ugnet_: Leave Ezra alone, says Muhwezi
So this now still leaves the question of who Ezra is, who is behind him, who is protecting him, un answered. But at least now we know that Bgd Jimmy Muhwezi does support him and wants him left alone. Ministers and even the president have been asked to account for their wealth, but apparently Ezra is too hot for this. We shounldt know how he came into his wealth. If Muhwezi is protecting Ezra then we can safely say that M7 himself is not very far behind jimmy. Is Ezra Eso? ISO, CMI,PGU or presidents office itself? How did he make his money/wealth. We shall never know now. read on! gook Leave Ezra alone, says Muhwezi By Mwanguhya Charles Mpagi April 16, 2004 KAMPALA Health minister Jim Muhwezi said yesterday that debate over Mr Michael Ezras past was designed to pull the tycoon down. Speaking about recent revelations of Ezras past, including tales of blackmail and extortion, Brig. Muhwezi said that the businessman should not be hanged. Michael Ezra has until recently been in the press for doing a good job, Muhwezi told journalists at the governments weekly media briefing in Nakasero yesterday. If there is anyone with a complaint against Michael Ezra, let the complainant come out and government as usual will take interest to investigate, he added. Recent press reports revealed that Ezra was arrested, charged and sentenced to a fine for blackmail, extortion and impersonating military intelligence agents in 1999. However, Brig. Muhwezi said yesterday that the attacks on Ezra were laced with envy. You cannot say that you want everyone to be poor, the minister said. Describing Ezra as a magnanimous businessman who gives people money, Muhwezi said it would be unfair to brand the businessman a thief simply because of his money. He attacked what he called the British culture of levelling people. Said the minister: In America when someone buys an expensive car, the other gets another job so that he can buy it but here people want to kill you so that all of you dont have cars. At yesterdays briefing, Information minister Nsaba Buturo said Ezra was not a government functionary. The former Director General of the External Security Organisation, Mr David Pulkol, said this week that Ezra was given a diplomatic passport to help return some exiles to the country. ESO and other security organisations use all sorts of people but that does not mean that he is a government functionary, Buturo said. Ezra also called off a planned press conference yesterday at Sheraton Hotel Kampala. Sources said the sports philanthropist feared that the meeting would be derailed from its agenda addressing sports issues. Some people thought that he was going to address the issues that have appeared in the press recently, an official of Uganda Sports Press Association to which Ezra is a patron told The Monitor. Additional notes By Hussein Bogere. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomSTOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Allow People talk, Pastor tells govt
Allow People talk, Pastor tells govtBy Herbert MugaggaApril 16, 2004 MUKONO - A born again pastor has asked government to stop beating up people who meet to talk politics because it is their God given right. The pastor said he as a religious leader is totally opposed to torture and harassments inflicted on unarmed people who meet to talk politics. 'Why should you torture people because they are holding a rally to speak out their mind, this is very bad and punishable before the almighty God,'' Pastor Timothy Sekyanzi of church of Jesus Christ said this. He was officiating at a thanks-giving ceremony held April 14th at the residence of Serunkuma Geoffrey in buikwe in Mukono district. He advised government to allow politicians especially those opposed to it to express their views and leave the general public to judge them. He preached about peace, which he said can never prevail when people are treated like snakes. 'One can never convince me that peace is prevailing here when a certain section of people are beaten like snakes, each time they come up to talk about a particular subject,'' said the pastor. He said more prayers are still needed for genuine and ever lasting peace to prevail in this country. 'We as born again Christians and other believers elsewhere still have a very big job of praying for peace in this country,'' pastor said. Pastor Sekyanzi called on religious leaders to condemn all the inhuman acts that go on any where in the world. He lashed out at some of them who have decided to keep quite even when they see certain things not going on well especially in this country. 'These cowards are forgetting that they will also be punished along with those committing these crimes, ''he said. He urged police chief Edward Katumba Wamala to repent before God over the beating his Men have administered to Ugandans. 'Edward as a Christian knows very well that what his Men are doing is ungodly and should there for repent,'' pastor added on. The host thanked God for keeping him and his people alive. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Talk Peace, I Insist - Ochola
| Talk Peace, I Insist - Ochola New Vision (Kampala) INTERVIEWApril 15, 2004 Posted to the web April 15, 2004 Kampala Question: Do you still hold the view of peace talks? Answer: One of the things that we want the world to know is that war does not solve problems, so dialogue is the only solution. Why? War kills and destroys lives. Whether those dying are (UPDF) soldiers, rebels or civilians, they are our children. God's way is non-violence and peaceful dialogue. That is why great people like Lord Jesus Christ who is the Prince of Peace, (Indira) Ghandi of India, Martin Luther King JR, and of course Nelson Mandela, and many others who are like them, deliberately chose the way of God-not because they are cowards but because they know that war does not solve problems. As Acholi religi! ous leaders, you are opposed to recruitment of the local militias to fight the rebels? What is the point here? These ethnic militias can create tribal sentiments because they are recruited at tribal level and their loyalty remains at tribal level. If you are an Acholi, your role is only to fight for the Acholi. The Amuka group has limited loyalty to Lango; the Arrow Group has limited loyalty to Teso, and the Frontier Guards have limited loyalty to Kitgum. If something goes wrong, those militias will turn against the civilians of the other ethnic groups. We have already seen this kind of scenario in other countries like Rwanda and the DRC. In Rwanda, the government promoted Hutu militias, and the result was that about a million people were killed on tribal basis (genocide). In the DRC, ethnic sentiments have been promoted between the Hema and Lendu. So the Lendu can now kill, and the Hema can do the same against the Lendu. So we don't want this kind of scen! ario to take place in Uganda. If people are not careful, it (militias) can bring genocide. So for us who are the voice of God, we must speak now. Is the UPDF doing a good job to protect the population in the north? It's a cardinal responsibility of the Government to protect the people. But the Government has failed on this role. Over 900,000 of Acholi are in 62 camps; over 450,000 people in Lango and over 450,000 in Teso are in camps. Is that what you call protection? Protection would mean you are not going to drive people to the camps, they are not going to be abducted. Does that mean the Government is not doing anything to end the conflict? Let us appreciate the fact that there is inability of the Government to protect the people. What the Government does is to promote the war, saying we have killed so many rebels. That is not something useful at all. Those dying in the army are our children. The rebels are also our children, the same with civilians dying in the villages. Why should we continue killi! ng ourselves? The positive thing the Government has done was the appointment of the Presidential Peace Team in 2002, and the Amnesty Commission. Those are very positive things on the side of Government. Why can't they continue with those? Last time Parliament passed a motion declaring northern Uganda a disaster area and the diplomatic missions supported it. That was also very positive. But the government turned against Parliament by failing to declare northern Uganda a disaster area. What is the reason behind that? Our stand is that our people in northern Uganda are living is disastrous conditions. Why can't the Government listen to the voices of reason coming from we the religious leaders, civil society, Parliament and the international community? Massive displacement is a disaster, wanton killing is a disaster, over 30,000 children abducted is a disaster, and disparity in education and health is a disaster. Why can't government see this? But President Yoweri Mus! eveni seems to be doing well by pitching camp in the north to oversee the war against rebels. I don't think that is the right thing for the President to do. He would do better by finding a peaceful solution than promoting the war. He has been to Gulu so many times, he has been to Soroti many times, but the war is still there. What role can the international community play towards the northern peace process? The international community has already given their support by supporting the parliamentary motion declaring northern Uganda a disaster area. The British government and the European Union have already supported this motion. So, it is upon the President to use his constitutional powers to declare the north a disaster area. You the religious leaders have always tried but in vain to mediate peace talks with the rebels. Do you think Joseph Kony will ever accept dialogue? Our role is not to mediate. We are only serving as a bridge to build the level of trust and confidence on both sides so tha! t they are able to face each other and talk. Pressure must be put on both the Government and the LRA to stop fighting and talk peace. But Bishop, do you think the r
ugnet_: Oyite-Ojok remains Uganda's best soldier
Oyite-Ojok remains Uganda's best soldierBy Joseph Pinytek OchienoApril 18 - 24, 2004 I was a young student at the time, and actively involved with the National Union of Students of Uganda (NUSU). Only a few months earlier, we had been entertained by this giant of a magic figure, commonly known as Chief (for Army Chief of Staff), at the International Conference Centre, Kampala. So when I woke up to the news that Maj. Gen. David Oyite-Ojok had died in a helicopter crash, I simply could not believe it. For a long time, I thought I was dreaming. When I got out of the house, all I could see were people severally gathered - all sombre. Women, men, children. It felt like a rotation of an eclipse, just that it repeated itself. Coming back to the radio, it sounded now real. The messages, the tunes. The nation was in mourning. After about an hour, I struggled to have a bath, but I recall that I could not. I decided to go to Kololo at the home of a relative and junior minister, hoping that some good news would come. Nothing. Instead, I found that most of family had gone to the home of the soon-to-be renamed 'Late Chief'. The sad national mourning continued. I simply cannot recall any one single death that has genuinely touched the heart, soul and feelings of the nation as that of David Oyite-Ojok. To me, it was very personal. As a young Ugandan who woke up to real nationalism with the liberation of Uganda in 1979, Oyite-Ojok was simply my national military hero, just like Milton Obote continues to be my political hero and the democratic father of the nation. Every Ugandan who had access to a radio or television recalls Oyite's sweat voice that announced the demise of Idi Amin and the first and only military liberation (in the true sense of the word), of Uganda since Independence, on April 11, 1979. At the time no one knew what would happen next, but thanks to Oyite-Ojok and the Tanzanian Peoples Defence Forces, the total liberation Uganda was achieved. Considering what has happened