollar value of
non-dollar foreign currency holdings, as a result of the depreciation of
the dollar against other currencies, especially the Euro. But even an
overgenerous estimate suggests that over the period April-September
2002, only about $2.5 billion of the $9 billion dollar reserve
accumulation was the result of such revaluation. The dollar excess is
substantially owing to an excess of inflows over outflows.

Interestingly the recent acceleration in the pace of reserve accretion
occurred despite the fact that in the past the government had issued
Resurgent India Bonds (in August 1998) and India Millennium Bonds
(November 2000), which together resulted in an inflow of close to $9
billion in foreign exchange. Despite the lack of any such concerted
effort in recent times to mobilise foreign exchange through borrowing
against bonds and despite indications that both the government and the
private sector are retiring and reducing their holding of high-cost
foreign debt, the Reserve Bank of India has been forced to mop up
foreign exchange inflows to prevent any undue appreciation of the rupee.

The RBI's efforts notwithstanding the rupee has indeed been
appreciating, nudging its way upwards from above Rs. 49 to the dollar
to below Rs. 48 to the dollar. This could be seen as reflective of the
strength of the rupee and the growing weakness of the dollar. But
appreciation of the currency in a country that has not been able to
trigger any major export explosion despite 10 years of neoliberal
economic reform is not necessarily a good sign. At given prices,
appreciation of a country's currency by definition increases the dollar
value of exportables and reduces the local currency value of its
imports. Inasmuch as this triggers a decrease in aggregate export
earnings and increases the import bill, appreciation can be damaging for
the balance of trade. And since this occurs in India at a time when oil
prices are hardening internationally, the rupee's appreciation does
threaten to widen the balance of trade deficit, or the excess of imports
of goods and services over exports of goods and services.

There are two reasons why this has as yet not given cause for worry to
the government and the central bank. First, the most recent figures on
exports point to some recovery in India's export performance. Thus the
dollar value of India's exports rose by 15.7 per cent during the first
eight months of the current financial year (April-November), which
compares well with the performance during the corresponding period of
the previous year. However, while this may dampen concerns about the
possible damaging effects of exchange rate appreciation, it cannot be
held responsible for the improvement in India's reserves position. A
sharp 21 per cent increase in the dollar value of oil imports and an
unexpected 12 per cent increase in the dollar value of non-oil imports
have actually increased the size of the trade deficit recorded during
the first eight months of this financial year ($6,247.65 million) as
compared with the corresponding figure for the previous year ($5,814.93
million).

The second reason why the rupee's appreciation has not given the
government and the central bank cause for concern is the fact that as a
result of a $1.3 billion increase in Private Transfers (largely
remittances) and a $1.5 billion increase in net receipts from
Miscellaneous Factor Services (which includes software and business
services exports), the current account of the balance of payments
recorded a surplus of $1.7 billion during April-September 2002-03 as
compared with a deficit of $1.5 billion during the corresponding months
of 2001-02. That is, the relatively new tendency for the current account
of the balance of payments to record a surplus noted over the whole
financial year 2001-02, has persisted and gathered strength during the
first six months of 2002-03.

But even 

Re Law without morals

2003-01-18 Thread andie nachgeborenen
But I cannot, for the life of me, understand why saying: 

