Re: Amnesty International

2003-11-26 Thread Hari Kumar





Dave: Thanks very much indeed - you got the one I had fleetingly seen. 
Lou: Thanks for the review on AI on Palestine. 
Cheers  thanks again, H
Not to myself: must not lose URLS's, must not lose usLrp's. must not..






  

  Re: Amnesty International
   by dave dorkin
   26 November 2003 01:09 UTC 
 
  
   Thread
Index
   
  

  



I would be grateful for assistance: Recently there




Re: Amnesty International

2003-11-26 Thread Louis Proyect
Hari Kumar wrote:
Dave: Thanks very much indeed -  you got the one I had fleetingly seen.
Lou: Thanks for the review on AI on Palestine.
Cheers  thanks again, H
Not to myself: must not lose URLS's, must not lose usLrp's. must
not..
Here is something brand-new:
http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Articles9/DeRooij_AI.htm
--

The Marxism list: www.marxmail.org


Amnesty International

2003-11-25 Thread Hari Kumar
I would be grateful for assistance: Recently there was somewhere or
other an article analyzing the stances that Amnesty has taken, showing
its' marked preference for pro USA positions. Does anyone recall this 
where it might be found? My goggling being less than Pugliesian in its
over-whelming-ness, has been unsuccessful in locating said.
Thanks for any help,
Cheers, Hari Kumar


Re: Amnesty International

2003-11-25 Thread Louis Proyect
I would be grateful for assistance: Recently there was somewhere or
other an article analyzing the stances that Amnesty has taken, showing
its' marked preference for pro USA positions. Does anyone recall this 
where it might be found? My goggling being less than Pugliesian in its
over-whelming-ness, has been unsuccessful in locating said.
Thanks for any help,
Cheers, Hari Kumar


http://www.columbia.edu/~lnp3/mydocs/fascism_and_war/AmnestyInternational.htm

http://www.counterpunch.org/rooij1031.html



Louis Proyect, Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org


Re: Amnesty International

2003-11-25 Thread dave dorkin
I would be grateful for assistance: Recently there
was somewhere or other an article analyzing the
stances that Amnesty has taken, showing its' marked
preference for pro USA positions.  Cheers, Hari Kumar

You might try this:
www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/credib/2003/1306interview.htm

Is Amnesty International Biased?  Dennis Bernstein 
Dr. Francis Boyle  Discuss the Politics of Human
Rights  CovertAction June 13, 2002 Editor's Note

It has often been said that Amnesty International's
agenda tends to fit nicely with the political needs of
the United States and Great Britain. Around the world,
supporters of the Nicaraguan people's struggle for
self-determination were outraged by the timing of a
1986 Amnesty report critical of the Sandinista
government, which helped Reagan push another Contra
Aid appropriation through a reluctant congress, at
exactly the moment when the anti-Contra movement was
beginning to get serious political traction. With
regard to South Africa's apartheid regime, AI was
critical of the human rights record of the South
African government. However, as you will see below, AI
never condemned apartheid per se. By the time Amnesty
endorsed the Hill  Knowlton nursery tale concerning
Kuwaiti infants pulled from incubators by Iraqi
soldiers, many otherwise sympathetic observers of
Amnesty's work became increasingly alarmed. [This was
the manufactured (false) incident used to start the
first Gulf War -- JW]