since, one wonders what would have followed next if it was some other 'liberator' who had reached Kampala 'first'. But it was the encounter at the International Conference Centre which wrapped up my admiration for the Late Chief. As part of the National Youth Day Celebrations, he had paid a surprise visit. The reception that Oyite received told it all - it was beautifully wild. That encounter has changed my life for good. Oyite-Ojok told the cheering youths "never again, never should the youth and people of Uganda ever allow themselves to be ruled by a dictator". "Never," he went on, "should Ugandans ever be duped that an army man can play the role of a politician. Not even me (thumping his chest), David Oyite-Ojok should ever deceive you that I have the capacity and the right to govern this country as a soldier." He went on to say that no soldier in the world, however professional, not even an American general is trained to govern. He concluded that soldiers are trained in their profession to defend their citizens and national territorial integrity and that the role of the youth was to educate themselves and learn to build their nation as their own, but also as tomorrow's leaders. I recall a one Vivian (head girl) from Kololo High School who was so excited she sought to know from the Chief when active recruitment of women for front line combat would begin, because she wanted to see more women playing central roles in the nations defence! Reading from Badru Mulumba's piece in last week's Sunday Monitor (April 11), I wondered why this sad saga is being re-visited particularly now. After all, Oyite must be a very sad man in his grave considering that hardly two years after his death, the soldiers against whom he had warned jumped into State House and there they remain in different shades, as I write. A sad man because Museveni has systematically shouted to amplify his dismal role in the fight against Idi Amin, while trying his best to bury the facts behind the defeat of the then Libyan backed Amin regime. Thankfully, Ugandans are not that silly. I personally recall the headline in Africa's most prestigious international magazine, "New African", shortly after the fall of Kampala. It called Oyite-Ojok, 'Africa's Lion of War'. I will revisit my archives to see if Museveni or his NRA is mentioned anywhere. Badru (Mulumba) is right; after all, to argue that following the July 1985 coup and the subsequent arrival of the NRA in January 1986, Uganda was ushered into the most chaotic time ever, in our history. Oyite the freedom fighter, the warrior for youth causes, the nationalist and the democrat, looking back would wonder why he really fought Idi Amin. Is it any different today? To however suggest that the ill fated flight was a mission to purge a section of the national army is to miss the point and to play into the hands of those divisive forces in Uganda today, who benefit and thrive in name calling. Oyite was too professional an A
ugnet_: Oyite-Ojoks family secrets buried here
Oyite-Ojoks family secrets buried hereBy Badru D. MulumbaApril 18 - 24, 2004 LORO, Apac: - Becca Arach Oyite-Ojok would never let go. She was 18, a career girl with prospects of her own, stalked by a relentless army captain, 24, who she held in her spell. The author at Oyites home.That is Becca and David Oyite-Ojoks story. It started in 1964 in Jinja, before abruptly ending twenty years later in the bushy environs of Loro. It is a story of aspirations and dreams, love, denial and destiny. In 1962, Ms Arach was leaving Sacred Hearts and joining Mulago Hospital as David Oyite-Ojok was returning to Uganda from Sandhurst where the British colonial government trained him before he joined the army. And when Becca moved to Jinja Hospital in 1964, Oyite had fairly risen fast up the ranks to captain; he was in charge of the Quarter Guard at Jinja. Oyite was born on April 15 in 1940 (he would have made 64 last Thursday); Arach was born much later on August 28, 1946. The same day that Becca was ferrying her holdings into a hospital hostel room in Jinja hospital, Oyite was visiting the hospital to pick up his girlfriend for the weekend. Who is that girl? he reportedly asked his girlfriend. Is she a newly qualified nurse? The girl friend reportedly gave him the name. He kept quiet, Becca says, remembering the story as told to her by Oyite several years later. Oyite- Ojok The way she remembers, from then on, whenever Oyite came to pick his girl friend, he would ask her to join them. Each time, she told him that she would go along next time; each next time she turned him down. Becca wont name the girlfriend. But it is publicly known that by the time he died, Oyite had a grown up son, Isaac, who stayed with the mother in Jinja. Meantime, Oyite relentlessly secretly scoured Jinja, looking for any one who could be Arachs relative. He stumbled upon a Major Arach; he asked Major Arach if he had a relative at the hospital. He hit a brick wall. Then, one time I went to the barracks to see my cousin, she says. The cousin, Janet now in Britain, was married to Major Yowana Omoya (RIP). Oyite, too, happened to be at her cousins home. He went and told her that, you know, I want your cousin for marriage. I dont want to spoil her, Becca recalls. Oyite would later tell her that every body was discouraging him. That girl? Forget. Indeed, I was very tough, she says. After sometime, I started going out with him, not for marriage. But he tricked me. Oyite would ask her if she had any other relative in Jinja. An uncle, Mr Alfred Nankooli (RIP) worked in Nile Breweries. Oyite suggested a visit. She recalls introducing him as a casual friend. This is a soldier called David. He is a Langi. Unknown to her, she says, he introduced his interests without even telling me that he wanted to marry me. As they left, her uncle requested her to go visit him the next time she was off duty. Is it true you are in love with that boy? she recalls the uncles inquiry. I started crying, she says. He said, No. If you were not in love with him, would you have brought him to me? Why did you bring him? Angry, Becca broke off her friendship with Oyite. The grae yard where Oyite was buried.But not for long. Time healed the wounds. They moved out together again. Then Oyite blurted: My father and mother said I should marry and it is you I want to marry. Oyite, son of Ojok, was one of four siblings of Mr Serina Ojok Leven (RIP) and Ms Ojok Leven (RIP). That statement again abruptly ended their closeness. So, why didnt Becca want to go out with Oyite? I didnt like his tribe, she recalls. She was Madi (Acholi mother, Madi father); and, then, Madi and Langi reportedly disliked each other. It would be two years before she introduced Oyite at her uncles home in Adjumani. Both her parents had died by the time she was nine. Even at home, I didnt show any interest in any boy, she says. So, people were shocked when my uncle announced that a visitor was coming. On December 12, 1966, came the wedding, catapulting her into a marriage that would forever change her life. Immediately, Becca turned down a nursing scholarship to Britain; she all together quit that profession two months later. The couples first born, Michael Simba, breathed his first on July 2, 1967. Becca gave birth each subsequent year up to 1970 when the only girl came along. From Jinja, Captain Oyite-Ojok moved to Mbuya barracks, Kampala.The bliss was short lived. On January 25 1971, Idi Amin over threw Dr Apollo Milton Obote.She last saw her husband step out of home that morning. For the next six months she would unsuccessfully scour the country for him. That is, until a soldier, sent by Oyite came to Kitigum where she hid at a sisters home with the children, and told her that her husband was in Tanzania. That is when I knew that he was alive, she recalls. But other Amin soldiers were also looking for me. Tracing for Oyite, the s
ugnet_: Ezra to campaign for Museveni
Ezra to campaign for Museveni Michael Ezra By Alfred Wasike Sports-loving tycoon Michael Ezra has said he will campaign for President Yoweri Museveni if he seeks any elective office in future. He is very reliable, dependable and Gods gift to Uganda the tycoon said of Museveni in an interview last week. Ezra said he would also urge Museveni to play more football. I would divide my time between sports, business and Museveni, Ezra said. In a wide-ranging interview about himself, Michael Ezra said the reason he has injected billions into Ugandan sport is because he believes that happy, healthy citizens make a productive society. Without sport we just have a bunch of tired guys, he said. He dismissed rumours that he offered Col. Noble Mayombo sh10m for his wedding. In Uganda I put money on national issues. Luxuries like weddings I dont give to. Wedding are not national issues, he said. Ezra admitted that he was recently poisoned in Kampala, but blamed it on a lapse i n his security. It was a bunch of tired fellows trying to put me away but I am still around, he said. He predicted that within a few decades, Uganda will be between the First and Third worlds in economic development. In sports, it will probably be next to America in greatness, he concluded. Ezra also spoke about his personal life: Q: Where did you go to school? A: Kitante Primary, Makerere College and other institutions abroad. Q: Where do you live? A: In a private residence in Kampala but I meet and host my guests at the Kampala Sheraton Hotel. Q: How big is your family? A: Two members. A mother and child. They live with me. Q: When did you develop your love for sports? A: From childhood. Q: What is your favourite sport? A: Several but mainly track and field, hand combat and kick boxing. Q: How do you make your wealth? A: It is not being made. It was made. I dont spend time maki ng wealth. Do you hear any banks or individuals complaining? Published on: Sunday, 18th April, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Romours in the kla streets has it that he is actually M7's son! Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: Oyite-Ojoks family secrets buried here\
Ssenyange, The celebrations were in Nairobi? Dont you find that strange? Why in Nairobi when the Mood in Kla was of saddness? I was in Kla then and i could also show you a pic. of a crowd of Ugandans in mourning. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom Original Message Follows From: "ssenya nyange" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: ugnet_: Oyite-Ojoks family secrets buried here\ Date: Sat, 17 Apr 2004 16:31:15 -0400 The auther doesnt know how majority people celebrated, boosed and danced upon the news of Oyite's death. At that time I was in Nairobi and I wish I could show you some of the pictures of celebrants in a big public place. Its not good to celebrating someones death but Oyite's case was very different. It was like the Jews celebrating the death of Hitler. The celebration paid off 2 years later. J. Ssenyange ------- >From: "gook makanga" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Subject: ugnet_: Oyite-Ojoks family secrets buried here >Date: Sat, 17 Apr 2004 18:27: 53 + > _ Free yourself from those irritating pop-up ads with MSn Premium. Get 2months FREE* http://join.msn.com/?pgmarket=en-ca&page=byoa/prem&xAPID=1994&DI=1034&SU=http://hotmail.com/enca&HL=Market_MSNIS_Taglines << message3.txt >> The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: 20 years later, mystery of oyite liggers on
