Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Walt Patrick

At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, just as 
soon 
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just being polite.

Walt 



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Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt

Follows some stuff out of the grab bag of the last few days. Nothing 
special - close your eyes and chuck a dart, you can hardly miss. - 
Keith


http://harpers.org/RevisionThing.html

Revision Thing

A history of the Iraq war, told entirely in lies

Posted on Saturday, September 20, 2003. All text is verbatim from 
senior Bush Administration officials and advisers. In places, tenses 
have been changed for clarity. Originally from Harper's Magazine, 
September 2003. By Sam Smith.

Once again, we were defending both ourselves and the safety and 
survival of civilization itself. September 11 signaled the arrival of 
an entirely different era. We faced perils we had never thought 
about, perils we had never seen before. For decades, terrorists had 
waged war against this country. Now, under the leadership of 
President Bush, America would wage war against them. It was a 
struggle between good and it was a struggle between evil.

It was absolutely clear that the number-one threat facing America was 
from Saddam Hussein. We know that Iraq and Al Qaeda had high-level 
contacts that went back a decade. We learned that Iraq had trained Al 
Qaeda members in bomb making and deadly gases. The regime had 
long-standing and continuing ties to terrorist organizations. Iraq 
and Al Qaeda had discussed safe-haven opportunities in Iraq. Iraqi 
officials denied accusations of ties with Al Qaeda. These denials 
simply were not credible. You couldn't distinguish between Al Qaeda 
and Saddam when you talked about the war on terror.

The fundamental question was, did Saddam Hussein have a weapons 
program? And the answer was, absolutely. His regime had large, 
unaccounted-for stockpiles of chemical and biological 
weapons--including VX, sarin, cyclosarin, and mustard gas, anthrax, 
botulism, and possibly smallpox. Our conservative estimate was that 
Iraq then had a stockpile of between 100 and 500 tons of 
chemical-weapons agent. That was enough agent to fill 16,000 
battlefield rockets. We had sources that told us that Saddam Hussein 
recently authorized Iraqi field commanders to use chemical 
weapons--the very weapons the dictator told the world he did not 
have. And according to the British government, the Iraqi regime could 
launch a biological or chemical attack in as little as forty-five 
minutes after the orders were given. There could be no doubt that 
Saddam Hussein had biological weapons and the capability to rapidly 
produce more, many more.

Iraq possessed ballistic missiles with a likely range of hundreds of 
miles--far enough to strike Saudi Arabia, Israel, Turkey, and other 
nations. We also discovered through intelligence that Iraq had a 
growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be 
used to disperse chemical or biological weapons across broad areas. 
We were concerned that Iraq was exploring ways of using UAVs for 
missions targeting the United States.

* * *

Saddam Hussein was determined to get his hands on a nuclear bomb. We 
knew he'd been absolutely devoted to trying to acquire nuclear 
weapons, and we believed he had, in fact, reconstituted nuclear 
weapons. The British government learned that Saddam Hussein had 
recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. Our 
intelligence sources told us that he had attempted to purchase 
high-strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear-weapons production. 
When the inspectors first went into Iraq and were denied-finally 
denied access, a report came out of the [International Atomic Energy 
Agency] that they were six months away from developing a weapon. I 
didn't know what more evidence we needed.

Facing clear evidence of peril, we could not wait for the final proof 
that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud. The Iraqi dictator 
could not be permitted to threaten America and the world with 
horrible poisons and diseases and gases and atomic weapons. 
Inspections would not work. We gave him a chance to allow the 
inspectors in, and he wouldn't let them in. The burden was on those 
people who thought he didn't have weapons of mass destruction to tell 
the world where they were.

We waged a war to save civilization itself. We did not seek it, but 
we fought it, and we prevailed. We fought them and imposed our will 
on them and we captured or, if necessary, killed them until we had 
imposed law and order. The Iraqi people were well on their way to 
freedom. The scenes of free Iraqis celebrating in the streets, riding 
American tanks, tearing down the statues of Saddam 

Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

x-charset ISO-8859-1At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0221-01.htm
Published on Saturday, February 21, 2004 by the Inter Press Service

Chalabi, Garner Provide New Clues to War

by Jim Lobe

WASHINGTON - For those still puzzling over the whys and wherefores of 
Washington's invasion of Iraq 11 months ago, major new, but curiously 
unnoticed, clues were offered this week by two central players in the 
events leading up to the war.

