Fair enough, Richard -- I can't of course speak for Posner, but I shouldn't
have suggested that Alito views opposition to same-sex marriage, and to
federal benefits for gay couples, as necessarily "emotional and
sectarian."  What I meant to refer to was the fact that Alito thinks this
is a question that philosophers, historians, social scientists,
theologians  . . . and *legislatures *are capable of examining, but that is
"intractable to typical judicial processes of decisionmaking."  (Of course,
one of my initial points was that this is a non sequitur:  Just because
courts, *like* legislatures, cannot resolve the question of what the "true"
or "intrinsic" nature of marriage is, does not mean that they cannot assess
what legislatures have in fact done (and why) *on behalf of the state *in
terms of defining marriage, something that is common fodder for the
"judicial processes of decisionmaking.")

On Sat, Jun 29, 2013 at 12:10 PM, Richard Dougherty <dou...@udallas.edu>wrote:

>
> Well, I don't know what Alito may say about Posner's characterization, but
> I'm guessing he would not embrace the view he forwarded as "emotional and
> sectarian, rather than rational." Indeed, I'm finding it hard to imagine
> that anyone would characterize their own view that way. (Well, maybe
> Westboro Baptist, but Alito is not of that persuasion, I would imagine.)
> While it may be true that the view he suggests is close to the Vatican's
> view (which Posner derisively calls its "sex doctrine"), it is also the
> dominant view of marriage over the past thousands of years.  There's
> nothing necessarily sectarian about it, and it's certainly not
> non-rational.  It might not be persuasive to all, or to many, but it would
> be an injustice to dismiss it so cavalierly.
> Richard Dougherty
> On Sat, Jun 29, 2013 at 10:19 AM, Marty Lederman <lederman.ma...@gmail.com
> > wrote:
>
>> As a couple of you have pointed out to me, Judge Posner has addressed the
>> Alito dissent; in Slate (
>> http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/the_breakfast_table/features/2013/supreme_court_2013/supreme_court_and_doma_justice_alito_s_defense_is_all_emotion.html),
>> he writes:
>>
>> Alito is drawn to such arguments for DOMA as “the institution of marriage
>> was created for the purpose of channeling heterosexual intercourse into a
>> structure that supports child rearing,” and “marriage is essen­tially the
>> solemnizing of a comprehensive, exclusive, per­manent union that is
>> intrinsically ordered to producing new life, even if it does not always do
>> so.” The first argument would have force only if one supposed (as virtually
>> no one does any longer) that banning same-sex marriage would channel gays
>> into straight marriages. The bearing of the second argument (a close
>> paraphrase of official Vatican sex doctrine) eludes me. A sperm bank is
>> intrinsically ordered to producing new life, even if it does not always do
>> so. So what? A marriage of a man to a woman known to be sterile could not
>> be thought intrinsically ordered to producing new life, yet it would surely
>> be recognized by Alito as a valid marriage entitled to federal marital
>> benefits. *So far as yet appears, opposition to same-sex marriage, and
>> to federal benefits for gay couples, is emotional and sectarian, rather
>> than rational.*
>>
>> I'm not sure this is quite responsive to Alito, because I'm not sure
>> Alito would disagree:  As I read his dissent, his view is that *because 
>> *opposition
>> to same-sex marriage, and to federal benefits for gay couples, is indeed
>> "emotional and sectarian, rather than rational" (not quite how Alito would
>> put it, of course, but basically his point), courts cannot assess it . . .
>> but legislatures can and must do so.
>>
>>
>> On Sat, Jun 29, 2013 at 10:55 AM, Marty Lederman <
>> lederman.ma...@gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>>> I'm surprised there hasn't been more attention paid to the quite
>>> remarkable dissent that Justice Alito filed in Windsor.  In it, he
>>> contrasts "two competing views of marriage":  what he calls the "conjugal"
>>> view, in which marriage is the "solemnizing of a comprehensive, exclusive,
>>> permanent union that is intrinsically ordered to producing new life, even
>>> if it does not always do so" (citing Robby George); and the “consent-based”
>>> concept of marriage, "a vision that primarily defines marriage as the
>>> solemnization of mutual commitment—marked by strong emotional attachment
>>> and sexual attraction—between two persons."  As Alito notes, "At least as
>>> it applies to heterosexual couples, this [consent-based] view of marriage
>>> now plays a very prominent role in the popular understanding of the
>>> institution. Indeed, our popular culture is infused with this understanding
>>> of marriage."  [Just as an aside:  What is the purpose and implication of
>>> his adding "At least as it applies to heterosexual couples"?]
>>>
>>> Altio's view is that the judiciary can't possibly give preference to one
>>> or the other of these two views:  "Windsor and the United States implicitly
>>> ask us to endorse the consent-based view of marriage and to reject the
>>> traditional view, thereby arrogating to ourselves the power to decide a
>>> question that philosophers, historians, social scientists, and theologians
>>> are better qualified to explore.  [FN7 -- on which more below]  Because our
>>> constitutional order assigns the resolution of questions of this nature to
>>> the people, I would not presume to enshrine either vision of marriage in
>>> our constitutional jurisprudence."
>>>
>>> Legislatures, on the other hand, apparently can do so:  "Legislatures,
>>> however, *have little choice but to decide between the two views*. We
>>> have long made clear that neither the political branches of the Federal
>>> Government nor state governments are required to be neutral between
>>> competing visions of the good, provided that the vision of the good that
>>> they adopt is not countermanded by the Constitution. Accordingly, both
>>> Congress and the States are entitled to enact laws recognizing either of
>>> the two understandings of marriage."
