It will be fascinating to see whether or not you will see the capitalist 
Southeast Asian states become positioned as -competitors- to Beijing or not. 
Right now the Belt & Road/String of Pearls commercial networks propose 
constructing a new set of financial and infrastructural relationships that are 
in stark contrast to the Global Northern mandates of the WTO/World Bank/IMF 
mafia. (Whether that will come to pass or China becomes equally exploitative in 
these market relations is undeniably a complex conversation).

Speaking to Michael's point about fascism and more specifically white 
nationalism, here is a very evident contradiction for me. Trump and Trumpism 
undeniably arose in the moment of public realization of America's collapsing 
neoliberal imperial hegemony. Trump's anti-interventionist rhetoric against 
regime change and his anti-Chinese reaction to their economic growth 
demonstrated one dimension of this realization. The fact that this emerged 
simultaneous with a ramp-up of white nationalism in the mainstream political 
discourse obviates that the empire can and will tolerate a regression towards 
these currents simultaneous with this imperial collapse is indicative of 
something quite foreboding.

If we look at the history of imperial collapse in the past century alone 
(British Empire in Indian subcontinent, historic Palestine, Ireland, the French 
in Southeast Asia, Russia in the face of the revolution, German and Italian 
fascism to a certain degree, et. al.), it has been an utter disaster and 
nightmare. There have been right wing militias, genocidal pogroms, and much 
more. My fear is that, unless we see a very substantive independent Left 
movement arise, we will see a further slide into the muck. I like DSA and the 
Squad, I get it, no denying the importance. But to paraphrase Gregory Corso, 
four Congressional Reps does not a political movement make! This social 
democratic current is fundamentally hindered by its umbilical to the Democratic 
Party, its lack of traction with labor on a large scale, its very distinct 
class composition, and its inability to build strong cross-class coalitions 
that embrace the poor and working poor in the urban core. It does not have the 
firm anchorage into a large swathe of society equivalent to what either the 
Depression-era Left or the Civil Rights movement had. We are not going to see 
DSA leading sit-down strikes or a March on Washington anytime soon. So building 
a movement that can do this will be a major task as the regression continues.


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