Both clues tend to confirm growing suspicions that the Bush 
administration's drive to war in Iraq had very little, if anything, 
to do with the dangers posed by Saddam Hussein's alleged weapons of 
mass destruction (WMD) or his alleged ties to terrorist groups like 
al-Qaeda -- the two main reasons the U.S. Congress and public were 
given for the invasion.

Separate statements by Ahmed Chalabi, the head of the Iraqi National 
Congress (INC), and U.S. retired Gen Jay Garner, who was in charge of 
planning and administering post-war reconstruction from January 
through May 2002, suggest that other, less public motives were behind 
the war, none of which concerned self-defense, pre-emptive or 
otherwise.

The statement by Chalabi, on whom the neo-conservative and right-wing 
hawks in the Pentagon and Vice President Dick Cheney's office are 
still resting their hopes for a transition that will protect 
Washington's many interests in Iraq, will certainly interest 
congressional committees investigating why the intelligence on WMD 
before the war was so far off the mark.

In a remarkably frank interview with the London 'Daily Telegraph', 
Chalabi said he was willing to take full responsibility for the INC's 
role in providing misleading intelligence and defectors to President 
George W. Bush, Congress and the U.S. public to persuade them that 
Hussein posed a serious threat to the United States that had to be 
dealt with urgently.

The Telegraph reported that Chalabi merely shrugged off accusations 
his group had deliberately misled the administration. ''We are heroes 
in error'', he said.

''As far as we're concerned, we've been entirely successful'', he 
told the newspaper. ''That tyrant Saddam is gone and the Americans 
are in Baghdad. What was said before is not important. The Bush 
administration is looking for a scapegoat. We're ready to fall on our 
swords if he wants''.

It was an amazing admission, and certain to fuel growing suspicions 
on Capitol Hill that Chalabi, whose INC received millions of dollars 
in taxpayer money over the past decade, effectively conspired with 
his supporters in and around the administration to take the United 
States to war on pretenses they knew, or had reason to know, were 
false.

Indeed, it now appears increasingly that defectors handled by the INC 
were sources for the most spectacular and detailed -- if completely 
unfounded -- information about Hussein's alleged WMD programs, not 
only to U.S. intelligence agencies, but also to U.S. mainstream 
media, especially the 'New York Times', according to a recent report 
in the New York 'Review of Books'.

Within the administration, Chalabi worked most closely with those who 
had championed his cause for a decade, particularly neo-conservatives 
around Cheney and Rumsfeld -- Deputy Defense Secretary Paul 
Wolfowitz, Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith and Cheney's chief 
of staff, I. Lewis Libby.

Feith's office was home to the office of special plans (OSP) whose 
two staff members and dozens of consultants were tasked with 
reviewing raw intelligence to develop the strongest possible case 
that Hussein represented a compelling threat to the United States.

OSP also worked with the defense policy board (DPB), a hand-picked 
group of mostly neo-conservative hawks chaired until just before the 
war by Richard Perle, a long-time Chalabi friend.

DPB members, particularly Perle, former CIA director James Woolsey 
and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, played prominent roles in 
publicizing through the media reports by INC defectors and other 
alleged evidence developed by OSP that made Hussein appear as scary 
as possible.

Chalabi even participated in a secret DPB meeting just a few days 
after the Sep. 11, 2001 attacks on New York and the Pentagon in which 
the main topic of discussion, according to the 'Wall Street Journal', 
was how 9/11 could be used as a pretext for attacking Iraq.

The OSP and a parallel group under Feith, the Counter Terrorism 
Evaluation Group, have become central targets of congressional 
investigators, according 

Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;$sessionid$5RM3YWKKUZDFXQFI 
QMGSFFOAVCBQWIV0?xml=/news/2004/02/19/wirq19.xmlsSheet=/news/2004/02/ 
19/ixworld.html
Telegraph | News |

Chalabi stands by faulty intelligence that toppled Saddam's regime
By Jack Fairweather in Baghdad and Anton La Guardia
(Filed: 19/02/2004)

An Iraqi leader accused of feeding faulty pre-war intelligence to 
Washington said yesterday his information about Saddam Hussein's 
weapons, even if discredited, had achieved the aim of persuading 
America to topple the dictator.

