>At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
> >Walt,
> >
> >The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
> >UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.
>
>       I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
>just as soon
>as they got around to paying their parking tickets.
>
> >GW Bush
> >said that they were irrelevant.
>
>       Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
>being polite.
>
>Walt

Follows some stuff out of the grab bag of the last few days. Nothing 
special - close your eyes and chuck a dart, you can hardly miss. - 
Keith


http://harpers.org/RevisionThing.html

Revision Thing

A history of the Iraq war, told entirely in lies

Posted on Saturday, September 20, 2003. All text is verbatim from 
senior Bush Administration officials and advisers. In places, tenses 
have been changed for clarity. Originally from Harper's Magazine, 
September 2003. By Sam Smith.

Once again, we were defending both ourselves and the safety and 
survival of civilization itself. September 11 signaled the arrival of 
an entirely different era. We faced perils we had never thought 
about, perils we had never seen before. For decades, terrorists had 
waged war against this country. Now, under the leadership of 
President Bush, America would wage war against them. It was a 
struggle between good and it was a struggle between evil.

It was absolutely clear that the number-one threat facing America was 
from Saddam Hussein. We know that Iraq and Al Qaeda had high-level 
contacts that went back a decade. We learned that Iraq had trained Al 
Qaeda members in bomb making and deadly gases. The regime had 
long-standing and continuing ties to terrorist organizations. Iraq 
and Al Qaeda had discussed safe-haven opportunities in Iraq. Iraqi 
officials denied accusations of ties with Al Qaeda. These denials 
simply were not credible. You couldn't distinguish between Al Qaeda 
and Saddam when you talked about the war on terror.

The fundamental question was, did Saddam Hussein have a weapons 
program? And the answer was, absolutely. His regime had large, 
unaccounted-for stockpiles of chemical and biological 
weapons--including VX, sarin, cyclosarin, and mustard gas, anthrax, 
botulism, and possibly smallpox. Our conservative estimate was that 
Iraq then had a stockpile of between 100 and 500 tons of 
chemical-weapons agent. That was enough agent to fill 16,000 
battlefield rockets. We had sources that told us that Saddam Hussein 
recently authorized Iraqi field commanders to use chemical 
weapons--the very weapons the dictator told the world he did not 
have. And according to the British government, the Iraqi regime could 
launch a biological or chemical attack in as little as forty-five 
minutes after the orders were given. There could be no doubt that 
Saddam Hussein had biological weapons and the capability to rapidly 
produce more, many more.

Iraq possessed ballistic missiles with a likely range of hundreds of 
miles--far enough to strike Saudi Arabia, Israel, Turkey, and other 
nations. We also discovered through intelligence that Iraq had a 
growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be 
used to disperse chemical or biological weapons across broad areas. 
We were concerned that Iraq was exploring ways of using UAVs for 
missions targeting the United States.

* * *

Saddam Hussein was determined to get his hands on a nuclear bomb. We 
knew he'd been absolutely devoted to trying to acquire nuclear 
weapons, and we believed he had, in fact, reconstituted nuclear 
weapons. The British government learned that Saddam Hussein had 
recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa. Our 
intelligence sources told us that he had attempted to purchase 
high-strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear-weapons production. 
When the inspectors first went into Iraq and were denied-finally 
denied access, a report came out of the [International Atomic Energy 
Agency] that they were six months away from developing a weapon. I 
didn't know what more evidence we needed.

Facing clear evidence of peril, we could not wait for the final proof 
that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud. The Iraqi dictator 
could not be permitted to threaten America and the world with 
horrible poisons and diseases and gases and atomic weapons. 
Inspections would not work. We gave him a chance to allow the 
inspectors in, and he wouldn't let them in. The burden was on those 
people who thought he didn't have weapons of mass destruction to tell 
the world where they were.

We waged a war to save civilization itself. We did not seek it, but 
we fought it, and we prevailed. We fought them and imposed our will 
on them and we captured or, if necessary, killed them until we had 
imposed law and order. The Iraqi people were well on their way to 
freedom. The scenes of free Iraqis celebrating in the streets, riding 
American tanks, tearing down the statues of Saddam Hussein in the 
center of Baghdad were breathtaking. Watching them, one could not 
help but think of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the 
Iron Curtain.

It was entirely possible that in Iraq you had the most pro-American 
population that could be found anywhere in the Arab world. If you 
were looking for a historical analogy, it was probably closer to 
post-liberation France. We had the overwhelming support of the Iraqi 
people. Once we won, we got great support from everywhere.

The people of Iraq knew that every effort was made to spare innocent 
life, and to help Iraq recover from three decades of totalitarian 
rule. And plans were in place to provide Iraqis with massive amounts 
of food, as well as medicine and other essential supplies. The U.S. 
devoted unprecedented attention to humanitarian relief and the 
prevention of excessive damage to infrastructure and to unnecessary 
casualties.

The United States approached its postwar work with a two-part 
resolve: a commitment to stay and a commitment to leave. The United 
States had no intention of determining the precise form of Iraq's new 
government. That choice belonged to the Iraqi people. We have never 
been a colonial power. We do not leave behind occupying armies. We 
leave behind constitutions and parliaments. We don't take our force 
and go around the world and try to take other people's real estate or 
other people's resources, their oil. We never have and we never will.

The United States was not interested in the oil in that region. We 
were intent on ensuring that Iraq's oil resources remained under 
national Iraqi control, with the proceeds made available to support 
Iraqis in all parts of the country. The oil fields belonged to the 
people of Iraq, the government of Iraq, all of Iraq. We estimated 
that the potential income to the Iraqi people as a result of their 
oil could be somewhere in the $20 [billion] to $30 billion a year 
[range], and obviously, that would be money that would be used for 
their well-being. In other words, all of Iraq's oil belonged to all 
the people of Iraq.

* * *

We found the weapons of mass destruction. We found biological 
laboratories. And we found more weapons as time went on. I never 
believed that we'd just tumble over weapons of mass destruction in 
that country. But for those who said we hadn't found the banned 
manufacturing devices or banned weapons, they were wrong, we found 
them. We knew where they were.

We changed the regime of Iraq for the good of the Iraqi people. We 
didn't want to occupy Iraq. War is a terrible thing. We've tried 
every other means to achieve objectives without a war because we 
understood what the price of a war can be and what it is. We sought 
peace. We strove for peace. Nobody, but nobody, was more reluctant to 
go to war than President Bush.

It is not right to assume that any current problems in Iraq can be 
attributed to poor planning. The number of U.S. forces in the Persian 
Gulf region dropped as a result of Operation Iraqi Freedom. This 
nation acted to a threat from the dictator of Iraq. There is a lot of 
revisionist history now going on, but one thing is certain--he is no 
longer a threat to the free world, and the people of Iraq are free. 
There's no doubt in my mind when it's all said and done, the facts 
will show the world the truth. There is absolutely no doubt in my 
mind.



Biofuel at Journey to Forever:
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