(1) that if the Supreme Court is going to get rid of affirmative action [AA] for promotion of racial or gender equality and integration, then (by simple logic, i.e., the equal application of ethical principles) they should get rid of AA for alumni children and athletes. (BTW, that doesn't mean that they will do so or have the power to do so. It may mean that we want to replace the current bunch of Supes with a new set.)
can be interpreted as saying: 
(2) judges should be given free rein to make decisions based on their own personal ethics or lack of ethics. (Of course, the people in the Supreme Court already have such free rein, but that's another point.)
It has that implication because you are presupposing that the Court is supposed to make decsions by application of logic to ethical principles _regardless of whether they are expressed in the law_. My whole point is that the Court is supposed to interpret the law, including the ethical principles embedded in the law, but not to bring in ethical principles that are not expressed in the law. You assume that what is needed is to get judges who agree with your ethical principles. I on the contrary believe that if the judges are acting lawlessly, we need to get judges who will respect the law, and if the law is immoral, we need to change the law, but not by getting judges to change it by fiat. Is that so hard to understand?
Maybe the problem is that as a legal outsider, it's wrong for me to apply non-legal principles to judge the legal system? Only lawyers can do so? Or if outsiders get involved with insider issues, their ideas can only be interpreted in terms of insider debates (e.g., about the lee-way that judges should be allowed), since outsider standards have been forgotten? 
No, it's quite proper to judge the law as moral or not. In a democratic country that's a duty, not just a right. But you shouldn't wan't to have your ethical principles imposed on the law through the extralegal action of judges who disregard the law and impose their own ethical views.
On issue #2, JKS has asserted that (if I may paraphrase) the judicial system should be a tool of the legislature and the executive branch for imposing law rather than acting on its own. This may or may not be a valid argument (I don't know, since JKS really didn't lay out his argument), 
The argument is not hard to set forth, and I did sketch it. In a democratic society, the law is made by the people. Institutionally judges are delegated with the duty of interpreting the law. If they make law, the are arrogating to themselves the rights reserved to the peiple and their representatives. That's no so hard to understand either.
but this point makes most sense under socialism where democracy actually applies, rather than under capitalism where the power of money predominates. (That is, on the face of it, it makes more sense in an ideal world than in the actually-existing world.)
OK, you are saying that in a world when democracy is imperfect, it's OK for judges to make it even more imperfect by making law through imposing their personal moral; views/ That's pretty dumb, if you'll pardon my saying that. Please explain why the defects of our democracy mean that the general rule that lawmaking ought to be carried out by elected representatives delegated that job should not apply.
In any event, I proposed two good reasons why individual judges should not exploit their power to make moral judgements:
1) practical: such decisions will usually be reversed on appeal. 
2) socio-economic: in general such moral statements would express the "petty bourgeois" nature of the judges' position in the overall class structure 
But not, apprantly, because it would an undemocratic self-arrogation of power. On your reasoning, Jim, if a judge could sneak by a decision tahtw ould not be reversed and would represent a proletarian interest, it would be perfectly OK to impose his personal moral preferences on the law even in defiance of the legislature's plain intent. I don't buy it.

all I was saying is that civil disobedience (cf. my Ellsberg example) is sometimes justified, even if it violates other principles. A judge who did what I say I admired would clearly have the decision reversed and would probably be kicked out of office. Civil disobedience always has costs. 
Probably would not be impeached, unless she made a practice of that sort of thing. Whether judicial CD is justified is a major topic of my paper. I conclude that taht in a semi-democratic country, it's probably not. Judges are in a special position of power, so their use or abuse of that power makes their CD a bit different from yours or mine. You are suggesting that a judge abuse her power to uphold her personal moral position, which is different from a private citizen breaking a trespassing law, for example, to protest govt policy.
I was NOT saying that this kind of civil disobedience should be generalized 

Re: India's dollar glut

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
It's nice the way that countries subsidize the dollar this way.

--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





[Fwd: The debt bomb]

2003-01-18 Thread Carrol Cox
Anyone on Pen-L have any comments on this story.

Carrol
 Original Message 
  Subject: The debt bomb
Date: Sat, 18 Jan 2003 13:32:37 -0500
From: Marvin Gandall [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

The cover story on this week's Barron's, which came online today, is
entitled The Debt Bomb and suggests the US may be moving toward the
abyss of a bust -- and then into a depression. If you can't access it
directly, the article is posted on www.supportingfacts.com .
 