20 years later, mystery of Oyite’s death lingersBy Badru D. MulumbaKAMPALA – For David Oyite-Ojok, 43, it was a flight ofno return.The man who led Ugandan troops alongside Tanzaniantroops to overthrow Idi Amin 25 years ago today, wouldstep out of his Kololo home never to step back alive.It was Friday, December 1983. The wife, Becca, was away in Gulu. The day before, Becca spoke to Maj. Gen. Oyite-Ojok onphone. She wanted to return to Kampala; she was sick.It was Thursday. Would he send a chopper to pick her; she was sick? Oyite-Ojok was flying to the bush where a three-yearrebellion raved.And as he took off in the ill-fated flight, his wifewas taking off from Gulu Airstrip to Entebbe. They missed each other.“He was already in the bush [when she arrived],”recalls Becca. “That is when it crashed.”Recalls Bec ca: “My sister said that as he went out ofthe house, he would go and come back; he would go,then come back. Then, he came back one last time andonly said, “Kampala good bye.”Kampala is Oyite-Ojok’s youngest son.Becca waited for her husband. The day shifted into sunset.Oyite-Ojok was not yet home. Sunset became 8pm – the time many people went to bedthose days.She waited. Ironically, at the time, her son, Kampala reportedlywas playing games. “He was shouting, ‘they are burning, they areburning,” she says.“Then, I said: ‘Kampala, you are a wizard. I don’twant that kind of thing’,” Becca recalls.“The day David announced the overthrow of Idi Amin wasthe day that I gave birth,” she explains the choice ofname. “So [former] president Obote said, he wanted hisname to be given to the boy, but let the boy be calledKampala Falls.”Then 8pm became 10pm. Becca still waited. Every body else was in bed.Ten o’clock became midnight. She trembled. “I started panicking,” she says. “I rang NileMansions. Nothing.”Then, Mr Paulo Muwanga’s secretary rang her.She could not immediately recall his name.“He is the one who told me,” Becca recalls.“When he called me, I just started crying. Screaming.People kept coming home. Some good people came. Thewhole place was filled with people.”It was twenty years ago, last December since herhusband’s death.But for Becca Arach Oyite-Ojok, plot 42, WindsorCrescent, Kololo still enamors her.It brings back memories – terrible memories.Six months after Oyite-Ojok stepped out to thewelcoming jaws of death, her eldest son would step outtoo.Never to return alive.“When we came, things were okay,” says Becca. “We were happy. Then, all of a sudden, he [Oyite-Ojok]died. We didn’t feel safe any more. We w ere confused.”Oyite-Ojok’s body was laid in parliament for a week.A sense of foreboding gripped the nation, possiblybecause Oyite-Ojok was regarded as the real man whokept Obote in power.Therefore, it was safe, it seemed, to conclude, thatObote’s government was coming unstuck.*Indeed, Obote fell within a year and half ofOyite-Ojok’s death.But 20 years later, the nation apparently remains asdivided as to the actual cause of the plane crash – asit were then.A mechanical fault? Or an inside job?The latter seems to carry favour with the public. Government called it a chopper accident – and closedthat chapter. No investigations.Has the family ever tried to establish what caused thecrash?“There is no reason we should,” Becca says. “We don’twant to. It would raise a lot of dust on the face.That is political.”That is the closest Becca comes to revealing that< BR>there might be more to the death of her husband than amechanical accident.In fact, the family’s behaviour since then offersstrong clues to suggest that ‘intentional friendlyfire’ brought down Oyite-Ojok’s plane.Possibly, the strongest clue was that Becca wanted totake her family out of the country immediately afterher husband’s death.Oyite’s family huntedShe told Obote as such.“We were falling in trouble,” she recalls. “I didn’ttell him the whole thing.”Possibly, Obote did not see the urgency of taking thefamily outside.The eldest son, Michael Simba had been confiding inhis mother’s sister that he thought some people werefollowing her.Apparently, the mother did not take seriously thatthreat.“When he was shot dead, is when I realised that thiswas serious,” she recalls, the look in her eyesdepicting a deep sense of perhaps loss, perhapsregret, or even anger.The official version however was that Oyite-Ojok’s sonshot himself. Then, Arach was in West Germany. She got the news through the Ugandan embassy inGermany.At her request, Sunday Monitor is keeping a detail ofwhat happened immediately after her son’s death out ofthis story.“If he shot himself, wouldn’t soldiers at the gatehave heard?”At the time he was found dead, Simba lay facingupwards at an uncle’s home. Tragically, the uncle, himself a major in the army,died with Oyite-Ojok in the ill fated plane crash. Oyite-Ojok had taken him along.“He was shot with [a gun fitted with] a silencer. Thepeople guarding the gate could not hear. He died inbed. He didn’t shoot himself. The window was foundopen
ugnet_: Will Museveni retire in peace?
Will Museveni retire in peace? By F.D.R.Gureme Oct 5, 2003 On Tuesday September 9, I undertook to discuss peaceful retirement of faded presidents. Lets examine why President Museveni and his Movement have overstayed. It was, in my view, accidental and opportunistic, as I shall indicate. The background While Godfrey Binaisa bred his umbrella concept, the predominantly UPC parliament, the National Consultative Council awaited a chance to reintroduce party politics. It came when Binaisa attempted to remove chief of staff, David Oyite Ojok, from the army, and distance him by appointing him ambassador. When head of the seemingly inconsequential Military Commission, Paul Muwanga, sized power, and set December 1980 for multiparty elections; which the Democratic Party (DP) had won if, allegedly, Milton Obote and Oyite Ojok had not, at gun point, told Muwanga that it was either UPC victory or his life. Muwanga usurped powers of the Electoral Commission: declaring non-UPC candidates already pronounced winners, as losers to defeated UPC candidates. Yoweri Museveni had recently registered the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), for which Crispus Kiyonga won the single seat. And how Museveni, who definitely had a nucleus of tested fighters, had carried out his threat to stage an armed rebellion in case the elections were rigged. The question persists: who was the aggrieved party: Paul Ssemogereres DP, robbed of victory, or Yoweri Musevseni whose rather obscure party could not have won more than say two seats. Now that civilians accused of supporting Kony are regarded as traitors; and might be punished accordingly, who was responsible for the Luwero deaths? Was it President Obote who was fighting rebels and their collaborators trying to overthrow him or Museveni who mobilised the Luweros civilian population against Obotes legitimately elected government? The twin Okellos, having overthrown Obote, would talk peace with the Museveni rebels: through the so-called peace jokes. Clearly the NRA was not genuine about the talks, as its forces were apparently advancing as the talks progressed: which annoyed Presidnt Moi, whose Nairobi arbitration efforts they were mocking. The rest is history. Promises, Hopes and Expectations The liberators brought not a mere change of guard, but fundamental change: with an integrated, self-sustaining economy. We would utilise our vast fertile lands to feed ourselves and the region Liberators denounced the self-aggrandizement excesses of previous regimes; using taxpayers money to import locally obtainable household furnishings and luxury cars. Government furniture would be Kawempe and Bwaise made. Tumpeco mugs would serve tea at State House. Ministers and officials would use simple affordable utility cars, etc Above all, the Rule of Law would be restored together with peace and stability. Four years from January 26 1986, a government elected by the people would replace the NRMs. As Hon Jack Sabiiti has reminded us, political parties had, by clubby mutual agreement, been put on hold.The formation and metamorphosis of the National Resistance Council (NRC) were not objectionable. But before its four years were up, and after consultations with their respective constituents, the NRC decided to extend its own life to another five years. Thus the President had, by a stroke of the pen (or word of mouth) pocketed nine years of uninterrupted rule; during which time political parties would remain tethered; with an assiduous diatribe demonising them as the cause of Ugandas woes, without them gainsaying the accusations since political party activity was mutually stilled. Although some protested, hardly anyone objected to these developments because the NRM was at the apex of its popularity; and party leaders had succumbed to the rewards of the broad base. Hardly anyone questioned the assumption that all were Movementists. Similarly: why the taxpayer funded the Movement secretariat; or was (and still is) paying debts, incurred by NRA as a rebel army. But these were mere preliminaries. The greatest bait that hooked practically all, including leading intellectuals, was the making of a dream peoples constitution! Ugandas non-controversial, and sensibly legitimate 1962 Independence Constitution, was occasionally criticised for being ethnical, having a substantial federal flavour. Obotes Pigeonhole 1966 edict merits no mention. His 1967 constitution destroying the seed of federalism and giving overwhelming powers to the President was popular with socialists. I have, in the past opined about Yusufu Lule being hoodwinked into swearing to it; and why Musevenis NRM government was pleased to follow suit: mainly because it had abolished kingships; about which they hastily and extraconstitutionally - changed complexion after assessing the volume of votes commanded by monarchists. The constitution-making process of 1994-5 bought time for Movement rule, and entrenched its rule in
ugnet_: Binaisa: From grace to grass and back to grass
Binaisa: From grace to grass and back to grassUganda Journal By Acut LwaniJune 22, 2003 In this second and last part of our Uganda Journal flashback on former Uganda President Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa, Acut Lwani takes us through the five months of his presidency from June 1979 and recounts how Mr Binaisas sudden rise to power was much the same as his fall. The first part was published in Sunday Monitor last week. The dawn [20 June] six oclock news that Lule had been removed and that Uganda had a new President called Godfrey Lukongwa-Binaisa threw the nation and the whole world into utter shock. Mr Lules 68 days presidency ended as suddenly and as mysteriously as he appeared in Dar-es-Salaam as Britains chosen candidate. President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere had been under intense pressure from the British Government to ensure that Dr. Milton Obote was not returned as president and that Lule was, instead, elected. It is why the Conference was shifted from Dar-es-Salaam to Moshi. In Moshi, the meeting was held not in a civil hall but at a police training college. Whats more, there was very tight security and thorough checks were enforced at the police training college gate. The then Tanzanian Foreign minister, Mr Benjamin Mkapa, practically hovered over the meeting to ensure that Lule was elected chairman/president of the UNLF. It was only after Lule was elected that the British stopped airlifting arms and fuel to Gen. Amin from neighbouring Kenya. They also subsequently withdrew their earlier threat to mount an invasion on Tanzania. Binaisa was an entirely different man. While Lule did not have the courage to stand outside on the lush green compounds of State House and travelled to Kampala only in an army Land Rover, hidden between bodyguards in the back seat and escorted by several heavily armed vehicles, Binaisa had the presidential motorcade laid out for him. He was driven into Kampala in the Mercedes Benz 600 limousine, flying the presidential standard through No Lule, No Work protests of burning tyres at Najjanankumbi and Katwe, on the outskirts of the capital. He seemed more curious than afraid of those demonstrations. The midnight protest of several hundreds of men and women with burning-grass torches inspired by Mr Andrew Kayira, converged onto the seat of government at the Uganda International Conference Centre/Nile Mansions [now Nile Hotel]. The army was forced to fire over the crowd to disperse it. This resulted in the death of one person and injuries of several others. Kayiira had also planned to blow up the Nile Mansions. An oil tanker carrying 20,000 litres of fuel was commandeered and parked at the gates of the