Another wrinkle in this is how the “businessman’s tragedy of the commons” gets 
reflected in the thinking of employees.  Employees, when faced with enduring 
inequality, may well object to progress, out of a sense it isn’t fair.
I find this really remarkable.  An employer that wants the employees poorer 
must be very amused indeed to see a backlash such as in the URL below.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/02/business/a-company-copes-with-backlash-against-the-raise-that-roared.html

From: Friam [mailto:friam-boun...@redfish.com] On Behalf Of Roger Critchlow
Sent: Wednesday, August 05, 2015 5:00 PM
To: The Friday Morning Applied Complexity Coffee Group
Subject: Re: [FRIAM] [ SPAM ] Re: [EXTERNAL] Re: How brand-new words are 
spreading across America

So business people are anti-union not because unions interfere with the running 
of their own businesses, but because unions interfere with their ruining of 
other peoples businesses?

I think we could get a whole new freakonomics franchise out of this.

-- rec --

On Wed, Aug 5, 2015 at 4:22 PM, David Eric Smith 
<desm...@santafe.edu<mailto:desm...@santafe.edu>> wrote:
You know what I find curious about the various econ conversations around this 
topic?

What I am about to say is not any deep insight, and I have heard Hanauer say 
the same things in his TED talk (nearly verbatim to the article), but just this 
time, reading it led to the realization.

In the sense of where the agency lies, this is a simple non-cooperative game 
played by the owners of firms _against each other_.

Powerless labor is essentially a background fabric that responds mechanically 
to the strategic choices of those who have the bargaining power over terms of 
employment, in the society as we currently have it structured.

So essentially, as Hanauer says, every business wants its customers richer and 
its employees poorer.  That is: they want all _other_ employers to provide 
richer citizens who can be customers, while they then return less of that 
wealth to their own employees as members of the customer pool.

It can be framed as one of the simple standard public-goods games, in which a 
public resource (a non-desperate pool of people who both sell wage labor and 
buy products and services) is either contributed to, or not, by firms' 
wage-setting policies.  The strategy of public contribution is dominated under 
the non-cooperative equilibrium, so the "businessman's tragedy of the commons" 
has everybody trying to cheat and not pay labor, until the whole populace is 
decimated and there are no customers.  This is the descent into the Walmart 
effect on towns, though the way it plays out into a final locked-in ruined 
state is more complicated than this simple game has the structure to describe.

All this is obvious, and putting it into a game-theoretic frame doesn't really 
add anything to the substance of the argument, though for me it does state more 
transparently who the players are and makes the useful point that it is the 
firm owners competing with each other as adversaries that drive this dynamic.  
Firm owners don't, as a class, destroy the economy through low wages because 
they are colluding: rather, they are being coordinated by the bad version of 
Adam Smith's invisible hand as they jointly independently and competitively 
choose the same destructive use of their power in the labor market.  This is 
why the notion that firms will "voluntarily" raise wages once a few do, 
mentioned by opponents in Hanauer's essay, is false (and disingenuously so).  
Now, certainly, maintaining market power over wages by putting a fence around 
the labor pool is a collusive act, but it is carried out through different 
institutions (particularly, lobbying legislators etc.) and other levels than 
the competitive pricing one.  Thus, the game has a few layers with different 
structure that interact, but it wouldn't be all that hard to lay out which 
parts are which.

The thing that surprises me -- given how many statements of the obvious Complex 
Systems academics make lots of press putting into formalism -- is that I 
haven't seen anyone write this down in those terms.

Maybe everyone realizes it would be kind of silly, and that is why they don't 
bother to do it?  Would make sense, except that we see it done in so many other 
areas that are equally shallow and silly.

?

Eric



On Aug 6, 2015, at 6:24 AM, Frank Wimberly wrote:



Nick Hanauer is clear that he is a multi-billionaire because Jeff Bezos called 
him back before another guy when Hanauer had some venture capital to invest.  
See:

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/06/the-pitchforks-are-coming-for-us-plutocrats-108014.html#.VcJ-ElDnbqA

Frank

Sent from my Verizon 4G LTE Phone
(505) 670-9918<tel:%28505%29%20670-9918>
On 08/05/2015 01:20 PM, Parks, Raymond wrote:
   At the risk of being unpopular on this group, I would point out that many 
gun-owners have made the argument that none of their guns have spontaneously 
fired.  Referring back to Ethics - an arm (whether or not it holds a sword) 
does not harm without voluntary movement by the person.

I don't think that's true at all.  It's not the voluntary movement that 
concerns most.  It's the involuntary movement that concerns most, especially 
liberals, because most liberals (I think) tend to give more weight to 
unintential or coincident circumstances than most conservatives.

An analogous consideration is the (seemingly) popular conservative position 
that if you have succeeded at something (e.g. making money), it's because _you_ 
did it, not because you were lucky or fortunate.  (The alternative position 
that God did it for you, or allowed you to do it is an interesting hedge.)  
Most liberals tend to place at least a little more weight on luck or 
circumstance when considering one's success.

So, it's not spontanous firing the gun control people are worried about.  It's 
not even the rational, intently intentional firing they're worried about.  It's 
the accidental and/or rash, semi-intentional firings they're worried about.  
Hence the solution: remove the material cause.

--
⇔ glen

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