MG




protection rents in the sports markets

2003-01-18 Thread Ian Murray
washingtonpost.com
Redskins Try End Run to Save Millions
Workers' Compensation Wouldn't Apply to Team

By Michael D. Shear
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, January 18, 2003; Page A01


RICHMOND, Jan. 17 -- Legislation filed in Virginia today on behalf of
the Washington Redskins ownership would virtually exempt the team from
paying millions of dollars to its players for injuries suffered on the
field.

Senior Democrats and Republicans in the General Assembly have lined up
behind the measure, introduced just before today's deadline for new
legislation.

The bill was introduced in the House and Senate a week after the
Virginia Supreme Court ruled that the Loudoun-based Redskins must pay a
former offensive lineman for an injury to his ankle, a closely watched
case that fed the team's interest in legislation.

The bill was filed barely two weeks after the Redskins organization made
$10,000 and $8,500 contributions to the Republican and Democratic
caucuses in the General Assembly. They were the first contributions the
team has made to legislators since a computerized system monitoring
donations was set up in 1997. The team also gave in-kind contributions
of $15,000 on Dec. 8 to Gov. Mark R. Warner (D), which involved use of
the owner's box at FedEx Field for a fundraiser.

The half-page bill will generate intensive lobbying efforts by the
Redskins ownership and by players, who vowed today to descend on
Richmond to oppose the team-sponsored bill.

At stake is the financial relationship between the National Football
League and its players, who have been waging similar battles over
workers' compensation in other states. In dispute are such issues as
whether a football player -- paid hundreds of thousands of dollars or
more to smash and twist his way past opponents in a televised
spectacle -- is the type of worker meant to be compensated.

It's a dispute between the millionaires and the billionaires, said
Del. John A. Jack Rollison III (R-Prince William).

Under Virginia's compensation law, employers pay employees a percentage
of lost wages and medical treatment for virtually any workplace injury
in exchange for capping the total payouts to the employees. Every public
and private employee is covered.

Redskins players also are covered by disability insurance policies,
provided by the team, that supplement the payments required by the
state.

The court case that the Redskins lost involved Jeff Uhlenhake, who
played for the Redskins from 1996 to 1998. The center sprained his left
ankle in a game on Sept. 28, 1997, when a player fell on him.

After the state workers' compensation commission set a disability rate
for Uhlenhake in 2001 that could have entitled him to several hundred
thousand dollars, both sides took the issue to the state Court of
Appeals. The team said Uhlenhake's ankle injury was not covered by
workers' compensation laws because players -- unlike other covered
employees -- are almost certain to be injured in their work.

Professional football is a unique activity, distinguishable from other
employment because it requires continuous, deliberate and repeated
violent physical collisions and contact, the team told the Supreme
Court.

But the justices agreed with the appeals court, which had held that
compensation should not be waived for those in high-risk jobs such as
coal miners, steel workers, firefighters and police officers.

The legislation would allow the Redskins to reduce workers' compensation
by the amount of salary paid to the player after an injury.

In almost every case, lawyers for both sides said today, workers'
compensation payments would be reduced to zero because the salaries of
NFL players are so high. Workers' compensation payments are capped at a
lifetime maximum of $344,000. The average Redskin makes $520,000 a year.

There are provisions made under the player contracts for very
significant payments to be made to players, post injury, said Norman D.
Chirite, general counsel for the Redskins. He said the collective
bargaining agreement with the players union requires teams to continue
paying a player's salary even when he is injured.

It really comes down to how many times you want to compensate someone
for the same injury, Chirite said.

Richard Berthelsen, the top lawyer for the NFL Players Association, said
the bill attempts to deprive players of benefits to which they are
entitled. And he said Virginia's lawmakers should not be wasting time
dealing with a matter better settled between the players and the owners.

It's not done. It's not permitted. It violates principles of federal
labor law, Berthelsen said. We will do everything we can to put a stop
to it.

More than two dozen House members -- Democrats and Republicans -- have
signed on as sponsors of House Bill 2747. Nine of the most senior and
influential senators are backing Senate Bill 1323.

