Replying to Artesian :

SA: "... the conditions required for the maintenance and accumulation of 
capital make the "lesser evil"--  the "liberal alternative"-- irrelevant, 
incapable, of reversing any of those conditions."

True, but the overwhelming mass of Democratic voters don’t expect the party to 
"reverse the conditions required for the maintenance and accumulation of 
capital.” They’re have little illusion that the party seeks the overthrow of 
the system, and most would say that is also not their aim. They vote for the 
party as the liberal alternative which will hopefully *ameliorate* their 
conditions or at least *defend* their current social benefits and democratic 
rights against the Republicans. Even the most politically conscious Democratic 
activists who characterize the party as a “lesser evil” now recognize that 
building an opposition to the party leadership and program and leading a "dirty 
break” is no easy matter because of its supporters deep-rooted  fear of the 
Republican alternative, particularly since the rise of the Trumpist right.

SA: "Now Marv claims if this were 1912 or 1920 we wouldn't have this discussion 
because there was theoretically a vibrant independent class based movement, but 
that's just not accurate for this very question of choosing between and among 
capital-isms has infested every working class movement since the Knights of 
Labor.  It was the core issue in the AFL--manifested particularly in the AFL's 
support of Jim Crow unions; it was the main question and issue that divided the 
working class in struggles in the CIO, in the Oakland general strike, in 
Operation Dixie."

I wasn’t referring to divisions with the class but within Marxism. The US 
Marxist left has regularly debated whether and how to orient to the Democrats 
since the CPUSA first made that turn towards Roosevelt’s DP in the 1930’s. The  
discussion has become more pronounced following the sharp decline of the 
international socialist and trade union movement over the past four decades..

This Democrats were not an issue when that movement was on the upswing. 
Marxists then had no difficulty choosing between the conservative craft 
unionists of the AFL and militant union leaders like Debs, or between the 
Socialist Party and the Democrats. History seemed clearly to be moving in our 
direction in the wake of the Russian Revolution. The Socialist Party was a 
viable and growing alternative, and the Democrats were reviled as the party of 
the Red Scare which was persecuting socialists, had jailed their leader Debs, 
deported Emma Goldman and other foreign-born radicals, and suppressed the IWW 
and its affiliated unions.

There is a world of difference between the objective conditions and level of 
class and political consciousness then and now. You could implant Lenin, 
Trotsky, and the other Bolsheviks in Brooklyn today and they would confront the 
same obstacles and be forced to adjust their tactics or operate on the margins 
of political life in open opposition to the Democrats in the same manner as 
today’s tiny vanguard sects which identify with the Marxist and Leninist 
tradition. Given Lenin’s approach to the British Labour Party (and the "French 
turn" for admirers of Trotsky and Popular Front for admirers of Stalin) I 
expect they would adjust.

SA: "Those who think this issue only arises because of the lack of working 
class independence and therefore Marxists must "meet the class where it is" 
forget that working class independence does not spring forth sui generis, but 
is only established by persistent, implacable, and sometimes unpopular 
opposition to capitalism as a system, capitalists as a class, and capitalist 
parties as realistic alternatives. ”

This assumes that the militant trade unions emerged from the socialist 
movement, not the other way round. Moreover, Marxists have always stressed the 
need to meet the class where it is. It is idealism to imagine that socialists 
can conjure up the old movement by dint of “persistent” and “implacable” 
opposition to capitalism and capitalist parties, particularly when such 
inspiring rhetoric is directed at the workers from outside their institutions 
and is widely perceived as hostile.


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