Nile Mansions. It was to be ignited by a single bazooka (RPG) fire. Fortunately, the gunman aimed his bazooka too high and it missed the tanker, exploding high up in the air. Had the oil tanker caught fire, government ministers, women and children, Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (TPDF) officers as well as foreign diplomats, would have all been incinerated in the resulting inferno. Still Dr. B.N. Kununka, a senior citizen, a founder member of liberation politics and UNC, collapsed in front of his daughter who had been accidentally gunned down by the security fiasco at the gates of Nile Mansions. Despite the prevailing turmoil, Binaisa seemed undeterred. His remarks on Dr Kununkas death were: Well, it is an occupational hazard. It was the ultimate price worth paying for ones country. It was not long after Binaisa began to show some curious signs of weakness. Cabinet Meetings were frequently interrupted and business remained unfinished with no follow-ups. Cabinet decisions were not implemented. He allegedly shifted from person to person and group to group for advice. He quickly abandoned the very people who valued him and who actually catapulted him into the presidency, in the first place. For a moment, he listened only to his Permanent Secretary, Mr. Ben Dramadri, Personal Assistant, Mr. Aggrey Awori and Press Secretary, Mr. James Namakajjo. Still for the ordinary people of Uganda, he remained a popular mystery. With the backdrop of Gen. Amins and Lules poor performances, Binaisa was a brilliant and eloquent speaker who held his audience spellbound with his wisdom and wit. A Presidential, Cabinet and Senior UNLA officers Christmas weekend was arranged at Chobe Safari Lodge. Binaisa insisted that any security of any name should be able to take its president to where he wanted. Kabalega [Murchison Falls] National Park was still infested with remnants of the disgraced Amin regime. But this mattered less to the ambitious president. The weekend was eventful. Big shots converged on Chobe with their wives, concubines and children. It was enjoyable and passed without incident. This was a testing ground. Binaisa, rightly so, now wanted to spread his wings beyond Kampala and over the whole of Uganda. He accepted the suggestion of a one-week Northern Tour with much relis
ugnet_: 1988 story that told Ugandas sad future
Letter to A Kampala Friend By Muniini K. Mulera In Toronto 1988 story that told Ugandas sad future April 19, 2004 Dear Tingasiga:The Toronto Branch of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) used to publish a magazine called The Ugandan Newsletter, copies of which were distributed to NRM leaders in Uganda, including the President. As I was reading through my archives of The Ugandan Newsletter, I came across an article I wrote in Vol. 2, No. 11 which was published in November 1988. The title of that article was On Leadership and defence of the masses: A discourse with Ugandas leaders.I reproduce it, sixteen years later, without further comment, save for an _expression_ of hope that it might be of interest to those who seek to lead Uganda after Yoweri Museveni. I wrote: The collapse of Uganda was primarily due to lack of leadership. All our rulers up until January 1986 shared a common mistrust of Ugandans and a pathological obsession with being in control. Their power was based on the military, on old colonial institutions and on their obscene use of patronage and bribery to their throngs of supporters. The masses were looked upon with suspicion and were considered to be the problem rather than the solution to Ugandas predicament. The success of the NRM/NRA between 1981 and 1986 was partly due to the leaderships ability to mobilise mass support by articulating the broad sentiments of ordinary Ugandans. The key to Yoweri Musevenis success to-date has been the power he derives from the masses. Since the standard of living of most Ugandans has not yet improved, one cannot ascribe Musevenis support to good economic times. His ability to identify with and to speak on behalf of the ordinary man and woman is the secret of his popularity in Uganda. The NRM leaders must therefore not lose sight of their power base. They must resist the temptation to be sucked into the bureaucracy and the old machinery of government at the expense of their interaction with the masses. Once settled in Kampala and Entebbe, there is a temptation to maintain control through coercion and intimidation. Thus one begins to hear ministers, army officers and other leaders warning the people, threatening to withdraw services and inevitably surrounding themselves with impenetrable walls of security and hangers on. The NRM must guard against the Kanu-syndrome. Kanus efforts seem to be exclusively directed towards elections. The party seems to have no interest in mobilising, educating or transforming Kenyan society. In fact Kanu seems to be constantly engaged in a struggle against Kenyans. The leaders of the NRM should regularly be in touch with the masses to learn from them and to work with them. Frantz Fanon once said: For if you think that you can manage a country without letting people interfere, if you think the people upset the game by their mere presence, whether they slow it down or whether by their mere ignorance they sabotage it, then you must have no hesitation: keep them out. Now, it so happens that when the people are invited to partake in the management of the country, they do not slow the movement down but on the contrary they speed it up. In an underdeveloped country, the party ought to be organized in such a fashion that it is not simply content with having contacts with the masses. The party is not an administration responsible for transmitting government orders. It is the energetic spokesman and incorruptible defender of the masses. A leader must demonstrate intellect and skill in organisation. He must be able to understand and respond to differing views. Whereas the truth may most often be with the majority, it is not always the case. Even one dissenting voice should be listened to carefully. A leader should not interpret criticism or dissent as lack of patriotism. Not only must a leader not be corrupt, he must be seen not to be corrupt. There can be no compromise on this one. The NRM leaders should launch an anti-corruption and anti-inefficiency campaign. Many of our leaders might have to give up their lavish lifestyles. If a leader steals government time to do his private things or if he uses government vehicles to transport his relatives to a wedding, that is corruption. If a leader imports things into Uganda without paying the necessary taxes, surely he cannot expect his subordinates to do otherwise. The Bakiga say that ekisiika kyashenyuka, ebinya birabona ahokweshereka. [When a wall cracks, the lizards find a place to hide.] The English say that a fish rots from the head down.The police, the intelligence services and the army must serve to protect the national interest and not just the interests of one individual or group. Members of these organisations are not above the law. That is in fact one of the reasons why the NRM/NRA was formed to fight state sanctioned terrorism and to remove those who used public guns to intimidate and kill the very public that bought those guns.
RE: ugnet_: MILTON,S MEN ON ARMY PROMOTIONS
Kabonero, Is Opondo talking about Foba(a creation of the his rich imagination) or FOMBA( force museveni back again) aka "sad" term bid? Funny world indeed! Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom Original Message Follows From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: MILTON,S MEN ON ARMY PROMOTIONS Date: Fri, 23 Apr 2004 10:54:32 EDT Museveni has earned General ACTING BOSS: Mayega OFWONO OPONDO Opinion - New Vision - Friday, 23rd April 2004 ACCORDING to the new guardian angels of the Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) Dr James Rwanyarare and his sidekick Henry Mayega, Gen (rtd) Yoweri Museveni does not deserve that rank in the UPDF. President Museveni, the founder of the NRA (now the UPDF), was early this year promoted to general, but subsequently retired from the army. As a civilian, Museveni is anticipated to be a major player in the new political phase of multipartyism. To Rwanyarare and Mayega, “Museveni has never attended any military academy, which means that he has been simply masquerading as a soldier.” Mayega added, “My feeling is that he has been promoted to continue his control over the army and continue his dictatorship over the country.” So the question is: If they fear Museveni both in service and retirement, where do these critics expect him to be beyond State House? Rwanyarar e and Mayega ought to be ashamed of their logic because it is Museveni and his NRA, without the alleged military academy credentials, who openly and courageously fought for five years to dismantle the UPC fascist regime of decorated generals from high profile military academies around the globe! That army, the UNLA of decorated generals, was to say the least based on and controlled through ethnicity to spread dictatorship. The fascist ideology turned the UNLA into serial criminals of armed robbery, looting, rape, murder and extra-judicial killings with impunity in broad daylight countrywide. The army was turned into a private looting enterprise. Yet the enlightened UPC leadership where Rwanyarare was the minister for culture and community development refused to stop the crime or bring perpetrators to justice! Just for taming the army, Museveni deserves recognition, if not applause! Mayega, a supposed teacher of history, and civil servant at Makerere University ought to know that academies are not the only places of higher and useful learning or which build human beings to their full potentials. Indeed, the world is full of examples of self-educated people such as Jesus Christ, Prophet Muhammad, Socrates, Aristotle and William Shakespeare. In military tradition, kings who captured and ruled swathes of wealthy lands never attended any known military academies. In the contemporary military establishments, Gen George Washington, Chairman Mao Ze Dong, Kim Ill Sung and Commandente Fidel Castro became generals by learnin g on the job, mobilising mainly rural peasants and artisans to bring liberty to their people. In fact, Museveni has never claimed to have trained at any formal, let alone professional military college. Like many of the above, Museveni is a self-educated, trained and efficient, if not competent, soldier in his own right who ousted fascists, not through palace coups but revolutiona ry armed struggles. Then, as usual, failed presidential hopeful Aggrey Awori, the jack of all trades but master of none, jumped into the fray. Awori told The New Vision that he was “not aware of any recent UPDF victories (field) that make him (Museveni) deserve that rank.” To a falsely celebrated Awori, for promotion to take place, there must be field victories, which in UPDF’s case he has not been able to “see” although it defeated his banditry Force Obote Back Again (FOBA). It should be re-called, that Awori has on many occasions publicly and proudly said he used his forces to indiscriminately kill RC officials in Busia district between 1986-90, simply because they belonged to a system he opposed at the time! But at any rate, even without recent UPDF victories, Awori ought to know that there are many stable and peaceful countries where soldiers are promoted without firing a single shot in combat. In countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia, Botswana, US, UK, Canada, Australia, France and Germany and others, military service is a professional career. Secondly, promotion even in Uganda’s case can be based on other achievements either in research or intellectual work leading to a new technology or military doctrine or strategy. While Museveni’s military strategy of a “protracted peoples’ war” is not entirely new in the world, its successful application within a relative short time (five years) could be a useful indicator to his military ability. Unlike China, Korea, Japan and Vietnam, Museveni successfully applied that strategy here in a small, landlocked and poor country with no rear base, yet bordered by large and hostile neighbours. Critics o