Senate Minority Leader Richard L. Saslaw (D-Fairfax) said football
players don't need the extra benefit of workers' compensation.

Re: protection rents in the sports markets

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
It is not just that they get injured; they are forced to play are
seriously injured.

I guess it's party time at the cookie store for every special-interest.
-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]




RE: [Fwd: The debt bomb]

2003-01-18 Thread Devine, James
Title: RE: [PEN-L:33966] [Fwd: The debt bomb]





it's the kind of stuff I've been talking about for a long time (following, among others, Wynn Godley).
Jim Devine


-Original Message-
From: Carrol Cox
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: 1/18/2003 6:21 PM
Subject: [PEN-L:33966] [Fwd: The debt bomb]


Anyone on Pen-L have any comments on this story.


Carrol
 Original Message 
 Subject: The debt bomb
 Date: Sat, 18 Jan 2003 13:32:37 -0500
 From: Marvin Gandall [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]


The cover story on this week's Barron's, which came online today, is
entitled The Debt Bomb and suggests the US may be moving toward the
abyss of a bust -- and then into a depression. If you can't access it
directly, the article is posted on www.supportingfacts.com .

MG





Rpt on SF Demonstration

2003-01-18 Thread Eugene Coyle
A chilly and sunny day in San Francisco saw a HUGE turnout to oppose the 
war on Iraq.

	The Bart trains were packed, extra ferries were laid on, buses chartered.

	It was difficult to exit Bart to Market street because the space above 
was jammed.  Once on the surface we walked to meet the contingent of the 
Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.

	The direction of march was west, but as we waited for the start, large 
throngs walked east, past us down Market street to join the end of the 
parade.  They kept coming.

	Finally the march began and we merged in to the happy, funny crowd. 
Yelling, drums, shouts, whistles, drums, cymbals and drums.

	Creative and funny signs carried, lots of little kids, on foot, on 
shoulders, and in strollers.

	I'm not sure when we actually started walking.  We'd arrived on Market 
street about 10:30 am, and probably merged into the march about 11:40. 
Very, very slow pace.  Our group reached the Civic Center Plaza --- the 
destination -- about 1:25.  The plaza was packed with the people ahead 
of us so we kept our banner high right there on the corner, rather than 
pushing into the plaza.  For the next hour and a half the parade of 
people behinds us kept arriving, going where we couldn't tell.  I guess 
the crowd kept spreading.

	The sound system was bad.  Very few, I think, could hear the speakers 
but no one cared as far as I could tell.  The spirit, the happiness, the 
shouts and the drums, and the comradery was strong.

	A great day.  I await the crowd estimates.  My estimate of the crowd, 
based on a statistical sampling of the numbers passing our banner 
within a timed interval:  Very large.

Gene Coyle



Re: Re:: Artificial economic inefficiency

2003-01-18 Thread Eugene Coyle
I think IBM was actually forced to stop the tie-in of the punch cards, 
but my memory is hazy.  There is a book about it, titled Big Blue or 
something like that -- pretty good book, but it has been a long while 
since I looked at it.

	Aircraft engines -- the big jet engines -- are frequently sold with a 
tie to a maintenance contract, and also leased by the operating hour, 
rather than sold.  Lots of aircraft sales (and other big ticket items) 
are sold and financed by the same entity.

Gene Coyle

Michael Perelman wrote:
IBM was accused of requiring its customers of buying its punch
cards -- which were the way of entering data into a computer a
generation ago.  Monsanto requires people who purchase its seeds
to use its herbicide, Roundup, which we discussed last week.  Why
is that not a tie-in?  Maybe because the company claims to rent
its seeds.

Devine, James wrote:




all I know is that back in the early 1970s, I was talking to
the information technology folks at work (at the Chicago Fed)
and they told me that IBM had been accused of anti-trust
violation because they'd set up one of their peripheral
machines so that it would only work with IBM mainframes. I do
not know anything more than that.



