Re : Hari @ https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/40773 on Tooze.
Re: 2.The misreading of Wages of Destruction.

Reassessing the Nazi War Economy and the Origins of the Second World War.
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p281_8.xml>*An
Introduction to a Symposium on Adam Tooze*
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p281_8.xml>’s The
Wages of Destruction
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p281_8.xml>. Alexander
Anievas <https://brill.com/search?f_0=author&q_0=Alexander+Anievas>

Wages of Destruction?
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p298_9.xml>*A
Reappraisal
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p298_9.xml>. *Karl
Heinz Roth <https://brill.com/search?f_0=author&q_0=Karl+Heinz+Roth>

Building the Nazi Economy.
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p312_10.xml>*Adam
Tooze and a Cultural Critique of Hitler’s Plans for War
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p312_10.xml>. *Paul B.
Jaskot <https://brill.com/search?f_0=author&q_0=Paul+B.+Jaskot>

The Third Reich as Rogue Regime.
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p330_11.xml>*Adam
Tooze’s* <https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p330_11.xml>
Wages
of Destruction
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p330_11.xml>. Dylan
Riley <https://brill.com/search?f_0=author&q_0=Dylan+Riley>

The Sense of a Vacuum.
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p351_12.xml>*A
Response
<https://brill.com/view/journals/hima/22/3-4/article-p351_12.xml>. *Adam
Tooze <https://brill.com/search?f_0=author&q_0=Adam+Tooze>

Via ^
https://www.historicalmaterialism.org/journal/volume-22-issue-3-4-2014/#:~:text=An%20Introduction%20to%20a%20Symposium,Building%20the%20Nazi%20Economy
.

Did Adam Tooze Ever Respond to Perry Anderson?
<https://www.reddit.com/r/CriticalTheory/comments/12qjifn/did_adam_tooze_ever_respond_to_perry_anderson/>

Catching up on the New York Magazine profile of Adam Tooze
<https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/adam-tooze-profile.html>, I
learned about Perry Anderson's critical review of Tooze's work
<https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii119/articles/perry-anderson-situationism-a-l-envers>,
and the response that Tooze planned to write:

I have agreed with New Left Review that I will write a piece in response
for their Jan/Feb 2020 issue

[...]

I will use the NLR piece to offer some new points about the history of US
hegemony, our current situation and what kind of political and practical
opportunities it may or may not offer. I am really grateful for the
suggestions that social media friends are making
<https://twitter.com/maxkrahe/status/1182961876503801863>. Keep them coming.

[...]

However, if I am not going to take up space in the NLR for a rebuttal, I do
feel the need to respond in a more direct way to Anderson’s specific
comments about my work and the intellectual trajectory they map. The blog
seems the right place to do this.

[...]

I am going to structure my response on the blog in a series of postings.
Some are easier to do than others and the train of thought that Anderson
has unleashed is still unfolding. But as things stand my idea is to write
the following pieces:

1: History without structure?
2: The misreading of Wages of Destruction.
3: What is the economy?
4: Explicating The “right liberal” politics of Deluge
5: Europe and the problem of German hegemony
Re:
I will reserve a discussion of the American themes and the overarching
questions of hegemony for the NLR piece. Altogether that makes 6 short
pieces.

But searching through Tooze's blog archive
<https://adamtooze.com/category/blog/> and the NLR's archive
<https://newleftreview.org/search?query%5Bauthor%5D=Adam+Tooze>, I was not
able to find any of these promised responses. Did they ever get written?"

Tooze <https://adamtooze.substack.com/p/chartbook-341-on-thinking-in-medias>
: Conducted in the summer of 2024 in Shanghai this interview with Ding
Xionfei is the most far-reaching public discussion I have had had about the
development of my writing and thinking since Perry Anderson’s review of my
work
<https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii119/articles/perry-anderson-situationism-a-l-envers>.
I want to thank Ding Xiongfei for his remarkable engagement and for
permission to republish part of the review that originally appeared in
the Shanghai
Review of Books in Mandarin
<https://www.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_28749135>...