More than a decade of grassroots organization within
Amnesty's membership base finally succeeded just two
years ago in moving the organization to take a
position critical of the genocidal sanctions against
the people of Iraq, sanctions which have killed
approximately a million and a half Iraqis, one third
of them children. According to Dr. Boyle, this delay
was political, and it clearly served the interests of
the U.S. and Britain, the two governments on the
Security Council preventing the lifting of the
sanctions. A recent search of the internet shows that
AI Venezuela very quickly took up the U.S. line by
charging President Chavez with crimes against humanity
for the bloodshed during the recent failed coup
attempt against his administration. Amnesty's
performance on the April 2002 massacre at Jenin is
another blot on its frequently laudable record. As our
readers are aware, the United Nations attempted to
investigate the Jenin massacre, but was prevented from
doing so by Sharon and Bush. The announcement on May
3, 2002 by Human Rights Watch of “no massacre at
Jenin” effectively killed the story, although there
was a lot of argument about what constitutes a
massacre. No such arguments were heard when a suicide
bomber turned a Passover dinner into a tragedy. This
magazine will cover the topic of Human Rights Watch in
a future issue. For this issue, we were fortunate to
be forwarded the transcript of a June 13th [2002]
interview with Dr. Francis A. Boyle, professor of
International Law and former board member of Amnesty
International. What follows is a shortened version of
the transcript...

__
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Paul de Rooij followup on Amnesty International

2003-08-11 Thread Louis Proyect
Paulo wrote:
Hi

I seek to contact Louis Proyect

Louis recently wrote an open letter about AI's stance and quoted me.
I agree with most of what was written in the letter except the
interpretation of 'sitting on the fence' -- this would be the way AI
would like to portray itself, i.e., pontificating from a pedestal.  I
concur with Louis, that their stance is anything but evenhanded.
New article with ample further references to AI see:
www.dissidentvoice.org/Articles6/DeRooij_Ambient-Death.htm  (also on
CounterPunch, but DV did a better formatting job).
Keep up the good work

Kind rgds

Paul de Rooij
London
Thanks, Paul. I am forwarding this to the listservs where my piece first
appeared.


--

The Marxism list: www.marxmail.org


Open letter to Amnesty International

2003-07-31 Thread Louis Proyect
(This is being sent to AI offices worldwide.)

Dear Amnesty International,

I strongly urge you to step back from your newly announced campaign to 
release the 75 US agents in Cuba. Associated Press reported on July 30 
that your researcher Paige Wilhite has stated that They are prisoners 
of conscience and the Cuban government has to release them immediately 
and without conditions. To the contrary, they have broken Cuban laws 
prohibiting funding from foreign governments, a law found in any 
sovereign state, including democracies like the USA and Great Britain.

To people of conscience on the left, this well-orchestrated campaign to 
isolate and punish Cuba economically is rather transparent. You have 
joined groups such as Reporters Without Borders, whose animosity to 
communism or state-owned media in 3rd world countries is driven more by 
bottom line considerations than freedom of expression it would seem. 
(42% of the budget of Reporter Without Borders is covered by the 
Commission of the European Union, a body which is fanatically 
pro-privatization.)

While Amnesty International has a rather preening posture about being 
above politics, it has shown a rather dismaying tendency in the past 
to adapt to the foreign policy needs of the USA and Great Britain, where 
it seems to enjoy the greatest support both socially and economically.

For example, when the Iraqi army was accused of ripping babies from 
hospital incubators in December 1990, Amnesty International told the 
Washington Post that We heard rumors of these deaths as early as August 
but only recently has there been substantial information on the extent 
of the killings. Not only were you spreading disinformation hatched by 
the infamous Hill  Knowlton public relations firm, you were helping to 
launch the war against Iraq whose opening salvos relied on this lurid 
fabrication.

Next you got involved in the Balkans--once again on behalf of US foreign 
policy. When you sponsored a 25 city tour in the USA for Jadranka 
Cigelj, Judith Miller (!) of the NY Times wrote glowingly about your 
efforts to raise awareness about how the Serbs were using rape as a 
political weapon--even quoting the wretched David Rieff, who has emerged 
as a frontline spokesman for humanitarian imperialist interventions.

Unfortunately neither Judith Miller nor your public relations department 
spelled out the exact character of Cigelj's activism around the rape 
issue, nor her sordid political past. In Fool's Crusade, Diana 
Johnstone points out that Cigelj was a vice president of Croatian 
president Franjo Tudjman's ruling nationalist party, the Croatian 
Democratic Community (HDZ) and was in charge of the Zagreb office of the 
Croatia Information Center (CIC), a wartime propaganda agency funded by 
the same cryptofascist Croatian émigré groups that backed Tudjman. The 
primary source for reports of rape in Bosnia was Cigelj's CIC and 
associated women's groups, which sent 'piles of testimony to Western 
women and to the press'.