--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]








Re: Rpt on SF Demonstration

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
NPR said thousands marched in Washington, gave a brief report, then
quoted someone from a counter demo.
-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]




Re: Re: Re:: Artificial economic inefficiency

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
Yes they were.

DeLamarter, Richard Thomas. 1986. Big Blue: IBM's Use and Abuse of Power
(NY: Dodd, Mead). 

On Sat, Jan 18, 2003 at 08:08:43PM -0800, Eugene Coyle wrote:
 I think IBM was actually forced to stop the tie-in of the punch cards, 
 but my memory is hazy.  There is a book about it, titled Big Blue or 
 something like that -- pretty good book, but it has been a long while 
 since I looked at it.
 
   Aircraft engines -- the big jet engines -- are frequently sold with a 
 tie to a maintenance contract, and also leased by the operating hour, 
 rather than sold.  Lots of aircraft sales (and other big ticket items) 
 are sold and financed by the same entity.
 
 Gene Coyle
 
 Michael Perelman wrote:
  IBM was accused of requiring its customers of buying its punch
  cards -- which were the way of entering data into a computer a
  generation ago.  Monsanto requires people who purchase its seeds
  to use its herbicide, Roundup, which we discussed last week.  Why
  is that not a tie-in?  Maybe because the company claims to rent
  its seeds.
  
  Devine, James wrote:
  
  
 
 all I know is that back in the early 1970s, I was talking to
 the information technology folks at work (at the Chicago Fed)
 and they told me that IBM had been accused of anti-trust
 violation because they'd set up one of their peripheral
 machines so that it would only work with IBM mainframes. I do
 not know anything more than that.
  
  
  --
  
  Michael Perelman
  Economics Department
  California State University
  Chico, CA 95929
  
  Tel. 530-898-5321
  E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  
  
  
 

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]




Re: Artificial economic inefficiency

2003-01-18 Thread Michael Perelman
This article affirms the sort of dual pricing system that I mentioned.
Competition on the printers keeps prices down, while IP rights keep
cartridges expensive.

On Thu, Jan 16, 2003 at 09:04:47PM -0600, Bill Lear wrote:
 I'm curious what the technical name for this sort of barrier to
 economic efficiency is.  Has anyone ever cataloged this sort of
 thing?  I'd be very interested if so ...
 
 
 Bill
 
  Printer industry seeks to keep lock on cartridge profit
  By Dawn C. Chmielewski
  Mercury News
  
  Your printer and ink cartridges are sharing secrets that keep you
  shelling out outrageous prices for refills.
  
  Lexmark admits it designed its new generation of laser printers to
  work only with Lexmark toner cartridges, not cheaper no-name
  refills. And it's making a federal case out of it.
  
  Lexmark is suing a maker of generic toner cartridges, claiming it
  illegally cracked the ``secret handshake'' that links cartridge with
  printer. Without the secret code, no document will print.
  
  Static Control Components, a generic cartridge maker in North
  Carolina, developed a microchip that speaks the same language. That,
  according to Lexmark, violates the Digital Millennium Copyright Act,
  which makes it a federal crime to circumvent a technological lock that
  protects copyrighted works -- like, say, a printer program.
  
  This blatant anti-consumer behavior on Lexmark's part helps explain
  why we continue to pay Tiffany prices for a product that costs about
  $3 to make. And we don't even get the chic powder-blue box to make us
  feel special about the purchase.
  
  Lexmark is just one of a number of big-name printer companies that
  uses chip technology as a padlock to keep exclusive hold on the
  lucrative market for printer supplies, which Gartner Dataquest says
  accounts for 53 percent of Lexmark's revenue.
  
  The nation's leading maker of printers, Hewlett-Packard, and another
  big printer-maker, Epson, use smart chip technology in their ink
  cartridges to serve as electronic dipsticks, informing the printer how
  much ink is left.
  
  When the ink is gone, the printer stops working until the consumer
  replaces it with a new cartridge -- with a new chip. Refills won't
  work.
  
 

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]