Ahmad Chalabi and his London-based exile group, the Iraqi National 
Congress, for years provided a conduit for Iraqi defectors who were 
debriefed by US intelligence agents. But many American officials now 
blame Mr Chalabi for providing intelligence that turned out to be 
false or wild exaggerations about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.

Ahmad Chalabi: 'we've been entirely successful'

Mr Chalabi, by far the most effective anti-Saddam lobbyist in 
Washington, shrugged off charges that he had deliberately misled US 
intelligence. We are heroes in error, he told the Telegraph in 
Baghdad.

As far as we're concerned we've been entirely successful. That 
tyrant Saddam is gone and the Americans are in Baghdad. What was said 
before is not important. The Bush administration is looking for a 
scapegoat. We're ready to fall on our swords if he wants.

His comments are likely to inflame the debate on both sides of the 
Atlantic over the quality of pre-war intelligence, and the spin put 
on it by President George W Bush and Tony Blair as they argued for 
military action.

US officials said last week that one of the most celebrated pieces of 
false intelligence, the claim that Saddam Hussein had mobile 
biological weapons laboratories, had come from a major in the Iraqi 
intelligence service made available by the INC.

US officials at first found the information credible and the defector 
passed a lie-detector test. But in later interviews it became 
apparent that he was stretching the truth and had been coached by 
the INC.

He failed a second polygraph test and in May 2002, intelligence 
agencies were warned that the information was unreliable.

But analysts missed the warning, and the mobile laboratory story 
remained firmly established in the catalogue of alleged Iraqi 
violations until months after the overthrow of Saddam.

America claimed to have found two mobile laboratories, but the 
lorries in fact held equipment to make hydrogen for weather balloons.

Last week, US State Department officials admitted that much of the 
first-hand testimony they had received was shaky.

What the INC told us formed one part of the intelligence picture, a 
senior official in Baghdad said. But what Chalabi told us we 
accepted in good faith. Now there is going to be a lot of question 
marks over his motives.

Mr Chalabi is now a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, but his 
star in Washington has waned.



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Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

x-charset ISO-8859-1At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0222-04.htm
Published on Sunday, February 22, 2004 by Knight-Ridder

Officials: US Still Paying Millions to Group that Provided False 
Iraqi Intelligence

by Jonathan S. Landay, Warren P. Strobel and John Walcott

WASHINGTON - The Department of Defense is continuing to pay millions 
of dollars for information from the former Iraqi opposition group 
that produced some of the exaggerated and fabricated intelligence 
President Bush used to argue his case for war.

The Pentagon has set aside between $3 million and $4 million this 
year for the Information Collection Program of the Iraqi National 
Congress, or INC, led by Ahmed Chalabi, said two senior U.S. 
officials and a U.S. defense official.

They spoke on condition of anonymity because intelligence programs 
are classified.

The continuing support for the INC comes amid seven separate 
investigations into pre-war intelligence that Iraq was hiding illicit 
weapons and had links to al-Qaida and other terrorist groups. A probe 
by the Senate Intelligence Committee is now examining the INC's role.

The decision not to shut off funding for the INC's information 
gathering effort could become another liability for Bush as the 
presidential campaign heats up and, furthermore suggests that some 
within the administration are intent on securing a key role for 
Chalabi in Iraq's political future.

Chalabi, who built close ties to officials in Vice President Cheney's 
office and among top Pentagon officials, is on the Iraqi Governing 
Council, a body of 25 Iraqis installed by the United States to help 
administer the country following the ouster of Saddam Hussein last 
April.

The former businessman, who lobbied for years for a U.S.-backed 
military effort to topple Saddam, is publicly committed to making 
peace with Israel and providing bases in the heart of the oil-rich 
Middle East for use by U.S. forces fighting the war on terrorism.