She adds:

The CIC benefited from a close connection with the 'International 
Gesellschaft fur Menschenrechte' (International Association for Human 
Rights, IGfM), a far right propaganda institute set up in 1981 as a 
continuation of the Association of Russian Solidarists, an expatriate 
group which worked for the Nazis and the Croatian fascist Ustashe regime 
during World War II. In the 1980s, this organization led a propaganda 
campaign against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, accusing them of running 
camps where opponents were tortured, raped, and murdered on a massive 
scale.

Finally, an article by Paul De Rooij in the October 31, 2002 online 
edition of Counterpunch titled Amnesty International  Israel: Say it 
isn't so! (www.counterpunch.org/rooij1031.html)takes you to task for 
trivializing Israeli violence and apolitical fence-sitting.

He writes:

Reading AI's reports doesn't reveal why there is a conflict in the area 
in the first place. The portrayal of violence is stripped of its 
context, and historical references are minimal. The fact that 
Palestinians have endured occupation, expulsion, and dispossession for 
many decades, the explanation of why the conflict persists, is nowhere 
highlighted in its reports. This posture eliminates the possibility of 
taking sides, and AI doesn't automatically side with the oppressed 
victims; instead, it assumes a warped sense of balance. It qualitatively 
equates the violence perpetrated by the IOF with Palestinian resistance. 
In attempting to be impartial, AI is oblivious to the history of ethnic 
cleansing that is the root cause. Israeli violence is qualitatively 
different than Palestinian violence; it is different than that found in 
other conflicts because it aims to expel the native population.

Not that I would gainsay De Rooij's compelling argument, but I would 
quibble with one characterization. Instead of describing AI as 
fence-sitting, I would regard you--at least

From Amnesty International

2003-03-26 Thread k hanly
Actually Iraq could very well claim that captured US troops are not governed
by the Geneva Convention. Since the war is  illegal they could very well
have joined the US dept of inventive terminology and called them illegal
combatants and put them in 7 by 8 ft containers.

Cheers, Ken Hanly

AI-index: AMR 51/045/2003 25/03/2003
Public
25 March 2003
AI Index: AMR 51/045/2003
http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AMR510452003?Openof=COUNTRIES\USA
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
International standards for all

There are international standards that civilized regimes adhere to and then
there are regimes like Saddam Hussein['s]  US Secretary of Defence, 23
March 2003(1)

On 23 March 2003, following the news that US soldiers had been captured by
Iraqi forces during the US-led attack on Iraq, President George Bush said
that we expect them to be treated humanely, just like we'll treat any
prisoners of theirs that we capture humanely... If not, the people who
mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war criminals.(2)

Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld added that the Geneva Convention
indicates that it's not permitted to photograph and embarrass or humiliate
prisoners of war, and if they do happen to be American or coalition ground
forces that have been captured, the Geneva Convention indicates how they
should be treated.(3) His statement came after interviews with five
captured US soldiers had been broadcast on Iraqi television.(4)

On the same day, about 30 more detainees were flown from Afghanistan to the
US Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. This brought to about 660 the
number of foreign nationals held in the base.(5) They come from more than 40
countries. Most were taken into custody during the international armed
conflict in Afghanistan. Some have been held in Guantánamo, without charge
or trial, and without access to lawyers, relatives or the courts, for more
than a year. Their treatment has flouted international standards.

From the outset, the US Government refused to grant any of the Guantánamo
detainees prisoner of war (POW) status or to have any disputed status
determined by a competent tribunal as required under Article 5 of the
Third Geneva Convention. In April 2002, Amnesty International warned the US
administration that its selective approach to the Geneva Conventions
threatened to undermine the effectiveness of international humanitarian law
protections for any US or other combatants captured in the future.(6) The
organization received no reply to this or other concerns it raised about the
detainees.

