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[In the unvarying tradition of IWPR - one of
misrepresenting events, preferably reversing causality
and turning matters on their head - we learn that the
government of Macedonia, under unprovoked attack from
criminal syndicate-funded guerrillas, many on the UN
payroll in Kosovo and recently trained in KLA camps in
Albania, is guilty of "declaring war on Albanian
militants."
In fact, that's exactly what the nation's prime
minister hasn't done, although most any other nation
in the world would already have declared war on armed
insurgents entering the country from abroad. A
guerrilla by definition has already effectively
declared war on his target; the target ordinarily
responds in kind.
The IWPR's "analyst and journalist" (people identified
as such frequently are expelled from embassies around
the world) feigns puzzlement over the fact that
"recently, the premier's approach has changed
radically."
The analyst/journalist plays the faux naif and
pretends not to understand the cause of this change of
heart, implying it's attributable to ingrained
perversity or shrewd political maneuvering. 
But as his own words later in the article demonstrate,
a few not insignificant events have intervened between
Georgievki's "being too close to the DPA, the largest
Albanian party" and his transmogrifying into "an out
and out hawk."
For example:
"NLA fighters are now on the outskirts of Skopje and
threatening to shell the city. Tens of thousands of
Macedonians and Albanians [note the distinction]are
fleeing in panic."
"After two years of unprecedented partnership with the
DPA, the last thing Georgievski expected was an
Albanian rebellion."
"[R]ecent NLA attacks on the security forces. The
first occurred in Vejce in early May, claiming the
lives of eight policemen. Five more were killed in a
second raid near Tetovo a few days ago."
And so forth, any one of which would be considered a
casus belli in good earnest by NATO nations - or any
head of state that takes his pledge to preserve his
nation and protect his people seriously.
But as with Slobodan Milosevic earlier, who had the
temerity to defend the inviolabilty of his country's
borders and to respond to unprovoked attacks within
them, the IWPR and all they represent portray the
victims as villains, the aggressors as being aggressed
against, black as white, war as peace.]  

 

International War & Peace Reporting

The Macedonian Hawk 
Macedonia's peacemaking premier has turned into a
dangerous hawk. 

By Vladimir Jovanovski in Skopje (BCR No. 255,
13-Jun-01)

Perhaps the greatest political casualty of the
Albanian insurrection is prime minister Ljubco
Georgievski.

Only a month or two ago, it seemed Georgievski, the
leader of one of Macedonia's largest political
parties, VMRO-DPMNE, would emerge as the saviour of
his country. 

He was insisting that the current crisis could be
solved by improving the civil and political rights of
the Albanian community. But recently, the premier's
approach has changed radically.

The peacemaker and unifier of Macedonia's disparate
ethnic groups is now an out and out hawk. 

Now he believes that the only way of resolving the
crisis is by declaring war on Albanian militants. His
public statements are inflaming tensions, just as the
conflict seems set to escalate into a full-scale war.
NLA fighters are now on the outskirts of Skopje and
threatening to shell the city. Tens of thousands of
Macedonians and Albanians are fleeing in panic.

But in pressing for a military solution, Georgievski
has provoked a hostile response from all sides of the
political spectrum and the international community.

>From being part of the solution, he is now widely
considered part of the problem. As a result, his
popularity and that of his party has droppped
significantly.

Georgievski's transformation is remarkable. Not so
long ago, Macedonians accused him of being too close
to the DPA, the largest Albanian party. Now he demands
that its members either clearly condemn the NLA or
join them. An avowed Macedonian nationalist at the
beginning of the Nineties, this former poet pursued a
policy of cooperating with the DPA after he came to
power in 1998, bringing the party into government.
Foreign analysts were pleasantly surprised by the
tolerant political culture spawned by "the new
Ljubco".

After two years of unprecedented partnership with the
DPA, the last thing Georgievski expected was an
Albanian rebellion.

The premier's newly acquired hardline stance was
cemented by recent NLA attacks on the security forces.
The first occurred in Vejce in early May, claiming the
lives of eight policemen. Five more were killed in a
second raid near Tetovo a few days ago.

According to his former close associate, Boris
Zmejkovski, now a member of a small party opposing the
VMRO-DPMNE, the incidents have turned Georgievski into
a "crazy general".

His actions in the last two weeks go some way to
confirming this view. 

He has pushed for the state to declare war on the
Albanian rebels, in the face of stiff opposition from
not only Albanians but his Macedonian political
rivals, the media and the international community.

He favours a military solution to the conflict, even
though it is widely recognised that the country's
armed forces are incapable of decisive victory against
a force of mountain partisans.

And finally, Georgievski's hand could be detected in
the leaking to the press recently of a plan to divide
the country along ethnic lines - a proposal prepared
by the Macedonian Academy for Sciences and Arts, the
country's intellectual elite.

The opposition has claimed for a long time that the
premier and the VMRO-DPMNE were seeking both the
partition of Macedonia along ethnic lines and closer
ties with Bulgaria.

Under the plan - which enraged Macedonians - cities
with majority Albanian populations, such as Tetovo and
Gostivar, would be 'traded' with Albania or Kosovo. 

Perhaps the greatest puzzle is whether Georgevski's
new intransigence is the natural reaction of a
politician who feels betrayed by his former friends,
the Albanians, or a more subtle tactical move?

Georgievski's refusal to either negotiate with the
rebels, or to press ahead with granting the Albanians
greater rights, may be an attempt to head off such
allegations in the run-up to elections, scheduled for
January.

Whatever his other limitations, Georgievski has highly
developed political instincts that have served him
well in the past. 

He may be concerned that come election day voters
might see him as being too soft on ethnic Albanian
representatives. What's clear, however, is that
Georgievski's position is looking increasingly
untenable. The creation of a large anti-VMRO-DPMNE
coalition is being openly discussed in Skopje,
allegedly with the support of some Western
ambassadors.

In the immediate term, though, it looks as though the
unpredictable Ljubco Georgievski will continue to
determine Macedonia's fate.

Vladimir Jovanovski is an analyst and journalist with
the Skopje bi-weekly Forum 




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