The INC's Information Collection Program started in 2001 and was 
designed to collect, analyze and disseminate information from 
inside Iraq, according to a letter the group sent in June 2002 to the 
staff of the Senate Appropriations Committee.

Some of the INC's information alleged that Saddam was rebuilding his 
nuclear weapons program, which was destroyed by U.N. inspectors after 
the 1991 Gulf War, and was stockpiling banned chemical and biological 
weapons, according to the letter.

The letter, a copy of which was obtained by Knight Ridder, said the 
information went directly to U.S. government recipients who 
included William Luti, a senior official in Secretary of Defense 
Donald H. Rumsfeld's office, and John Hannah, a top national security 
aide to Cheney.

The letter appeared to contradict denials made last year by top 
Pentagon officials that they were receiving intelligence on Iraq that 
bypassed established channels and vetting procedures.

The INC also supplied information from its collection program to 
leading news organizations in the United States, Europe and the 
Middle East, according to the letter to the Senate committee staff.

The State Department and the CIA, which soured on Chalabi in the 
1990s, viewed the INC's information as highly unreliable because it 
was coming from a source with a strong self-interest in convincing 
the United States to topple Saddam.

The Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) has concluded since the 
invasion that defectors turned over by the INC provided little 
worthwhile information, and that at least one of them, the source of 
an allegation that Saddam had mobile biological warfare laboratories, 
was a fabricator. A defense official said the INC did provide some 
valuable material on Saddam's military and security apparatus.

Even so, dubious INC-supplied information found its way into the Bush 
administration's arguments for war, which included charges that 
Saddam was concealing illicit arms stockpiles and was supporting 
al-Qaida.

No illicit weapons have yet been found, and senior U.S. officials say 
there is no compelling evidence that Saddam cooperated with al-Qaida 
to attack Americans.

The Information Collection Program is now overseen by the DIA, the 
Pentagon's main intelligence arm, which took over when the State 
Department decided to give it up in late 2002.

The defense official defended the current support of the INC effort, 
saying that it has been of some help to the CIA-led Iraq Survey 
Group, a team that is trying to determine what happened to 

Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

x-charset ISO-8859-1At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0220-10.htm
Published on Friday, February 20, 2004 by TomDispatch.com

History Lesions

by Renato Redentor Constantino

And so here we are, at the crossroads of another day, speechless and 
troubled by what is before us, so anxious to engage in a conversation 
with what ought to be, and yet so unaware of or indifferent to a past 
waiting to explain itself, to be heard, to be remembered.

You have to understand the Arab mind, said Capt. Todd Brown, a U.S. 
company commander with the 4th Infantry Division in Iraq, who had led 
his troops in encasing Abu Hishma in a razor-wire fence to contain 
the resistance suspected to be coming from the village. The only 
thing they understand is force.

Over a century ago, during a period of history that few Americans 
today can recall, another U.S. general uttered similar words. It 
would take at least ten years of bayonet treatment to make 
Filipinos accept American rule, said Gen. Arthur MacArthur, even as, 
to deprive the enemy of popular support, U.S. troops herded whole 
Filipino villages into concentration camps -- precursors of the 
strategic hamlets used by the United States during the Vietnam War 
and the razor-wire fences now employed by the troops commanded by 
Capt. Brown to enclose defiant Iraqi villages.

History. How much better off we would all be today if only we 
remembered more -- beginning with the origins of the relationship 
between the Philippines and the United States, a chapter which in our 
history is called the Philippine-American War; a chapter that began 
on February 4, 1899 and lasted an endless decade, which largely 
defined not only the pathways Filipinos were forced to take over the 
next century but the imperial directions that have framed recent U.S. 
history as well.

By returning to this vast and incredibly brutal conflict, Americans 
(and Filipinos) today may yet find what they have lost: the key to 
understanding the depravities of the present and, perhaps, their 
collective deliverance.

The triggers for war

For an empire perennially weighed down by the necessity of justifying 
aggression, triggers for war are providentially everywhere, to be 
pulled expediently whether real or not. In the spring of 2003, it was 
weapons of mass destruction in Never-Never Land or al-Qaeda 
connections. In 1964 in Vietnam, it was an attack by North Vietnamese 
gunboats. In 1899, it was savages attacking our boys. Anything will 
do.