On the 9 February 2002, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC),
the most authoritative body on the provisions of the Geneva Conventions,
revealed that there were divergent views between the United States and the
ICRC on the procedures which apply on how to determine that the persons
detained are not entitled to prisoner of war status.(7) The ICRC news
release said that the organization would pursue its dialogue with the US
Government on this issue. Nevertheless, to this day none of the Guantánamo
detainees have been granted POW status or appeared before a tribunal
competent to determine their status.

The US has ignored not only the ICRC on this issue, but also the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights. More recently, on 16 December 2002, the UN Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention noted that the authority which is competent to
determine prisoner-of-war status is not the executive power, but the
judicial power, as specified under article 5 of the Third Geneva
Convention.

When the first of the detainees arrived in Guantánamo in January 2002, the
Pentagon released a photograph of the detainees in orange jumpsuits,
kneeling before US soldiers, shackled, handcuffed, and wearing blacked-out
goggles over their eyes and masks over their mouths and noses. The
photograph shocked world opinion and led Secretary Rumsfeld to acknowledge
that it was probably unfortunate that the picture had been released, at
least without better captioning. He added: My recollection is that there's
something in the Geneva Conventions about press people being around
prisoners; that - and not taking pictures and not saying who they are and
not exposing them to ridicule.(8)

The USA's selective approach to the Geneva Conventions has been widely
noted. For example, with US soldiers captured in Iraq and shown on Iraqi
television to the anger of US officials, a Saudi Arabian newspaper, claiming
to be receiving one million visitors a day on its website, wrote:
Rumsfeld's newfound affection for the Geneva Convention is remarkable...
The US does not believe that the prisoners now being held at Guantánamo Bay
are prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention. Pictures of the men there,
shackled and living in cages, were distributed by the Bush administration to
the world's media.(9)

Meanwhile the US continues to hold the Guantánamo detainees in very harsh

RE: From Amnesty International

2003-03-26 Thread Devine, James
Title: RE: [PEN-L:36142] From Amnesty International





why can't the Iraqi government declare coalition prisoners to be unlawful combatants? 


oh yes, I forgot: it's might that makes right. 



Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]  http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine
stop the war now!




 -Original Message-
 From: k hanly [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
 Sent: Wednesday, March 26, 2003 9:09 AM
 To: pen
 Subject: [PEN-L:36142] From Amnesty International
 
 
 Actually Iraq could very well claim that captured US troops 
 are not governed
 by the Geneva Convention. Since the war is illegal they 
 could very well
 have joined the US dept of inventive terminology and called 
 them illegal
 combatants and put them in 7 by 8 ft containers.
 
 Cheers, Ken Hanly
 
 AI-index: AMR 51/045/2003 25/03/2003
 Public
 25 March 2003
 AI Index: AMR 51/045/2003
 http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AMR510452003?Open=COUNTRIES\USA
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
 International standards for all
 
 There are international standards that civilized regimes 
 adhere to and then
 there are regimes like Saddam Hussein['s]  US Secretary 
 of Defence, 23
 March 2003(1)
 
 On 23 March 2003, following the news that US soldiers had 
 been captured by
 Iraqi forces during the US-led attack on Iraq, President 
 George Bush said
 that we expect them to be treated humanely, just like we'll treat any
 prisoners of theirs that we capture humanely... If not, the people who
 mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war criminals.(2)
 
 Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld added that the Geneva Convention
 indicates that it's not permitted to photograph and embarrass 
 or humiliate
 prisoners of war, and if they do happen to be American or 
 coalition ground
 forces that have been captured, the Geneva Convention 
 indicates how they
 should be treated.(3) His statement came after interviews with five
 captured US soldiers had been broadcast on Iraqi television.(4)
 
 On the same day, about 30 more detainees were flown from 
 Afghanistan to the
 US Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. This brought to about 660 the
 number of foreign nationals held in the base.(5) They come 
 from more than 40
 countries. Most were taken into custody during the international armed
 conflict in Afghanistan. Some have been held in Guantánamo, 
 without charge
 or trial, and without access to lawyers, relatives or the 
 courts, for more
 than a year. Their treatment has flouted international standards.
 