..."*Ding Xiongfei: *I wonder if you’d be willing to discuss Perry
Anderson's piece on you, published in the *New Left Review*. You mentioned
that you once drew inspiration from Anderson’s approach for your class on
the end of history in the 1990s. However, in his 47-page article published
in 2019, where he reviewed *The Wages of Destruction*, *The Deluge*, and
*Crashed*—which he viewed as a trilogy—he raised several criticisms. First,
he argued there was an anachronism in your understanding of American
hegemony, particularly in your portrayal of the Nazi regime’s attitude
toward America. Second, he criticized what he called your “situational and
tactical approach,” which, according to him, “plunges the reader into the
stream of events” while “dispensing with a structural explanation” of your
subject’s origins. Third, he linked this approach to your liberal politics,
suggesting that your reluctance to engage in structural critique reflects
an acceptance of the existing order of things. You once mentioned that you
planned to write a response to Anderson, but ultimately didn’t. I’m still
curious—how would you respond to him now?

*Adam Tooze: *The most puzzling, and in the end, also the most generative
element of his remarks about my work has got to do with his opening line,
where he associates my left liberalism with what he describes as a
situational analysis. He uses this phrase and implies that liberals,
because they are complicit with the status quo, must always remain at the
surface in their analysis, unable to tackle the underlying structural
conditions. His argument implies that if only liberal thought was able to
address these structural conditions it would recognize the need for radical
change and visa versa. A commitment to radical change would open the path
to a deeper understanding of historical structures and processes. It is a
familiar left-wing conceit.

In contrast, my approach, because I'm a liberal and therefore, as he sees
it, also situational or occasional, simply latches onto particular moments.
He describes my work as being formulated “*in medias res*, ” in the midst
of things. He sees me as a left-liberal with a problem regarding structure,
and he views this as a deficiency—a gap, a blind spot in my thinking. I
would simply respond that I do have an intellectual problem with structure.
But that is not a weakness or simple failure on my part. As our preceding
discussion about polycrisis, Latour, Beck etc suggested I have a
necessarily incomplete but nevertheless capacious historical explanation
for why structure is at this particular moment not transparently given to
us. This is necessarily formulate in *in medias res*. And my question back
to him would be: how can anyone who considers themselves a Marxist
intellectual believe that they think and act in anything other than *in
medias res*? How can a materialist imagine they are not *in medias res*? We
are thrown into history, living in history *in medias res*—that’s not a
choice, nor a methodological stance. It’s our fate; it’s an existential
condition.

Frankly, I see his stance as an expression of a degenerate academic Marxism
that imagines itself perched in some ivory tower, observing the world and
understanding the deep structures of history from a privileged vantage
point. That is no more or less in medias res. It is just a particularly
precious, secluded angle from which to view the world. My own preference is
to dispense with that conceit and to own, embrace, tackle and engage with
what is everyone’s condition: i.e. being within the system, within the
world. We are endogenous to that world. From this perspective, at any given
moment, the question is what structures are relevant to our analysis. This
is the Latourian move again: you tell me what your crisis is or what your
context is, and I’ll tell you who and where you are—or vice versa.

Unlike Anderson, I don’t believe the history of the 19th and 20th centuries
has already been completely written according to some intellectual canon be
it Marxist or otherwise, so that we can simply learn from and extend that
narrative into the present. I believe that the challenge of discovering the
world at work around us is continuously renewed for us by the drama of
modern history and protean change. I don’t start from the premise that I
already know what the structure is, because I think that’s an open
question—history is still unfolding in dramatic ways, continuously
producing new realities and new forms of knowledge that subvert previous
understandings. Far from being some kind of left-liberal sellout, I
consider this a more self-reflexive, realistic and, to be honest, more
radical position than the one Anderson inhabits.

Crucially, though it is of course a privilege to be read by Anderson and he
was right to read the middle three of my books – *Deluge*, *Wages* and
*Crashed* – as a trilogy, he didn't read the first book. So he doesn't
really grasp what I am trying to do. Of the three books he did read, *The
Deluge* is the toughest and least forgiving politically. It is a book that
offers a nuanced but unorthodox reading of Lenin, a figure I find both
fascinating and disturbing. Anderson, in his academic Marxism, pretends to
have a deep affinity for Lenin and is correspondingly offended by my
critical take.