When Lyndon Johnson's administration launched its long-planned 
full-scale bombing campaign in Vietnam, it did so using the authority 
granted by Congress under the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, named after the 
site where North Vietnamese torpedo boats allegedly attacked U.S. 
destroyers on August 2 and 4, 1964. With domestic concern growing 
over an escalating U.S. military intervention, the Tonkin Gulf 
incidents gave the Johnson government the leverage it needed to 
pressure Congress to authorize an open assault on Vietnam. Reports of 
the alleged attacks caused such a rumpus that, by August 7, 1964, 
within three days of the second incident, Congress had passed the 
Tonkin Gulf Resolution by a vote of 416 to 0 in the House of 
Representatives and with just two dissenting votes in the Senate.

Only later was it revealed that a draft version of the resolution had 
been prepared prior to the alleged attacks; that the provocation on 
August 2 actually came from the U.S. side -- an American destroyer 
deliberately entered North Vietnam's territorial waters escorting 
South Vietnamese boats -- and that the August 4 attack did not take 
place at all. By the time the Johnson administration's manipulation 
of the incidents was exposed, however, the US was already deeply 
committed to a full-scale American-led war in Vietnam.

As we cycle backwards in history, we find a similar and no less 
bloody tale of cold-blooded imperial calculation and script-writing.

To kill a republic

The last decade of 1890 was an invigorating time for Filipino 
revolutionaries. After four centuries of largely inchoate revolts, 
Filipinos had united in 1892 under the banner of an organization 
whose goal was to overthrow Spanish colonial rule and create a 
democratic Filipino republic. By 1896, born out of well-articulated 
aspirations for national economic and political independence, open 
revolutionary war had commenced. By the first few days of 1899, the 
revolutionary movement had not only defeated Spain, but assembled a 
government ready 

Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0218-05.htm
Published on Wednesday, February 18, 2004 by CommonDreams.org

Iraqis say, Same Donkey, Different Blanket

by Susan Galleymore

After serving nine months in Afghanistan, my son was deployed to the 
Sunni Triangle on January 9, 2004. I sought support from military 
moms then realized that none amongst us knew what was really going 
on there.

Three weeks ago, I packed my bag, traveled to Baghdad and talked to 
GIs, Iraqi professionals, and Iraqi mothers affected by the 
occupation.

I learned about:

* Random shootings: jittery GIs shoot Iraqi civilians in the streets. 
Anwar Jeward lost her husband, 18 year old son, and 14 and 8 year old 
daughters this way. Her 10 year old daughter, Abir, was left for dead 
in the street after a female GI stole the gold earrings from the 
child's ears.

* Mid-night house arrests: GIs smash down doors of Iraqi residences, 
order mothers and children outside in their nightclothes, and 
question fathers whose faces are ground into the dirt by a heavy 
military boot on their neck. Iraqis agree, Not even Saddam treated 
us like this.

* Pediatric oncology hospital wards: understaffed, underfunded, poor 
in resouces and medicine but rich in young patients. While children 
suffer from a range of cancers, many environmental, their parents 
sell cars, houses, and worldly belongings to afford 8-days sessions 
of chemotherapy. Frequently, three years of such 8-day sessions are 
required.

* Fresh out of boot-camp GIs: killed, wounded, or damaged; one 18 
year old reportedly crumbled psychologically after his first kill. He 
said, it was nothing like video games. He was lucky his PTSD 
qualified him for a return to the States; too many GIs are killed by 
IEDs tossed into their vehicles or left on the roads, or by friendly 
fire.

* Three women on the Iraqi Governing Council: they represent Womens' 
Issues and all Iraqi women depend on IGC for the review of equitable 
secular law but Womens' Issues has no budget.

* Farming villages like Abu Hishma: houses of suspected insurgents 
bombed; villages surrounded by razor-wire; villagers placed under 
curfew 15 out of 24 hours a day; entrance and egress controlled by 
English languge ID cards; farmers unable to tend crops or livestock.

* Battalion commander Lt. Col. Nathan Sassaman: of the Sunni 
Triangle, he believes, With a heavy dose of fear and violence, and a 
lot of money for projects, I think we can convince these people that 
we are here to help them.