ugnet_: Kayira disturbed us-M7
From The Monitor, April 24, 2004 Kayiira disturbed us, says MuseveniBy Ignatius SsuunaApril 24, 2004 WAKISO President Museveni has said the late Dr Andrew Kayiira was a huge stumbling block to the National Resistance Army bush war effort. He said the late freedom fighter made unrealistic promises that pitted Baganda against non-Baganda fighters. He was disturbing us so much in the bush. He would come in our area of operation and excite people by promising them Kabakaship and other things you all know, Museveni told Wasiko residents at the district headquarters this week. Museveni said by making such promises, Kayiira was demoralising non-Baganda fighters and making the success of the war more complicated. You talk of the restoration of Kabakaship in a force which comprises of people like Bakiga! These people dont know about your Kabaka, Museveni said. Museveni said he told Kayiira that their primary aim was to capture power together and later see who gets what. Whether one would get Kabaka or not was a small issue. Getting [Milton] Obote out of power was the primary target, Museveni said. Kayiira, who was gunned down by unknown assailants on March 7 1987, was the head of the Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM) that fought the Milton Obotes regime alongside the NRA under Museveni. His death has remained a mystery since. An investigation by Scotland Yard Police did little or nothing to unravel the mystery. Kayiira was a strong advocate of a federal system of governance for Buganda. The NRA, now UPDF, was the military wing of the National Resistance Movement, which ousted the Tito Okello Lutwa military junta in 1985. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomSTOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: About a judge, goats and political mischief
About a judge, goats and political mischiefThis & That By Henry OchiengApril 24, 2004 When the President went to open the new Wakiso district office block, I knew that was the perfect moment for him to come out with another of his disparaging remarks about perceived political opponents. Past leader, Dr Obote has variously been called swine and a ghost (File photo)He did not disappoint. Some distance into his long-winded delivery and Mr Yoweri Museveni digressed to his current pet theme, that matter of the peasants and whether they can make sound decisions on serious national business. He has said he is with the peasants but Supreme Court Justice, Prof. George Kanyeihamba last month alerted us to the reality that rural folk are largely simpletons who are easily manipulated and open to suggestion. George warned that it would not be prudent to leave grave decisions to them. The President has never forgiven the judge for making that observation. So, at Wakiso last week he told the people that Prof. Kanyeihamba should not be sitting on a Supreme Court bench but be somewhere in the lower courts whose main pre-occupation is to preside over cases of goat theft (and chicken theft I presume). This was a follow-up of another earlier salvo where he had claimed that the professor is not fit to be a judge. This is politics and the judge sensibly responded that he is not bothered and continues about his duties unperturbed in all probability. Our President is a man who has distinguished himself as a person partial to the use of colourful language. He added words like swine as a description for past leaders, ghost for former President Milton Obote and others to the national lexicon. And so it is not surprising when he comes out with goat remarks. Some people might think Musevenis resort to insulting language shows him up to be a petulant individual. This is not the case. The President is actually speaking the language of the peasants. In many villages when neighbours quarrel, rarely do they confront the substance of the quarrel,, instead there is preference to say bad things about each others wives, or children. The philosophy behind this approach is all about demoralising your opponent and removing the fire from his belly. Some men simply cannot stand being publicly humiliated, even when the facts of their humiliation cannot stand up to scrutiny. So, we have a President who cleverly misrepresents national issues when he is preaching to an unsophisticated audience. He does not tell the people that the whole debate is about whether they appreciate the import of lifting presidential term limits or the dangers that come with allowing a sitting President the space to run for office eternally in a third world country. It is now up to those who have chosen to stick with the truth to carry their weight with dignity. If it is true that the man at Nakasero intends to give it another go in 2006, life for those standing in his way could get bruising. They will be faced with an adversary who is convinced that his decision is right and in the national interest. The adversary is willing to get down in the gutter and there are signs that some people, even in Parliament are already wavering. At the last listen-in, a fly on the wall whispered that certain MPs are mulling over a trade-off. The deal is to grant Museveni his wish and in return he will look the other way when Parliament unilaterally decides to become a transitional legislature unelected at that for five more years. This fly said the inspiration for this mischief came to them after March 3. On that day the Speaker of the Tanzanian Parliament, Mr Pius Msekwa was a visiting speaker at a parliamentary workshop on peaceful political transition at Hotel Africana in Kampala. He said his country spent a whole five years to transit from the one-party state it was to the vibrant multi-democracy it is today. Now, we have exactly two years to the end of this chief executives last term in office and the 7th Parliaments term. He should not be running again because Article 105(2) restricts one to two consecutive five-year terms. But the incumbent obviously thinks there is a lot of unfinished business on the plate and is positioning himself to be around after 2006 but under a new pluralistic dispensation. If the Msekwa-inspired proposition gains currency then the country will be witness to some fascinating footwork. We shall be told that to proceed with transition in under two years is not only impossible but irresponsible. These things, we shall hear, have to be done in orderly fashion. The people have to be consulted, the politicians and other such riff raff will tell us. Then while we are still being consulted, Parliament will pull what the National Resistance Council (NRC) pulled in 1989. In that year, the NRC that was a makeshift Parliament, unilaterally extended its term by five years on the pretext that they were preparing ground for the w
ugnet_: Their beliefs are bonkers, but they are at the heart of power
Comment Their beliefs are bonkers, but they are at the heart of power US Christian fundamentalists are driving Bush's Middle East policy George Monbiot Tuesday April 20, 2004The Guardian To understand what is happening in the Middle East, you must first understand what is happening in Texas. To understand what is happening there, you should read the resolutions passed at the state's Republican party conventions last month. Take a look, for example, at the decisions made in Harris County, which covers much of Houston. The delegates began by nodding through a few uncontroversial matters: homosexuality is contrary to the truths ordained by God; "any mechanism to process, license, record, register or monitor the ownership of guns" should be repealed; income tax, inheritance tax, capital gains tax and corporation tax should be abolished; and immigrants should be deterred by electric fences. Thus fortified, they turned to the real issue: the affairs of a small state 7,000 miles away. It was then, according to a participant, that the "screaming and near fist fights" began. I don't know what the original motion said, but apparently it was "watered down significantly" as a result of the shouting match. The motion they adopted stated that Israel has an undivided claim to Jerusalem and the West Bank, that Arab states should be "pressured" to absorb refugees from Palestine, and that Israel should do whatever it wishes in seeking to eliminate terrorism. Good to see that the extremists didn't prevail then. But why should all this be of such pressing interest to the people of a state which is seldom celebrated for its fascination with foreign affairs? The explanation is slowly becoming familiar to us, but we still have some difficulty in taking it seriously. In the United States, several million people have succumbed to an extraordinary delusion. In the 19th century, two immigrant preachers cobbled together a series of unrelated passages from the Bible to create what appears to be a consistent narrative: Jesus will return to Earth when certain preconditions have been met. The first of these was the establishment of a state of Israel. The next involves Israel's occupation of the rest of its "biblical lands" (most of the Middle East), and the rebuilding of the Third Temple on the site now occupied by the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa mosques. The legions of the antichrist will then be deployed against Israel, and their war will lead to a final showdown in the valley of Armageddon. The Jews will either burn or convert to Christianity, and the Messiah will return to Earth. What makes the story so appealing to Christian fundamentalists is that before the big battle begins, all "true believers" (ie those who believe what they believe) will be lifted out of their clothes and wafted up to heaven during an event called the Rapture. Not only do the worthy get to sit at the right hand of God, but they will be able to watch, from the best seats, their political and religious opponents being devoured by boils, sores, locusts and frogs, during the seven years of Tribulation which follow. The true believers are now seeking to bring all this about. This means staging confrontations at the old temple site (in 2000, three US Christians were deported for trying to blow up the mosques there), sponsoring Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, demanding ever more US support for Israel, and seeking to provoke a final battle with the Muslim world/Axis of Evil/United Nations/ European Union/France or whoever the legions of the antichrist turn out to be. The believers are convinced that they will soon be rewarded for their efforts. The antichrist is apparently walking among us, in the guise of Kofi Annan, Javier Solana, Yasser Arafat or, more plausibly, Silvio Berlusconi. The Wal-Mart corporation is also a candidate (in my view a very good one), because it wants to radio-tag its stock, thereby exposing humankind to the Mark of the Beast. By clicking on www.raptureready.com, you can discover how close you might be to flying out of your pyjamas. The infidels among us should take note that the Rapture Index currently stands at 144, just one point below the critical threshold, beyond which the sky will be filled with floating nudists. Beast Government, Wild Weather and Israel are all trading at the maximum five points (the EU is debat ing its constitution, there was a freak hurricane in the south Atlantic, Hamas has sworn to avenge the killing of its leaders), but the second coming is currently being delayed by an unfortunate decline in drug abuse among teenagers and a weak showing by the antichrist (both of which score only two). We can laugh at these people, but we should not dismiss them. That their beliefs are bonkers does not mean they are marginal. American pollsters believe that 15-18% of US voters belong to churches or movements which subscribe to these teachings. A survey in 1999 suggested that this figure included 33% o
ugnet_: Where the NRA (LRA?)leart its Art of cutting off lips!