On the other hand, Anderson simply does not seem to understand the argument
about global political economy being made in *Deluge* and *Wages*. He takes
too lightly an understanding of the balance of global power, which is not
rooted in the superficial attachment to American power that he attributes
to me ad hominem. He suggests I have some romantic infatuation with America
whilst ignoring altogether the undergirdings of my analysis. Crucially,
these combined Stephen Broadberry’s productivity analysis, Angus Maddison’s
OECD GDP data set, and David Edgerton’s research on the British economy.
Anderson ignores all this and this is not by accident. Anderson’s entire
biography has been crafted around a particular telling of British power in
the 20th century, which David Edgerton and I have unhinged. A history of
Germany in the 20th century from an economic point of view always implies a
history of Britain and visa versa. Anderson is simply deaf to all this. Not
to put to fine a point on it, his understanding of European political
economy is stuck in the 1960s and 1970s and Britain's declinist narrative
of that period. This is precisely one of those instances in which our
understanding of “structure” shifts with historical change. The economic
history work to which Anderson turns a blind eye, produced in the 1990s and
2000s fundamentally revises the declinist script for Britain on the one
hand and the anachronistic view of Nazi Germany as an industrial power
house, which I revised in *Wages*.

In the end one the main reason for not diverting to writing a lengthy
academic reply to Anderson is not my impatience with the superficiality of
his out of date historical critique, but the fact that he is right. His
critique more than anything else has fueled my deliberate and relentless
focus on thinking and engaging in intellectual and political action *in
medias res*. So far from being a quiescent politics, my work is deeply and
profoundly engaged. This ranges from writing a real-time history like
*Shutdown* that was fed by dozens of real-time public meetings in
2020-2021, to technocratic actions—such as the “Campaign against Nonsense
Output Gaps, ” which targeted central bank policy in Europe and the IMF and
led to changes in how certain figures are calculated—to more macroscopic
interventions. For instance, the narrative of the 2008 crisis and its
aftermath, the inadequate Obama stimulus etc, which I helped memorialize
and monumentalize in *Crashed,* was one of the inspirations for the massive
second stimulus launched by the Biden administration in early 2021. So,
when academic leftists ask, “Where’s your politics? ” I know exactly where
mine is. My question to them is: where’s yours?

This engagement comes with heavy responsibility. The Biden stimulus
experiment may not end well. Despite the amazing macroeconomic numbers and
the promise of a “soft landing”, Larry Summers may be proven right and
Harris may lose because of popular resentment about inflation that has been
falsely attributed to Biden. But accepting that responsibility is what
follows from being in medias res, being in the game, trying to change the
conversation.

This has been a process of learning on my part as well. In academic
historical leftist circles, there’s a temptation to endlessly replay the
chess moves of classical revolutionary periods—the Comintern, the CCP’s
alignment with the Nationalists, the decisions of the German Republic
during the early Weimar years. In *The Deluge*, I indulged in that
historical game myself. In the historical reenactment I played out the role
of a hard-nosed, Keynesian, left-liberal unafraid to accept responsibility
for violence. I regret that I indulged in that historical time warp myself.
Not because I adopted a position different from that approved of by
Anderson, but because I indulged in the game at all, and thus opened the
door to his critique. I allowed myself to slide out of the more urgent
domain of the present into the time-warped present of the academic ivory
tower, in which now is 1924 and 1924 is now. I allowed myself to be sucked
into an unproductive argument about a history that is no longer ours. This,
I have come to feel, is a kind of escapism. If we were in a revolutionary
moment that would be one thing. But we are absolutely not. So, very little
is gained for understanding present-day politics by engaging in a
historical Disneyland where we cosplay as Lenin, Trotsky, Wilson, imagining
who we would have been and what we would have done. That’s playing at
history. It’s the kind of boyish stuff people play on computers. We need to
grow up. There’s too much at stake in the world right now. Things are too
urgent. We need to be in the present, as best we can, fully engaged *in
medias res*.

The challenge as I see it, is precisely to center our thoughts in the
present, to be as much in medias res as we possibly can be. Precisely
because of the tug of nostalgic role play amongst other things, that is not
easy..."


-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group.
View/Reply Online (#40778): https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/40778
Mute This Topic: https://groups.io/mt/117927517/21656
-=-=-
POSTING RULES & NOTES
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
#4 Do not exceed five posts a day.
-=-=-
Group Owner: [email protected]
Unsubscribe: https://groups.io/g/marxmail/leave/13617172/21656/1316126222/xyzzy 
[[email protected]]
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-


Reply via email to