Military leadership never responded to my requests for information on 
visiting my son but - after a week of searching -- I hired a 
driver/translator to take me to the military base where I suspected 
he might be. Serendipitiously, I found him and met his colleagues. 
That base, using up 22 square miles of farming land, is growing by 
leaps and bounds as contractors from Kellog, Root, and Brown, 
subsidiary of Halliburton, supply building materials, food, American 
supermarket items, laundry services, internet cafes, telephones, 
everything but combat personnel. For that pleasure, our sons and 
daughters are paid minimal wage for maximum danger.

My trip to visit my son was relatively trouble free: only one 
incident with bombs blocking the highway on our return.

I'm back home and now I know what is going on in Iraq: our leadership 
is destroying the spirits of GIs and Iraqi civilians in an 
unnecessary, money-grubbing free-for-all under the guise of necessary 
war and occupation. Iraqis, too, know what is going on; they describe 
the situation as, Same donkey, different blanket.

Susan is an interactive producer, writer, and mother who travelled to 
Baghdad between January 24 and February 4, 2004. You can contact her 
at [EMAIL PROTECTED] and view the web site, 
www.motherspeak.org



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Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-23 Thread Keith Addison

x-charset ISO-8859-1At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
 Walt,
 
 The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
 UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.

   I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
just as soon
as they got around to paying their parking tickets.

 GW Bush
 said that they were irrelevant.

   Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
being polite.

Walt


http://www.nybooks.com/articles/16911
The New York Review of Books
Volume 51, Number 3 Œ?February 26, 2004

Review

The Wars of the Texas Succession

By Paul Krugman

American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in 
the House of Bush
by Kevin Phillips
Viking, 397 pp., $25.95

The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the 
Education of Paul O'Neill
by Ron Suskind
Simon and Schuster, 348 pp., $26.00

1.

Here's a true story that came too late to make it into Kevin 
Phillips's American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics 
of Deceit in the House of Bush, but it fits perfectly with its 
thesis. As all the world knows, Halliburton, the company that made 
Dick Cheney rich, has been given multibillion-dollar contracts, 
without competitive bidding, in occupied Iraq. Suspicions of 
profiteering are widespread; critics think they have found a smoking 
gun in the case of gasoline imports. For Halliburton has been 
charging the US authorities in Iraq remarkably high prices for 
fuel-far above local spot prices.

The company denies wrongdoing, saying that its prices in Baghdad 
reflect the prices it has to pay its Kuwaiti supplier. That's not 
quite true; Halliburton's reported expenses for transporting gasoline 
are, for some reason, much higher than anyone else's. But the real 
question is why Halliburton chose that particular supplier-a company 
with little experience in the oil business, mysteriously selected as 
the sole source of gasoline after what appears to have been a highly 
improper bidding procedure. Why did it get the job? We don't know. 
But it's interesting to note that the company appears to be closely 
connected with the al-Sabahs, Kuwait's royal family. And the 
al-Sabahs, in turn, have in the past had close business ties with the 
Bush family, in particular the President's brother Marvin.

In any previous administration-at least any administration of the 
past seventy years-this sort of incestuous relationship among foreign 
governments, private businesses, and the personal fortunes of people 
in or close to the US government would have been considered unusual 
and prima facie scandalous. What we learn from Kevin Phillips's new 
book, however, is that this kind of intertwining of public policy and 
personal self-interest has been standard operating procedure not just 
for George W. Bush, but for his entire family.

American Dynasty and Ron Suskind's new book, The Price of Loyalty, 
can be seen as a second wave of Bush critiques. The first wave, 
exemplified by Molly Ivins's Bushwhacked, Joe Conason's Big Lies, and 
David Corn's The Lies of George W. Bush, described what Bush has been 
doing these past three years. But they offered only scant 
explanations of how and why the Bush administration does what it 
does. (I made a brief stab at an explanation in the introduction to 
my own The Great Unraveling, but it was no more than a sketch.)