Kerry's 1971 testimony on Vietnam reverberates Vivid words alleged atrocities by soldiers Friday, April 23, 2004 Posted: 1:26 PM EDT (1726 GMT) John Kerry, in the tan uniform, is seen in this 1969 photo with members of his crew during the war in Vietnam. ON CNN TV A look at the issue of abortion rights and the upcoming March for Women's Lives in Washington includes more of Candy Crowley's interview with John Kerry, on "Judy Woodruff's Inside Politics" at 3:30 p.m. ET Friday. Also on the show: Sen. Richard Lugar on transition of power in Iraq, and Bill Schneider's Political Play of the Week. THE MORNING GRIND Abortion politics Center stage this weekend VIDEO CNN's Kelly Wallace on Kerry's release of lobbyist records. PLAY VIDEO CNN's Bill Schneider on the impact of religion on Bush policy. PLAY VIDEO RELATED Bush, Kerry vie for environmental spotlight Vatican backs denying communion to abortion-rights politicians Politicians eye U.S. youth vote Carlos Watson: Kerry's records s records online SPECIAL REPORT (CNN) -- The strong, vivid words John Kerry uttered 33 years ago continue to ring through time. Back in 1971, the square-jawed, clean-cut decorated combat veteran, with a generous mop of dark hair, told a rapt audience of senators of atrocities he said had been reported to him by his fellow soldiers in Vietnam. Rapes. Razed villages. Ears and heads cut off. Random shootings of civilians. Bodies blown up. Wires from portable telephones taped to genitals, with the power then turned on. Food stocks poisoned. Dogs and cats shot for the fun of it. "We wish that a merciful God could wipe away our own memories of that service as easily as this administration has wiped their memories," Kerry told members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in testimony that made him a national figure at 27. To those who were against the war, he was a courageous hero standing up for the truth; to those who supported it, he was a treasonous pariah aiding the enemy. But no matter how his words were viewed, their power was beyond question. Even President Nixon groused about him in the Oval Office. "John was able to speak to people, whether they were conservative or liberal, Democrat or Republican, and people listened," said Lenny Rotman, who worked with Kerry back then in the group Vietnam Veterans Against the War. Today, more than three decades after making those charges, Kerry is the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, fighting a close campaign during a time of war, putting his resume as a Vietnam hero front and center. At 60, the hair is graying, though the jaw is still square. And he is still explaining and defending those strong, vivid words, which continue to divide. "I think the way I characterized it at that time was mostly the voice of a young, angry person who wanted to end the war," Kerry told CNN's Candy Crowley in an interview broadcast on Thursday's anniversary of his Senate testimony. "I regret any feeling that anybody had that I somehow didn't embrace the quality of the service. But I have always said how nobly I think every veteran served." The senator concedes he wouldn't say the same things in the same way today, that talk of "atrocities" back then was over the top. Yet, he insists he's still proud he stood up against the war. While he has regret for the words he chose, he defends the legitimacy of the sentiment he so starkly articulated. "They were honest expressions of the passion that we brought to the cause," said Kerry. "I'm older, I'm wiser. I'm farther from it. But they were the words that came out of my gut at that time, based on the anger and frustration that I felt back when it was happening." He also told Crowley, "I'm not going to back down one inch on what I've fought for and what I've stood for all of these years." Such qualified regret doesn't go far enough for some Vietnam veterans, who can't forgive the stigma they still see attached to those long-ago words. "He was the father of the lie that the Vietnam veteran was a rapist, a baby killer, a drug addict and the like," said John O'Neill, who served in the same Navy patrol unit where Kerry served and who sparred with him on national TV during the tumult of 1971. "I don't think there's anybody that did that, or created that, more than Kerry." (Fellow vet blasts Kerry's antiwar comments) Kerry bristled at the suggestion that he ever said Vietnam soldiers were baby killers. "I never said baby killing," he told Crowley. "I fought that image everywhere I went. I described accurately what was happening, and what wasn't." The senator also said the negative image of the Vietnam veteran didn't start with him -- and that his anger was directed not at the soldiers who served but at the people who sent them "to die for the biggest nothing in history," as he put it in 1971. "I came back to find Americans
ugnet_: No govt plot to kill Oyite Ojok Otai
No govt plot to kill Oyite Ojok OtaiBy Badru MulumbaApril 25 - May 1, 2004 Following various theories about David Oyite Ojoks death, which we published last Sunday, Badru Mulumba sent e-mail to Mr Peter Otai, former State Minster for Defence at the time and asked him to explain the mystery surrounding the tragedy. Here is Otais side of the story: Mr Peter OtailThe people of Uganda and friends abroad will always remember David Oyite Ojok (RIP) as a friendly, courteous, sociable and readily accessible personday or night. His telephone was not ex-directory and he was willing to give it to anyone who asked for it. Persons who sought audience with him and vice versa included, inter alia, those in the high echelons of authority in government, churches, workers and the peasants. David interacted with people of various nationalities, tribe and any ethnic group without discrimination. If anyone dropped onto him at his house, one would find an array of peoples and wonder if the gatherings was not a mini United Nations! He was truly a peoples man. David was a nationalist and professional soldier; he was the kind of person who would fit the description of a soldiers soldier. He graduated from Mons Military academy in UK and returned to serve his country with zeal and professionalism. Although he was also a Member of Parliament, this did not compromise his attitude towards civil authority. He was, like many soldiers in the UNLA, aware of the fact that the army was subordinate to civil authority. David Oyite Ojoks awareness of the supremacy of civil authority is demonstrated by the fact that when he announced the fall of Kampala to the liberation forces, consisting of TDF, Kikosi Maalum and other Ugandan mini forces like SUM and FRONASA, he also told his listeners to await for further announcements from civil authority consistent with decisions taken at the Moshi Conference. I would like to clear the spate of rumour mongering and speculation surrounding the death of David to the best ability that I can marshal: On the fateful day of Oyite Ojoks death, H.E. President Dr. A.M. Obote was in India, having gone to moan and bury a friend and leader of government of India, Ms Indira Ghandi. The President was accompanied, during that trip, by a number of officials and ministers, including myself. On our return we were authoritatively briefed about the events of that day. Notwithstanding the joy and celebrations of NRA who had claimed that they had shot down the helicopter in which David was a passenger, which of course they had not, we were advised to ignore that claim, which had already been dismissed by the government authorities in Uganda as false. David, as Chief of Staff, had gone to address troops who were about to mount a major operation against NRA. He had gone with a number of members of his team in three helicopters. He gave an eloquent address to the troops and settled down with them to have a few snacks. As the sun was about to set, the first pilot who was ready to leave, asked him if he intended to travel in his chopper. David gave him permission to leave since he was still enjoying his conversation with the soldiers and men around him. After a short while the second pilot approached him to find out if he would travel with them since he was ready to leave. David said, yes, and asked his ADC and Ag. Chief of Military Intelligence, Lt. Kato, to alert his team to get ready to leave. When they were aboard, the pilot started the engine and the chopper lifted off to a height from which to start to move forward. Unfortunately the plane started a downward spiral and crashed, not very far from the spot it had been parked and from which it had taken off. The soldiers at the site tried everything to put out the flame and to save the passengers but to no avail. The third plane was still on the ground. In other words if there had been a conspiracy to kill Oyite Ojok that day, the perpetrators would have had to rig all three choppers, since they would not have known which chopper David was going to travel in. Furthermore, it would have had to be rigged whilst the three choppers were parked in front of the guards detailed to protect them! The plane he chose to travel in was not the one he had used before for. From the above explanation it is clear to me that this was a horrible accident. An Accident that robbed off a precious jewel from the bosom of Ugandans. Kikosi Maalum led by Toto Okello and Oyite Ojok were in the toughest eastern axis with the TDF forces, which fought great battles against Idi Amins forces, which were backed up by Libyans, until the capture of Kampala. Whilst Oyite was at the front with the TDF, Gen. Okello was at the rear headquarters with senior TDF commanders. As a professional soldier cognisant of the fact that the army is subordinate to civil authority, David could and would not and indeed did not point a gun at the President. If he had done so, the close escort pr
ugnet_: The link between Movement and war
The link between Movement and warBy Andrew M. MwendaApril 25, 2004 Last December, Members of Parliament from the war affected districts of north and north eastern Uganda walked out of the house in protest against the inability of government and the military to perform their basic functionsto ensure the safety of person and property against Joseph Konys marauding bandits. Mr Okullo Epak Ms Alice AlasoThe walkout was almost an ethno-regional action: it was the Acholi, Langi and Teso MPs who walked out because it is their people who are being killed by Kony or to put it the other way, it is their people that the government of Uganda led by President Yoweri Museveni is not protecting. No other MPs from other regions of the country saw it as their national duty to also walk out in protest. Many people are intrigued as to how an entire one third of the country can be mired in violent conflict, and over two million people are displaced from their homes, and the rest of the country goes on business as usual. In fact the president of the country says this is a residual problem, the donors, led by the World Bank keep writing reports titled From Conflict to Sustained Growth. What makes this national disregard to an entire region of the country by other nationals possible? What makes the president so callous and the international donor community so insensitive to the suffering of millions? Is this a case of a conspiracy theory where some people have colluded to keep the war a secret? But this is a highly open country, and the violence of the conflict is constantly on the front pages of the national dailies and also a subject of heated discussions on FM radio stations. The walk out of parliament by MPs from war affected areas tells the major failure of Movement politics towards building national consciousness of one Uganda, one people. It is possible that MPs from other regions of Uganda and the entire people of Uganda outside of the war affected areas think that the war in northern Uganda is a local problem only of concern to MPs from the region. I hear people on radio talk shows saying, Kony kills his own people. What does this mean? Which people does Kony lead or have to be called his own? These attitudes are not a product of Ugandas ethnic diversity but of the movement politics of individual merit. Individual merit politics actually reinforces the very ethnic identities it was meant to reduce precisely because it turns politics away from being a national process into a community and individual issue. Under a competitive party system, it makes sense for citizens to pay attention to a candidates stand on issues affecting the entire national political system. For, if a candidate is committed to a political party, his/her success would affect national policy and his/her performance at the polls would combine with the performance of other candidates from his/her party and their joint performance would help define which team would subsequently control the government. Take the war in northern Uganda for example. If the UPC or DP as opposition parties chose the war in northern Uganda as their campaign platform, regardless of which region or district of the country where the MP is contesting for a seat, it would make sense to both the candidate and the electorate to listen to his/her partys campaign platform because it cuts across the entire country. However, under the movement-multiple candidate system, it does not make sense for citizens to pay attention to the candidates stand on national issues: political competition remains and so does electoral competition. But it takes the form of individual rivalries at the constituency level rather than national rivalries between organised national teams. In our case, individual merit turns out to be how close a candidate is to the president, because that is what determines the distribution of national favours. Thus, under the Movement, if successful, a candidate will become one of the 304 MPs. The candidates success would therefore have little impact on national policies. In the absence of a competitive party system therefore, voters behaving rationally would tend to pay more attention to the ability of the candidate to do things of immediate local value than his/her stand on national policies. The candidates seeking votes would therefore possess an incentive to compete in terms of their ability to deliver particular local. That brings us full circle to the MPs walk out. It does not pay for other MPs to follow colleagues from Acholi, Lango and Teso in walking out of parliament because that does not advance their electoral fortunes. The war in northern Uganda has therefore been contained in the prism of an ethnic conflict affecting only the Acholi, or Langi, and the Iteso; rather than a national problem.If there was a multi party system, the opposition party would mobilise nationally around grievances in northern Uganda to promot
ugnet_: Alan Tacca on Two ways of destroying a people
On The Mark With Alan Tacca Can Buganda betray Museveni?April 25 - May 1, 2004 The Luweero District (LCV) chairman, Hajji Abdul Nadduli, can sound completely rational; like on days when he defied his more strict fellow Muslims and argued that he was a political leader in a multi-religious community; and that he would support a scheme to distribute piglets to non-Muslim peasants who had no objection to the eating of pork, or to earning an income from rearing pigs. On other days, he is not in such form, throwing about his theories on fertility, population distribution and tribal clout with such reckless enthusiasm that only a comic interpretation can redeem his vision. But so vocal is the Luweero chief that it was almost inevitable he would spell out clearly his position on President Musevenis third term project. And he has done just that, but in the process coming very close to appropriating Bugandas conscience (see: Baganda cant betray Museveni Nadduli, The Monitor, April 17). Addressing Kawempe Movement leaders, Nadduli claimed that Mr Eriya Kategaya, Mr John Ruzindana and Mr Amanya Mushega, Mr Musevenis erstwhile allies from Ankole region had betrayed their brother, presumably because they were opposed to Musevenis perceived desire to prolong his reign beyond 2006. The Baganda, Nadduli presumptuously says, would not commit such betrayal, because in Buganda it was abominable to bite the hand that feeds you. The fact is that nobody can divert us from Museveni. We shall not push him before his time is up, he said. Unless his speech carried more substance on this issue than was reported, it appears that Naddulis overriding interest is food. Food in the sense that the Ugandan crowd refers to political eating. His logic is very simple: If he and the other Movement leaders were being stuffed with goodies by Musevenis administration, then the status quo was the best of all possible worlds. Those opposition politicians who have prospered under the regime and are changing cars like clothes, but remain in the opposition, must be self-centred and power hungry. Actually, Nadduli need not avoid the word often used by other correct-line ideologues. Unless they are jobless paupers, the people in the opposition are usually called traitors. Now, Mr Nadduli has fallen in one of President Musevenis traps. If Museveni did not deliberately set it up as a trap, then he is lucky, because it has worked like a trap; at least with people of Nadduli vintage. This is the formula: Baganda are the largest, and geopolitically the most central, ethnic group in Uganda. Even a ruler who resents Baganda to the edge of hell has to find some form of accommodation with them, if he wants to move around on his official duties without passing crowds of people who have clipped their noses. If the ruler can find love in the region, so much the better, of course. I think that Museveni has a love-hate relationship with the Baganda, working for their good in about the same measure as for their frustration, and he has found people like Nadduli to peddle the lie of inviolable love. The president has set a sizeable portion of the façade of the regime with Ganda features, and his speeches will forever be laced with tales of his war in Bugandas bush. But wait a minute. It was all rightperhaps even something to be proud of as long as that association was with a regime that had quite solid support across most of the country. But what happens when the regime has degenerated into a machine so obsessed with self-preservation that it has no qualms about using fraud, naked injustice and cynical coercion as genuine options? Demand your ten-year pension arrears, your court award against the State; demand your salary review, your relief from the yoke of the tax collector; go for the nearly impossible; brave the bureaucratic nightmare; you will find all the eyes turning to those of a Muganda finance minister. Why are all the laws connected to the political transition ridiculous? Why do all the new government bills reek with the spirit of repression? Who is so vociferously pushing for a sham Shs 30 billion referendumand perhaps a second 20-billion onewhen the government has failed to honour its pledge to pay clonal coffee seedling suppliers their Shs 6 billion? Oh er the personand a lady at thatthe enemy is an honourable minister from the Buganda region. And those laws; are they all being implemented? Sometimes, to the most resented laws, there is defiance. But we have an enforcer. I mean, the chief. He is a highlya once very highly respected general. He has an anti-riot squad, and it breaks bones. Will he see to it that the referendaridiculous as they areand the elections are not unduly disrupted? Well, really, sir, and madam, that question goes to the chairman of the Electoral Commission. He also happens to come from Buganda.You want to understand how and why all this is going on. In reality, you are d
ugnet_: Sad export story - Clear line?