 From the outset, the US Government refused to grant any of 
 the Guantánamo
 detainees prisoner of war (POW) status or to have any disputed status
 determined by a competent tribunal as required under 
 Article 5 of the
 Third Geneva Convention. In April 2002, Amnesty International 
 warned the US
 administration that its selective approach to the Geneva Conventions
 threatened to undermine the effectiveness of international 
 humanitarian law
 protections for any US or other combatants captured in the 
 future.(6) The
 organization received no reply to this or other concerns it 
 raised about the
 detainees.
 
 On the 9 February 2002, the International Committee of the 
 Red Cross (ICRC),
 the most authoritative body on the provisions of the Geneva 
 Conventions,
 revealed that there were divergent views between the United 
 States and the
 ICRC on the procedures which apply on how to determine that 
 the persons
 detained are not entitled to prisoner of war status.(7) The ICRC news
 release said that the organization would pursue its dialogue 
 with the US
 Government on this issue. Nevertheless, to this day none of 
 the Guantánamo
 detainees have been granted POW status or appeared before a tribunal
 competent to determine their status.
 
 The US has ignored not only the ICRC on this issue, but also 
 the United
 Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the 
 Inter-American Commission
 on Human Rights. More recently, on 16 December 2002, the UN 
 Working Group on
 Arbitrary Detention noted that the authority which is competent to
 determine prisoner-of-war status is not the executive power, but the
 judicial power, as specified under article 5 of the Third Geneva
 Convention.
 
 When the first of the detainees arrived in Guantánamo in 
 January 2002, the
 Pentagon released a photograph of the detainees in orange jumpsuits,
 kneeling before US soldiers, shackled, handcuffed, and 
 wearing blacked-out
 goggles over their eyes and masks over their mouths and noses. The
 photograph shocked world opinion and led Secretary Rumsfeld 
 to acknowledge
 that it was probably unfortunate that the picture had been 
 released, at
 least without better captioning. He added: My recollection 
 is that there's
 something in the Geneva Conventions about press people being around
 prisoners; that - and not taking pictures and not saying who 
 they are and
 not exposing them to ridicule.(8)
 
 The USA's selective approach to the Geneva Conventions has been

Re: RE: From Amnesty International

2003-03-26 Thread andie nachgeborenen

"Devine, James" [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:


why can't the Iraqi government declare "coalition" prisoners to be unlawful combatants? 
oh yes, I forgot: it's might that makes right. 
 
Some people can't keep hold of the fundamentals. Our combatants are never unlawful. Our actions are never war crimes. You are an unpatriotic rotten doctor Commie rat!
jksDo you Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Platinum - Watch CBS' NCAA March Madness, live on your desktop!

RE: Re: RE: From Amnesty International

2003-03-26 Thread Devine, James



JKS writes: 
 You are an unpatriotic rotten 
doctor Commie rat!

how did you 
know?

(BTW,JKSquotes from an old Bob Dylan song, "Motopsycho 
Nightmare.")

JD


[PEN-L:11476] Amnesty International Report on the USA

1999-09-22 Thread Rod Hay






Message:

The Globe and Mail, Wednesday, September 22, 1999

Human-rights group lashes out at 'widespread' police brutality
   Most U.S. officers accused of abuses go unpunished, Amnesty says
By Paul Koring


Washington -- Police brutality, especially against members of racial and 
ethnic minorities, remains "persistent and widespread" across the United 
States, Amnesty International said yesterday.
Some cases -- like that of Amadou Diallo, the unarmed and homeless West 
African immigrant who died in a fusillade of 41 shots fired by New York 
police officers -- garner the media spotlight and have prompted President 
Bill Clinton and others to promise a crackdown.

