Marty,
I think the analysis has a lot of similarities whether the question is framed 
as (a) what religious exemptions (if any) should a legislature grant to 
vaccination laws or (b) what exemptions might be required under a Free Exercise 
Clause analysis.  My point was simply to question whether a "one size fits all 
vaccinations" approach answered the question or whether the analysis might be 
varied based upon the particular vaccine involved.  Perhaps the answer is that 
once legislators (or administrative regulators) decide that any vaccine should 
be mandated, there is no basis for distinguishing between vaccines for 
exemptions purposes and you either have a religious exemption which applies to 
all vaccines, or have no religious exemption at all.  

Out of curiosity, why do you think a Free Exercise claim for an exemption from 
a vaccination requirement is a "nonstarter"?  Is it simply because you believe 
that the government's interest will always be sufficiently compelling to 
outweigh the interest of the individual?  To my point, doesn't that depend on 
the particular vaccination involved?  I raised the HPV vaccine as an example 
simply because it seems to fit into a different category from other government 
required vaccines (i.e. different method of disease spreading, etc.), and I was 
curious on reactions as to whether those differences warranted any different 
analysis when considering religious exemptions.  But I could also have raised 
the issue regarding those vaccines which are derived from aborted fetal cell 
lines (over which there are been a fair amount of debate and moral analysis - 
for example see Embryonic Stem Cell Research and Vaccines using Fetal Tissue ). 
 Assuming that there is only a single source of the vaccine and no alternative 
vaccine available, I think a government mandated vaccine of this sort could 
raise serious religious liberty concerns.   

And for the record, my prior posts should not be interpreted as arguing for a 
broad constitutionally mandated religious exemption from generally applicable 
vaccination laws.  I was simply posing queries as to whether the debate was 
affected by the specific vaccine involved and, if so, what implications that 
might have on the exemptions question.  

Best,

Will
 Will Esser --- Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam
Charlotte, North Carolina

 
From: Marty Lederman <lederman.ma...@gmail.com>
 To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics <religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu> 
 Sent: Monday, February 2, 2015 3:34 PM
 Subject: Re: Homeschooling, vaccinations, and Yoder
   
Once again:  What question are we asking?  
I thought we were discussing what exemptions, if any, a legislature should 
enact (or, more to the point, repeal).  And surely it'd be ridiculous for a 
legislature to craft an exemption limited to "minors who promise they'll never 
have sex."
Will, on the other hand, appears to be arguing that if a legislature refuses to 
enact a religious exemption -- as only West Virginia and Mississippi do today 
-- then a religious objector ought to be able to obtain an exemption from a 
court anyway, presumably under the Free Exercise Clause.  A nonstarter, I think.



On Mon, Feb 2, 2015 at 3:21 PM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu> wrote:



             I much appreciate Will’s responses; let me offer some in turn. 
Will writes: (a) When you say you agree that the vaccination analysis might 
vary by specific vaccine, I assume you mean that the government might have a 
harder time proving a compelling governmental interest for some vaccines versus 
others when trying to argue against a religious exemption.  That analysis could 
vary based upon (i) how effective the vaccine is (for instance, the HPV vaccine 
only provides protection against 2 of the approximately 40 HPV viruses, 
although those 2 appear to account for about 70% of the reported cervical and 
anal cancers related to HPV - 
http://www.cancer.gov/cancertopics/factsheet/Prevention/HPV-vaccine ); (ii) how 
contagious the disease is / how it spreads; and (iii) the seriousness of the 
effects of the disease (i.e. likelihood of death or serious long-term health 
consequences for those affected).  I think we are in agreement on this point, 
but would appreciate the confirmation.                 I think items (ii) and 
(iii) are the most important ones.  Item (i) would be important, I think, only 
as to vaccines that are of very low effectiveness.  Even if a vaccine is 
effective only in some cases, requiring it can still be justified on the theory 
that some protection is better than none (especially if that some protection 
can materially slow the spread of the disease). (b) The question I was raising 
with regard to the priest / nun hypothetical was whether the proposed action or 
inaction of the party seeking a religious exemption would (or should) affect 
the analysis in any way.  Using the MMR vaccine as an example, I can see the 
government saying that the actions or inactions of the religious objector are 
irrelevant because children can be exposed to the MMR viruses at all times 
regardless of what the parents or children otherwise do (i.e. there is no 
realistic way in our society to prevent exposure to a virus that spreads 
through nose, throat and mouth droplet transmission).  However, that same 
argument does not work as well with regard to HPV.  After all, as the 
government admits: "The surest way to eliminate risk for genital HPV infection 
is to refrain from any genital contact with another individual." See Item 3 - 
http://www.cancer.gov/cancertopics/factsheet/Prevention/HPV-vaccine ) If a 
religious objector says, "I've got a less restrictive way to deal with the 
problem, i.e. avoidance of extra-marital sexual activity", does the government 
get a pass on its burden by arguing that "Everyone's doing it and we think you 
will too, no matter what you tell us"?              Well, why not, especially 
if that religious objector is 13 at the time?  “Everyone’s doing it, and we 
think there’s a strong likelihood that many of those who say they won’t 
nonetheless will, no matter what they tell us” strikes me as quite a sensible 
argument – not a pass on the government’s burden, but rather the government 
discharging its burden.  It doesn’t even have to be “we think you will too,” in 
the sense that “we believe there’s a >50% chance that you in particular will 
have sex at one point, notwithstanding your assurance that you will never have 
sex.”  It suffices, I think, that the government can show that many 
13-year-olds who say they’ll become priests or nuns will nonetheless end up 
having sex, whether before, during, or after (or instead of) their membership 
in a religious order.              Eugene
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