The new books go deeper into the agonizing question of what is 
happening to our country. Ron Suskind-an investigative reporter with 
a knack for getting insiders to tell what they know -offers a 
detailed, deeply disturbing look at how the Bush administration makes 
policy. Kevin Phillips-a former Republican strategist who feels that 
his party has betrayed the principles he supported-investigates the 
history of the Bush clan, and argues that this family history 
provides the key to understanding George W.'s motives and even his 
technique of governing.

Phillips is well aware that some will dismiss his work as conspiracy 
theory. But as he says, such taunts shouldn't prevent us from 
looking at the family history of the people who now rule us:

Worries about conspiracy thinking should not inhibit inquiries in a 
way that blocks sober examination, which often more properly 
identifies some kind of elite behavior familiar to sociologists and 
political scientists alike.

To that end, Phillips offers

an unusual and unflattering portrait of a great family (great in 
power, not morality) that has built a base over the course of the 
twentieth century in the back corridors of the new 
military-industrial complex and in close association with the growing 
intelligence and national security establishments.

And George W. Bush, as the scion of this dynasty, is the first 
president to, in effect, inherit the office. For four generations the 
Bush family has thrived by exploiting its political connections, 
especially in the secret world of 

[biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-22 Thread Walt Patrick

International diplomacy is a game of high stakes poker played with 
billion 
dollar chips and stacks of human lives.

Saddam really enjoyed the prestige that came with playing in the high 
stakes game, and did everything he could to make the world think that he 
still had WMD, in part because that kept him at the table, and in part 
because of the prestige that gave him in that part of the world.

It was a bluff because apparently he spent the money not on actual 
weapons 
programs, but on himself and his cronies, and when it came time to show his 
cards, all he held was a busted flush.

What Saddam did was akin to the punk who pulls a fake gun on a cop. The 
punk will definitely succeed at getting the cop's attention, but no matter 
how convincing the fake gun looks, the outcome is not in doubt, and I for 
one can't blame the cop for blowing the fool away.

Walt





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Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-22 Thread Fred Finch

Hey Walt,

Your analogy was only partially correct.  He held a fake gun and the judge 
said that the cop would shoot unless he proved it was a fake gun.  He began 
to show that he had no bullets and the cop shot him anyway.

Don't forget that there were inspectors allowed back into Iraq before the 
US went on it's little war.

fred



At 09:51 AM 2/22/2004 -0800, you wrote:
 International diplomacy is a game of high stakes poker played 
 with billion
dollar chips and stacks of human lives.

 Saddam really enjoyed the prestige that came with playing in the 
 high
stakes game, and did everything he could to make the world think that he
still had WMD, in part because that kept him at the table, and in part
because of the prestige that gave him in that part of the world.

 It was a bluff because apparently he spent the money not on 
 actual weapons
programs, but on himself and his cronies, and when it came time to show his
cards, all he held was a busted flush.

 What Saddam did was akin to the punk who pulls a fake gun on a 
 cop. The
punk will definitely succeed at getting the cop's attention, but no matter
how convincing the fake gun looks, the outcome is not in doubt, and I for
one can't blame the cop for blowing the fool away.

Walt






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Re: [biofuel] Don't any of you play poker? / was Moral Dilemna

2004-02-22 Thread Walt Patrick

At 12:24 PM 2/22/04 -0600, fred wrote:
 Hey Walt,
 
 Your analogy was only partially correct.  He held a fake gun and the judge
 said that the cop would shoot unless he proved it was a fake gun.  He began
 to show that he had no bullets and the cop shot him anyway.

Not true. The cop knew that he had lots of bullets since (1) his father 
sold them to  him, and (2) he'd already used them to kill lots of his 
neighbors. There wasn't any question that Saddam had WMD, the only question 
was what he'd done with them.

 Don't forget that there were inspectors allowed back into Iraq before the
 US went on it's little war.

Time and time again. That's why Clinton, Gore, Kerry and company 
concluded 
that Saddam was noncompliant to a degree which justified the use of 
military force to resolve the issue.

Perhaps another analogy will help. Two drunks are in a bar calling each 
other vile names. Drunk A pulls out a gun and shoots Drunk B.

However improper it was for Drunk A to shoot Drunk B, it's quite clear 
that Drunk B was a fool to get into a heated argument with an armed drunk. 
Natural law tends to go hard on such fools.

Walt 



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