>>>
>>> I'd be curious what others think of this reasoning.  For now, just some
>>> short, initial observations about Alito's view of the legislative function,
>>> before turning to his extraordinary footnote 7:
>>>
>>> First, Alito does not appear to distinguish at all between the "meaning"
>>> of marriage in religious and philosophical traditions, and the "meaning" of
>>> *state-conferred marriage licenses*.  Windsor and Perry, of course,
>>> only involve the latter -- that is to say, they are "merely" about *state
>>> action*, and the meaning and effect of a* state-conferred status*, not
>>> the "institution" of marriage through the ages.
>>>
>>> Second, in light of how states in this nation actually implement that
>>> governmental function -- most obviously, by affording marital status to
>>> many heterosexual couples who cannot or will not procreate -- is it really
>>> fair to say that those states' marriage laws are designed to "solemnize a
>>> comprehensive, exclusive, permanent union that is intrinsically ordered to
>>> producing new life, even if it does not always do so"?  That is to say,
>>> haven't the states *chosen* the consent-based view of marriage . . .
>>> and, if so, shouldn't the exclusion of same-sex couples be considered on
>>> that basis?  (As Alito acknowledges, the consent-based view "now plays a
>>> very prominent role in the popular understanding of the institution.
>>> Indeed, our popular culture is infused with this understanding of
>>> marriage."  Wouldn't we therefore expect that state marriage laws reflect
>>> this overwhelmingly predominant "popular" view today?)
>>>
>>> Third, Alito does not appear to have considered whether the legislature,
>>> like the judiciary, is *not* *empowered *-- indeed, is arguably
>>> constitutionally* *forbidden* *-- to "*solemnize* a comprehensive,
>>> exclusive, permanent union that is *intrinsically ordered* to producing
>>> new life, even if it does not always do so."  I would have thought that
>>> solemnizing an "intrinsic" ordering is the proper function of the church,
>>> not the state.
>>>
>>> Now, onto footnote 7, which I will quote in full; it speaks for itself.
>>> I welcome your reactions, not only with respect to whether Judge Walker's
>>> factual findings were so far beyond the judicial ken, but, especially, as
>>> to Alito's view of the legal academy.  (The particular amicus brief that he
>>> excoriates was filed by Bryan Adamson, Janet Alexander, Barbara Atwood,
>>> Barbara Babcock, Erwin Chemerinsky, Joshua Davis, David Faigman, Toni
>>> Massaro, Arthur Miller, David Oppenheimer, and Larry Yackle.):
>>>
>>> The degree to which this question is intractable to typical judicial
>>> processes of decisionmaking was highlighted by the trial in *Hollingsworth
>>> v. Perry,* *ante, *p. ––––. In that case, the trial judge, after
>>> receiving testimony from some expert witnesses, purported to make “findings
>>> of fact” on such questions as why marriage came to be, *Perry v.
>>> Schwarzenegger,* 704 F.Supp.2d 921, 958 
>>> (N.D.Cal.2010)<http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=208&db=4637&tc=-1&rp=%2ffind%2fdefault.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2030868161&serialnum=2022683934&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&referencepositiontype=S&pbc=95D0E255&referenceposition=958&rs=WLW13.04>(finding
>>>  of fact no. 27) (“Marriage between a man and a woman was
>>> traditionally organized based on presumptions of division of labor along
>>> gender lines. Men were seen as suited for certain types of work and women
>>> for others. Women were seen as suited to raise children and men were seen
>>> as suited to provide for the family”), what marriage is, *id*., at 
>>> 961<http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?rs=WLW13.04&pbc=95D0E255&vr=2.0&findtype=Y&rp=%2ffind%2fdefault.wl&sv=Split&fn=_top&tf=-1&ordoc=2030868161&mt=208&serialnum=2022683934&tc=-1>(finding
>>>  of fact no. 34) (“Marriage is the state recognition and approval
>>> of a couple's choice to live with each other, to remain committed to one
>>> another and to form a household based on their own feelings about one
>>> another and to join in an economic partnership and support one another and
>>> any dependents”), and the effect legalizing same-sex marriage would have on
>>> opposite-sex marriage, *id*., at 
>>> 972<http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?rs=WLW13.04&pbc=95D0E255&vr=2.0&findtype=Y&rp=%2ffind%2fdefault.wl&sv=Split&fn=_top&tf=-1&ordoc=2030868161&mt=208&serialnum=2022683934&tc=-1>(finding
>>>  of fact no. 55) (“Permitting same-sex couples to marry will not
>>> affect the number of opposite-sex couples who marry, divorce, cohabit, have
>>> children outside of marriage or otherwise affect the stability of
>>> opposite-sex marriages”).
>>>
>>> At times, the trial reached the heights of parody, as when the trial
>>> judge questioned his ability to take into account the views of great
>>> thinkers of the past because they were unavailable to testify in person in
>>> his courtroom. See 13 Tr. in No. C 09–2292 VRW (ND Cal.), pp. 3038–3039.
>>>
>>> And, if this spectacle were not enough, some professors of
>>> constitutional law have argued that we are bound to accept the trial
>>> judge's findings—including those on major philosophical questions and
>>> predictions about the future—unless they are “clearly erroneous.” See Brief
>>> for Constitutional Law and Civil Procedure Professors as *Amici Curiae *in
>>> *Hollingsworth v. Perry,* O.T.2012, No. 12–144, pp. 2–3 (“[T]he
>>> district court's factual findings are compelling and should be given
>>> significant weight”); *id*., at 25 (“Under any standard of review, this
>>> Court should credit and adopt the trial court's findings because they
>>> result from rigorous and exacting application of the Federal Rules of
>>> Evidence, and are supported by reliable research and by the unanimous
>>> consensus of mainstream social science experts”). * Only an arrogantlegal 
>>> culture that has lost all appreciation of its own limitations could
>>> take such a suggestion seriously.*
>>>
>>
>>
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