Sad export story By Badru D MulumbaMay 13, 2004 Why is the left lane of the Highway that proceeds to Kenya new yet the right lane that leads from Kenya looks eight years older? Part 3: This is the third part of our series on the economy that explore Uganda's economic performance with the view to ultimately build consensus on the way forward. Who does Museveni's economic miracle benefit? In this series of Uganda's economic performance, Senior Staff Writer, BADRU D. MULUMBA unravel the mystery of an economic miracle that has in many respects done exactly the opposite of what it ought to do by condemning a sizeable population by the wayside. Mr Walusimbi Mpanga has an interesting story to tell. He is a consultant with Uganda Export Promotions Board. Last year, he escorted a visiting United Nations Development Programme consultant to Tilda (Kibimba Rice Scheme). "I told him, look we do not export. And what he reads about Uganda is a country supposed to be a success story. He thought it is like Singapore. That is how bad. We do not export, whatever we export is of little value."In other words, exports equals to success story. Uganda does not have them. And the signs of this export inadequacy where all there to be seen. Standing there, along Kampala - Tororo Highway and taking in the fresh air of the countryside, the realisation hit them both hard. The left lane of the Highway that proceeds to Kenya is new; the right lane that leads from Kenya looks 'eight years older'. And it is not because the contractors did a shoddy work on the lane from Kenya. It is one of the most damning examples of how a country that has spent the last decade and half being taunted posting some of the most intriguing growth rates in the region has, in some strange twist, also lost it. Said Mpanga: "Why is it new? That is, because we do not export. Because we import a lot instead, that is why the road from Kenya is old. The wish of everybody is that this road [from Kenya] should be newer than this other one [lane from Uganda]." It is the lingering black spot on Uganda's economic success. And, puzzling, it started some time in 1986, as the extract from Uganda: a country guide (Library of Congress, 1990), reveals. From surplus to trade deficit Agricultural products have dominated Uganda's exports throughout its history. Coffee became the most important export after 1950, but cotton, tea, tobacco, and some manufactured goods were also important. During the 1970s, all exports except coffee declined as a result of low producer prices, marketing problems, declining exchange rates, and general economic disruption. Coffee production declined only slightly during these years of political turmoil, but the value of sales was vulnerable to shifts in world market prices. From 1981 to 1984, general exports steadily increased, but only in 1984 and 1985 when they were sufficient to produce a trade surplus. In 1986 a trend of declining exports and increasing imports developed and continued to the end of the decade. Uganda sent most of its exports to the United States, Britain, the Netherlands, and France. Exports to regional trading partners were less important but increased slightly in the late 1980s. During the early 1980s, the value of imports remained fairly steady, constrained mainly by the shortage of foreign exchange. However, in the late 1980s, imports rose dramatically, causing a large deficit in the trade balance. The government normally allocated foreign exchange for the purchase of essential goods such as fuel, vehicles, machinery, medical supplies, and military equipment. Principal imports--mainly construction materials, machinery, and spare parts--came from Europe, Kenya and Malaysia. In November 1988, the government announced a new programme to support the expansion of non-traditional exports to diversify exports and increase foreign exchange earnings. Under this plan, private companies with export licenses granted by the Ministry of Commerce were permitted to retain foreign exchange earned from non-traditional exports, especially from fruits and vegetables that could be cultivated and transported fairly readily. Under the plan, international traders would be permitted to sell all or part of the foreign exchange received for these exports to the Central Bank. They could then apply for import licenses valued at the equivalent of their foreign exchange earnings in order to finance imports within 180 days. At the same time, the government got a United States Agency for International Development (USAID) export trade promotion credit amounting to $12.5 million to assist the private sector in expanding production, marketing, and trading in these and other non-traditional exports. Items eligible to be financed under the trade promotion credit included improved seeds, high analysis fertilisers, raw jute for manufacturing gunnysacks, tin for local manufacture of farm tools, and packaging materials. An important development in Uganda
ugnet_: Uganda: Torture Used to Deter Opposition
Uganda: Torture Used to Deter Opposition Political Opponents Swept Up by Security Apparatus Beyond Legal Oversight (New York, March 29, 2004) Ugandan security forces are torturing supporters of the political opposition and holding them in secret detention amid the governments pursuit of rebels involved in the countrys armed conflict, Human Rights Watch said in a new report released today. Uganda set up a shadow sector of security operations to contend with armed rebel groups and crime waves. But now, the security system serves to punish and deter political opposition by detaining and torturing supporters of the political opposition. Jemera Rone, Uganda researcher for the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch Printer Friendly Version Related Material State of Pain: Torture in UgandaReport, March 29, 2004 Abducted and Abused: Renewed Conflict in Northern UgandaReport, July 1, 2003 Stolen Children: Abduction and Recruitment in Northern UgandaReport, March 1, 2003 Free Email Newsletter Contribute to Human Rights WatchThe 76-page report, State of Pain: Torture in Uganda, documents cases of torture committed by military, intelligence, and security agents in the governments pursuit of armed rebels. However, politicians challenging the de facto single-party state and the 18-year rule of Ugandas president, Yoweri Museveni, are often detained, severely beaten and threatened with death by the uncontrolled security apparatus. Uganda set up a shadow sector of security operations to contend with armed rebel groups and crime waves, said Jemera Rone, Uganda researcher for the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch, But now, the security system serves to punish and deter p olitical opposition by detaining and torturing supporters of the political opposition. Military intelligence and security forces reportedly have suspe! nded victims from the ceiling for hours or days in a position called kandoya (with their hands and feet tied behind their back), beaten them severely with wooden or metal rods, cables, hammers or sticks studded with protruding nails, and subjected them to water torture in which the victim is forced to lie face up while a water spigot is opened directly into his mouth. In 2001 the government established a system of covert safe housesunacknowledged and illegal places of detentionto hold persons suspected of supporting opposition politicians or rebels, groups that often merge in the minds of security officials. With no real oversight by the Ugandan judiciary and no access given to Ugandan government human rights officials, these places of detention facilitate torture and other abuses by shielding abusers from scrutiny. Individuals have been held incommunicado in such places with no contact with family members or lawyerssometimes for mont! hs. They have been denied medical care despite severe injuries, kept blindfolded so they cannot later identify their torturers and interrogators, and threatened with retaliation if they talk about their torture. The constitutional requirement that criminal charges be brought within 48 hours of detention or the suspect released is rarely honored in these cases, so that fresh marks of torture can fade and the suspect can be coerced to sign a confession. People are swept up into a security apparatus that is operating outside the law, said Rone, Ugandas security system has served to keep victims of the governments abuse silent and its perpetrators immune from punishment. The only mitigating mechanism for detainees is the writ of habeas corpus, a legal proc edure usually available only to persons who can afford attorneys. The writ requires authorities to produce the suspect in court. Afterwards, the government usually quickly brings criminal! charges for treason or terrorism to justify further detention. However, it must then transfer the accused to prison, where torture does not appear to occur. Reforms by the government and within the Ugandan justice system are needed to stop torture and end rampant impunity in Ugandas military, security and intelligence services. Human Rights Watch called on the government to disband security services that are outside parliamentary oversight, to start conducting medical examinations of suspects when they are first taken into custody, to stop using illegal places of detention, and to rescind the policy of prolonged incommunicado detention. The courts should enforce the constitutional requirement to promptly charge or release all detainees held 48 hours, and that all confe ssions be voluntary. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: America must practise what they preach
America must practise what they preach By Andrew M. Mwenda May 12, 2004 Fate is a great joker; it always laughs last. United States (US) president George Bush stood before the American people and the world on July 12, 2003 and announced that with the fall of Iraqi dictator, Saddam Hussein, the dictators torture chambers will no longer cause grief to Iraqis. Today, we know that Saddams torture chambers have been replaced by US and British torture chambers in Iraq. Just to recap: US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, told a Congressional committee hearing on May 7, 2004 that the US public has not yet seen the worst pictures of torture of Iraqis by American soldiers in Iraq. He described the unseen pictures as sadistic, cruel and inhuman adding that words cannot describe it, the pictures give a vivid realisation of what actually took place. A CNN Pentagon correspondent said there are even video pictures of US soldiers forcing Iraqi prisoners to masturbate before them. Reports by the International Committee of the Red Cross even talked of an American soldier raping an Iraqi prisoner. In some instances, the reports said, torture led to death. I am shocked, but certainly not surprised by this. What do you expect from a pig but a grunt? What do you expect from a colonial authority but oppression? Bush promised to build democracy in Iraq adding that Iraq would then become the springboard for democratic movements throughout the Middle East. With the pictures of torture in Iraq prisons the people of Iraq and the Middle East are certainly better off without democracy at least not the one from Bush. Americas involvement in other countries has always been troubling. The US is a democracy that in many cases has promoted and propped some of the most brutal and corrupt dictatorships in other countries the Shan of Iran, Saddam Hussein and Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko of former Zaire being the eminent examples. The US has also helped create, finance and arm some of the worst terrorist groups in this world, the Contras in Nicaragua, and Unita in Angola being the top the list. However, Bushs America is taking this game too far. Other administrations in the US have run dictatorships by proxy. Bush is running his own in Iraq directly, complete with an appointed colonial governor in the name of the US Iraq administrator. The Bush administration runs its own prisons in Iraq complete with torture chambers. The US military have powers to arrest, detain and interrogate prisoners. US prisoners in Iraq rot in jail without appearing in court to be formerly charged. There is a reported instance where a 19-year-old American soldier pulled out his gun and shot an Iraqi whose only crime was to ask why they were searching him up to his underwear. In this case, the person who was killed was a member of the US appointed governing council for some city in Iraq, a clear case of impunity. Bushs America is even more troubling because it has created a legal regime that threatens civilised jurisprudence like categorising some prisoners as illegal combatants. These illegal combatants in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba are detained without trial for years on end and without access to attorneys. Although these people are primarily civilians from different countries across the globe suspected of being terrorists, the US says it will try them before a military court. The choice of detaining people without trial and of categorising them as illegal combatants carries a strong racist undercurrent. Why? Because US citizens arrested under such circumstances like John Walker Lindh are not detained in Guantanamo Bay, will not be tried by military courts, have access to an Attorney etc. What is the United States telling the world? That its citizens are more human than other human beings and therefore deserve to be treated under more civilised legal regimes? If you have read Prof. Mahmoud Mamdanis book Citizen and Subject, Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, then you get to see the rolling American imperial and colonial project in Guantanamo Bay. Mamdanis thesis is that late colonialism was defined by the creation of a bifurcated state with two legal regimes: one civil and governing the colonising race who were considered civilised; the other customary governing the natives considered barbaric. Those governed under the civil law enjoyed civil rights: the right to an attorney, right of appeal etc while those governed under customary law faced administratively driven justice the chief who administered customary law was the judge, the prosecutor and the person who executed the sentence: in Mamdanis words, customary law was a decentralised despotism. That is the system of justice, President Bush introduced first in Guantanamo Bay, and now in Iraq colonial justice. The US public has a great challenge, but also a duty and opportunity because America is a democracy. Whatever its flaws, American democracy gives US citi
ugnet_: Suspected cannibal arrested in Bunyaruguru S/C -- signs of civilization?
