--- In FairfieldLife@yahoogroups.com, Peter <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
> 
> 
> 
> --- On Fri, 9/12/08, feste37 <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> 
> 
> 
> ..."unreflective self-confidence that
> only the
> truly ignorant and stupid can possess."
> 
> 
> You said it right there, feste.
>


Its bad enough to instigate and promote lies as does the current
administration. But its truly scary when a VP candidate -- or anyone
on national level -- actually believes the lies -- and cannot
distinguish the crap they  are fed from actual truth.

As Krugman said this morning: "What it says, I'd argue, is that the
Obama campaign is wrong to suggest that a McCain-Palin administration
would just be a continuation of Bush-Cheney. If the way John McCain
and Sarah Palin are campaigning is any indication, it would be much,
much worse. "


=============================================
September 12, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist
Blizzard of Lies
By PAUL KRUGMAN

Did you hear about how Barack Obama wants to have sex education in
kindergarten, and called Sarah Palin a pig? Did you hear about how Ms.
Palin told Congress, "Thanks, but no thanks" when it wanted to buy
Alaska a Bridge to Nowhere?

These stories have two things in common: they're all claims recently
made by the McCain campaign — and they're all out-and-out lies.

Dishonesty is nothing new in politics. I spent much of 2000 — my first
year at The Times — trying to alert readers to the blatant dishonesty
of the Bush campaign's claims about taxes, spending and Social Security.

But I can't think of any precedent, at least in America, for the
blizzard of lies since the Republican convention. The Bush campaign's
lies in 2000 were artful — you needed some grasp of arithmetic to
realize that you were being conned. This year, however, the McCain
campaign keeps making assertions that anyone with an Internet
connection can disprove in a minute, and repeating these assertions
over and over again.

Take the case of the Bridge to Nowhere, which supposedly gives Ms.
Palin credentials as a reformer. Well, when campaigning for governor,
Ms. Palin didn't say "no thanks" — she was all for the bridge, even
though it had already become a national scandal, insisting that she
would "not allow the spinmeisters to turn this project or any other
into something that's so negative."

Oh, and when she finally did decide to cancel the project, she didn't
righteously reject a handout from Washington: she accepted the
handout, but spent it on something else. You see, long before she
decided to cancel the bridge, Congress had told Alaska that it could
keep the federal money originally earmarked for that project and use
it elsewhere.

So the whole story of Ms. Palin's alleged heroic stand against
wasteful spending is fiction.

Or take the story of Mr. Obama's alleged advocacy of kindergarten
sex-ed. In reality, he supported legislation calling for "age and
developmentally appropriate education"; in the case of young children,
that would have meant guidance to help them avoid sexual predators.

And then there's the claim that Mr. Obama's use of the ordinary
metaphor "putting lipstick on a pig" was a sexist smear, and on and on.

Why do the McCain people think they can get away with this stuff?
Well, they're probably counting on the common practice in the news
media of being "balanced" at all costs. You know how it goes: If a
politician says that black is white, the news report doesn't say that
he's wrong, it reports that "some Democrats say" that he's wrong. Or a
grotesque lie from one side is paired with a trivial misstatement from
the other, conveying the impression that both sides are equally dirty.

They're probably also counting on the prevalence of horse-race
reporting, so that instead of the story being "McCain campaign lies,"
it becomes "Obama on defensive in face of attacks."

Still, how upset should we be about the McCain campaign's lies? I
mean, politics ain't beanbag, and all that.

One answer is that the muck being hurled by the McCain campaign is
preventing a debate on real issues — on whether the country really
wants, for example, to continue the economic policies of the last
eight years.

But there's another answer, which may be even more important: how a
politician campaigns tells you a lot about how he or she would govern.

I'm not talking about the theory, often advanced as a defense of
horse-race political reporting, that the skills needed to run a
winning campaign are the same as those needed to run the country. The
contrast between the Bush political team's ruthless effectiveness and
the heckuva job done by the Bush administration is living, breathing,
bumbling, and, in the case of the emerging Interior Department
scandal, coke-snorting and bed-hopping proof to the contrary.

I'm talking, instead, about the relationship between the character of
a campaign and that of the administration that follows. Thus, the
deceptive and dishonest 2000 Bush-Cheney campaign provided an
all-too-revealing preview of things to come. In fact, my early
suspicion that we were being misled about the threat from Iraq came
from the way the political tactics being used to sell the war
resembled the tactics that had earlier been used to sell the Bush tax
cuts.

And now the team that hopes to form the next administration is running
a campaign that makes Bush-Cheney 2000 look like something out of a
civics class. What does that say about how that team would run the
country?

What it says, I'd argue, is that the Obama campaign is wrong to
suggest that a McCain-Palin administration would just be a
continuation of Bush-Cheney. If the way John McCain and Sarah Palin
are campaigning is any indication, it would be much, much worse.
 

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