But Amnesty said most police officers accused of abuses go unpunished and 
many instances of brutality go unreported.

As yet another police brutality scandal rocked Los Angeles this week, 
involving accusations that officers shot and killed a handcuffed suspect 
while their superiors conspired in a cover-up, the Amnesty report said it 
was the little-known cases that often reflect unacceptable and illegal 
patterns of abuse.

For instance, Amnesty said that it has documented "at least 70 people" who 
died after being subjected to so-called pepper spray "during arrest or while 
in custody."

Although Amnesty concedes that there is no evidence directly linking pepper 
spray, which can cause gagging and choking and temporarily paralyze the 
larynx, with the deaths, the human-rights group said that the use of the 
spray was often associated with other forms of brutality.

The use of hog-tying, known in police circles as Total Appendage Restraint 
Procedure, remains widespread although police in New York and Los Angeles 
have banned it. Along with other abnormal holds, including officers kneeling 
or standing on suspects' chests, it is linked to many deaths and injuries 
from "positional asphyxia."

Some of the incidents cited by Amnesty are horrific.

Lewis Rivera, a homeless man eating in a Miami shopping mall, was chased by 
half a dozen police officers last May. They sprayed him with pepper spray, 
kicked him, bound his hands and feet and then dragged him to a police car. 
He died within the hour in a police cell, the second homeless person to die 
in Miami police custody this year.

In Kansas City last November, a 13-year-old black child was killed when four 
police officers opened fire after surrounding the pickup truck he was 
driving. All were cleared of criminal wrongdoing although a civil suit is 
pending.

In February this year, a suicidal Los Angeles man, Ricardo Clos, died after 
being shot 38 times by Los Angeles police officers who responded to a call 
from the man's wife, who said he had cut himself in the neck. When police 
arrived, Mr. Clos threw the knife at them but missed.

Amnesty said a disproportionate number of homeless and mentally ill 
individuals, as well as members of racial and ethnic minorities, are victims 
of police abuse and brutality ranging from verbal epithets to unwarranted 
searches to beatings and killings.

There is no national reporting system, and police guidelines and oversight 
vary from state to state and municipality to municipality. The Clinton 
administration has only recently reacted to minorities' growing anger about 
their treatment by police.

"The issue is national in scope," Attorney-General Janet Reno admitted last 
April. "For too many people, especially in minority communities, the trust 
that is so essential to effective policing does not exist because [they] 
believe that police have used excessive force, that law enforcement is too 
aggressive, that law enforcement is biased, disrespectful and unfair."

Amnesty lauded Washington for vowing to tackle the problem and said that 
prosecutions against police for brutality, as well as corruption, are on the 
rise. Last year "the Justice Department is reported to have filed criminal 
charges against 74 officers for excessive force, . . . a 12-year-high."

However, Amnesty said, "this still represents only a small proportion of the 
thousands of complaints of brutality" levelled each year. Many victims are 
believed to be too frightened to even file complaints.

"Some say police misconduct is an inevitable byproduct of the crackdown on 
crime," President Clinton said in June. "I don't believe that's so; we don't 
have to choose between keeping safe and treating people right; . . . we can 
do both."

Central to the problem is the lack of any national requirement that police 
forces even gather data or report on shootings, injuries and deaths in 
custody or other uses of force.

In Los Angeles, where police brutality and corruption have been a recurring 
civic theme for decades, Mayor Richard Riordan vowed yesterday to "get to 
the bottom" of the latest allegations. At the same time, he begged Angelinos 
"not to let a few evil o

[PEN-L:7059] (Fwd) Urgent Action appeal from Amnesty International

1999-05-19 Thread ts99u-1.cc.umanitoba.ca [130.179.154.224]

Obviously we should bomb Mexico City!

