Yes I know...

I should have been clear... I needed to distinguish the problems presented
to the Communist International by the betrayals of the Socialist
International from my own present day concerns emphasized by my *“ands” *
concerns.

Democratic centralism was Zinoviev’s and Trotsky’s answer. I think it was
answer that didn’t work or sometimes worked to dangerous ends...

I do believe enough in the Old Bolsheviks to believe they started again in
1917 with the same basic question to the international movement. I state
that question below with different rhetoric.

How do we create worker’s democracy within society and maintain it within a
revolutionary movement, without discarding revolutionary discipline needed
for extreme situations. By extreme situations I mean those such as general
strikes, coups, insurrections, street confrontations, and revolutionary
situations of all kinds. Then how do you do this on a local, national, and
international level? On this basic level of creating worker’s democracy and
revolutionary discipline I think my present day question was also Trotsky’s
though Trotsky’s answer, as far as party organization is concerned, is not
ours.

On Sun, Apr 11, 2021 at 1:45 PM Louis Proyect <[email protected]> wrote:

> On 4/11/21 1:25 PM, Jerry Monaco wrote:
>
>
> I agree but I think this doesn’t grapple with the main problem of
> Zinoviev’s and Trotsky’s concerns. How do you build an International that
> doesn’t fall into the betrayals of the Socialist International? How do you
> create an program of international solidarity within a socialist movement
> with democratic *and* revolutionary ideas, with internal revolutionary
> discipline *and* equalitarian practice that is not cult like and doesn’t
> rely on constant excommunication. In simple words, how do we have
> revolutionary discipline *and* democratic practice within each party *and* 
> within
> an international party as a whole? Such international revolutionary
> discipline and democratic practice must not just be between parties as
> corporate constituents but within the whole international. That is true if
> we are to build a real international organization with solidarity in
> practice.
>
> Keep in mind that Trotsky and Zinoviev considered the Comintern to be
> based on democratic centralism. This meant that the leading body in Moscow
> would have the same kind of power to discipline or expel not only members
> in other countries but entire parties. The worst application of this
> hierarchical method was the expulsion of Paul Levi, who wrote a scathing
> attack on the German CP that had organized a totally idiotic ultraleft
> uprising in 1921. Unless Levi went public, the masses never would have
> learned of his critique. Lenin, of course, voted for Levi's expulsion but
> had qualms about the Comintern and the organizational methods it was
> adopting. He wrote:
>
> "At the third congress in 1921 we adopted a resolution on the structure of
> communist parties and the methods and content of their activities. It is an
> excellent resolution, but it is almost entirely Russian, that is to say,
> everything in it is taken from Russian conditions. That is its good side,
> but it is also its bad side, bad because scarcely a single foreigner--I am
> convinced of this, and I have just re-read it-can read it. Firstly, it is
> too long, fifty paragraphs or more. Foreigners cannot usually read items of
> that length. Secondly, if they do read it, they cannot understand it,
> precisely because it is too Russian...it is permeated and imbued with a
> Russian spirit. Thirdly, if there is by chance a foreigner who can
> understand it, he cannot apply it...My impression is that we have committed
> a gross error in passing that resolution, blocking our own road to further
> progress. As I said, the resolution is excellent, and I subscribe to every
> one of the fifty paragraphs. But I must say that we have not yet discovered
> the form in which to present our Russian experience to foreigners, and for
> that reason the resolution has remained a dead letter. If we do not
> discover it, we shall not go forward."
> 
>
>


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