--- Forwarded Message Follows ---
Date sent:  Tue, 18 May 1999 14:42:41 -0700
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
From:   Sid Shniad [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject:Urgent Action appeal from Amnesty International

Date: Mon, 17 May 1999
Subject: UA 111/99 Mexico
From: Marilyn McKim [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Essential accents for this email version:

Acute (/) accent on
a in Vazquez, a in Sanchez
e in San Jose
first e in Tellez
second e in Rene, a in Juarez (Governor)
I in Diaz, I in Garcia (Attorney General)
e in Mexico


PUBLIC AI Index: AMR 41/08/99

UA 111/99  Fear for safety/Extrajudicial execution 17 May 1999

MEXICO  Francisca Santos Pablo (f), 33
Victoriana Vazquez Sanchez (f), 50
Community of Barrio Nuevo San Jose

Killed:   Antonio Mendoza Olivero, 12
  Evaristo Albino Tellez, 27


Amnesty International is calling on the Mexican authorities to
protect the entire Mixteca indigenous community of Barrio Nuevo
San Jose, in Guerrero state, after members of the Mexican armed
forces apparently summarily killed two men and raped two women
from the community.

According to reports on 21 April 1999, Evaristo Albino Tellez and
Antonio Mendoza Olivero left Barrio Nuevo San Jose, part of the
autonomous municipality of Rancho Nuevo Democracia, to harvest
their crops. As they had not returned home the following day,
Francisca Santos Pablo, Evaristo's sister in law, and Victoriana
Vazquez Sanchez, Antonio's grandmother, went to look for them.
Near their plots of land the women found a military. The women
tried to run away, but report that the soldiers caught and raped
them.

Both women managed to return to Barrio Nuevo San Jose, and told
community leaders what had happened. Because they feared further
attacks, members of the community were only able to visit the
site of the camp on 28 April 1999, once the soldiers had left.
They apparently found bloodstained military gloves and sandals
that belonged to either Antonio or Evaristo.

On 27 April, members of the community attempted to report what
had happened to both the State and National Commissions of Human
Rights. The State Commission warned them not to pursue the case,
which they interpreted as a threat. For two days a lower court
judge refused to accept their request to obtain the equivalent of
a writ of habeas corpus, demanding that both Antonio and Evaristo
be presented before the authorities.

On 7 May, a full 17 days after they had last been seen, the State
Commission for Human Rights apparently informed Evaristo and
Antonio's relatives that they had been killed by soldiers, who
claim the two attacked them with guns. The Public Prosecutor's
Office in Ometepec, Guerrero, where the army took the bodies,
knew of the deaths long before the families and community members
were told.

When the families went to the Servicio Medico Forense (SEMFO),
Forensic Medical Service, in Acapulco, Guerrero to retrieve the
bodies, they found that Antonio had apparently died of blood loss
from a single bullet wound to the leg.

Amnesty International has received reports of increased troop
movements near Barrio Nuevo San Jose since 8 May, increasing
fears for the safety of the community and others living in the
region.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Reports of violence by the Mexican security forces in Guerrero,
including attacks on Mixteca activists campaigning for autonomy,
date back to the Aguas Blancas massacre of June 1995, when 17
peasants were killed in an ambush set by state police and
government officials. In a 1998 report the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights concluded that "the emergence of new
dissident armed groups of various types has led not only to a
resumption of measures of control by the security forces but also
to the indiscriminate repression of social organizations and
leaders".

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send telegrams/faxes/airmail letters
in Spanish or your own language:

- asking the authorities to take adequate measures to guarantee
the safety of Francisca Santos Pablo, Victoriana Vazquez Sanchez
and all the Mixteca indigenous community of Barrio Nuevo
San Jose;
- calling on the Governor of Guerrero to open an independent and
thorough investigation into the involvement of members of the
armed forces in these events, suspend from duty those under
investigation, make all results and prosecute those found
responsible in a civil court;
- calling on the authorities to clarify any irregularities in due
process that occurred surrounding the notification, investigation
and forensic procedures in this case;
- reminding the Mexican authorities that in August 1998 the UN
Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of
Minorities called on them to combat "the impunity of perpetrators
of serious human ri