Suspected cannibal arrested in Bunyaruguru S/C By Administrator Editor Sunday, 09 May 2004 Another cannibalism scandal has been unearthed at Buruma Trading Centre in Bunyaruguru Sub-County Bushenyi district. Security operatives there say they have so far arrested a renowned witchdoctor suspected to have murdered several people. Three skulls have been found in the witchdoctors house. This comes barely a week after Police arrested 3 suspected cannibals in Bbuye, Mityana. James Kityo, his wife Harriet Nambogo and his brother Rogers Kitumba were found in possession of decomposing bodies hidden in their shrines. .. Results of a fundamental change or backwardness? What next? Bones and skulls inside the Rwakitura palace itself? Well, well ,well! Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomTired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Tororo RDC faces assault charges
NRM/A overlord ship over our people continues unabated! Gook Tororo RDC faces assault charges By Abraham Odeke THREE people from Tororo have filed assault and torture cases against the resident district commissioner (RDC), Dauda Kasibante. Police constables Charles Orono and Gerald Elungat, who guard Kasibantes home, filed an assault and torture case on April 29. They said Kasibante allegedly assaulted them at his home in Tororo before handing them over to soldiers at Rubongi Barracks, who tortured them on April 28. The victims said Kasibante accused them of stealing his property, which he reportedly found missing when he returned from the village. Orono said Kasibante hit him with a shoe on the cheek while asking him about the lost property. Elungat said Kasibante allegedly slapped him several times before handing them over to the Central Police Station to make statements. Meanwhile, William Wamasebo a carpenter in Village Zone said Kasibante allegedly stormed his workshop on May 7. He reportedly asked him why he had not fin ished making the furniture he had ordered while repeatedly slapping him. Wamasebo said Kasibante insulted him by allegedly calling him a liar. He said the slaps were so strong that he fell and hurt his right hand. The Police are investigating the allegations. Ends Published on: Tuesday, 11th May, 2004 Email this article to a friend. gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomThe new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: US strikes Uganda off $1bn aid
US strikes Uganda off $1bn aid By Badru D. Mulumba May 9, 2004 Corruption, governance cited as Bush withdraws aid KAMPALA - The United States has struck Uganda off the list of countries eligible for a crucial aid programme. Last year, Uganda made the shortlist of 63 countries listed as eligible for US aid under the Millenium Challenge Account that will dish out $1 billion in aid this year, with subsequent increases to $2.5 billion in 2005 and $5 billion in 2006. But that initial list was merely based on a country being amongst the Worlds poorest (per capita income of $1,415 or less) that receive International Development Agency aid. Uganda was on May 6 dropped off the final list of 16. According to a transcript from the State Department, MCC board chairman and Secretary of State, Mr Collin Powell told the MCC board that: If youre going to relieve poverty, you need food. If youre going to make sure that people are healthy, youve got to do something about HIV/Aids and other infectious diseases. And it begins with a country resting on a foundation of law, a foundation of democracy, a foundation of no corruption; otherwise, the money could be wasted. Poor governance, corruption cost Uganda A State Department source in Washington who saw Ugandas report said on Friday that Uganda was struck off due to corruption and political governance issues. The official said that Uganda missed out on corruption and on governance criteria. In donor speak, governance is usually a vague reference to democratic participation and transparency in governance. Transparencythe International ranked Uganda eighth most corrupt country in the world last year. The board reportedly considered past and current policy performance of the candidate countries in the areas of governing justly, investing in their own people and promoting economic freedom. The Board also considered trends that indicated policy improvement or slippage. According to a State Department transcript, in remarks to reporters in Washington, MCC chief executive officer, Mr Paul Applegarth said: Our mission encouraging and rewarding good policies that produce sustainable economic growth holds profound implications for freedom and security across the globe,The 16 approved countries Armenia, Benin, Bolivia, Cape Verde, Georgia, Ghana, Honduras, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, Mongolia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Senegal, Sri Lanka and Vanuatu will be invited to submit proposals for aid. The 16 countries performed better than each of their peers in each of the three categories of indicators: encouraging economic freedom, investing in people, and ruling justly with an emphasis on anti-corruption reforms. No aid for aids sake Applegarth said MCC is intended to be a new approach to foreign assistance. He said that while many countries have aid needs - disaster relief, famine and flood victims, alleviating the needs of the poor, food aid - past focus on these has over time squeezed out a focus on longer-term growth. Research, he said, shows that countries that do the best are the countries with the best policies.That means policies in terms of promoting economic freedom, in terms of promoting a good government, good governance, and then how they use their own resources in terms of investing in people, he said. The Board today chose to recognise the countries that have really performed the best against those criteria. I think these are objective criteria established by third parties, intended to very much have the countries know how theyre going to be measured. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Eight African Nations Eligible For Millennium Challenge Account Assistance allAfrica.com NEWSMay 7, 2004 Posted to the web May 7, 2004 By Charles Cobb Jr. and Reed KramerWashington, DC The Board of Directors of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) voted Thursday to make 16 countries "eligible" for Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) assistance this year. The eight that are in Africa include Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, Mozambique and Senegal. "Today is a milestone," Paul Applegarth, the corporation's chief executive officer said, calling the MCC "a new approach to foreign assistance." Applegarth's appointment was confirmed only late Wednesday night, barely in time for him to participate in the meeting. Congress has approved US$1bn for the MCA this fiscal year. President Bush is asking for US$2.5bn for FY2005 and has pledged to request US$5bn in FY2006, which would nearly double current U.S. assistance to developing nations. The Millennium Challenge Corporation is a new government entity created to administer the program. A total of 16 indicators was used to select the 16 countries invited to apply for assistance. The indicators are grouped in three categories - 'ruling justly', 'investing in people' and 'economic freedom'. In addition, to receive MCA assistance this year, countries must have less than US$1,415 in average
ugnet_: Moi or M7? U be the judge!
INCUMBENT: Yoweri Museveni Is this Raisi Mutukufu Moi or Gen. Clear lined M7 kuku wambaga wa NO change? Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomTired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Stop neglecting north - EU
Stop neglecting north - EU By Fortunate Ahimbisibwe THE head of the European Union (EU) delegation in Uganda, Sigurd Illing, has asked the Government to make an effort to stop the marginalisation of the people in the war-torn north. Many Ugandans in the northern region and other conflict areas have been denied almost all their rights. It is the duty of the Government to tackle the problems of human rights and political freedoms, he said. Illing was speaking at the launch of the National Civic Education Programme at Hotel Africana on Tuesday . There is need for reconciliation and this can be achieved through raising awareness on human rights and political systems so that people make decisions from an informed point of view, he said. Illing said all Ugandans should be given an opportunity to participate in political activities. Now that there is a probable referendum and political transition very soon, the people need to be educated on their contribution, he said. State minister for general duties in the Office of the Prime Minister Prof. Mondo Kagonyera launched the programme. He called for a non-partisan method of educating the masses. Ends Published on: Saturday, 15th Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomHelp STOP spam with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: The pics that "shamed" America
Picture 1Published in the New Yorker Picture 2Published in the New Yorker Picture 3Published in the New Yorker Picture 4Published in the New Yorker Picture 5Published in the New Yorker Picture 6Published in the New Yorker Picture 7Published in the New Yorker Picture 8Published in the Washington Post Picture 9Published in the Washington Post Picture 10Published in the Washington Post Picture 11Published in the Washington Post Picture 12Published in the Washington Post Picture 13Shown on CBS Television Picture 14Published in the New Yorker Picture 15Published in the New Yorker Guardian Unlimited Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Tough serving a dictator
Tough serving a dictatorBy Andrew M. MwendaMay 5, 2004 Former Director General of External Security Organisation (ESO), David Pulkol, dominated the news early this week when it was announced that he was the consultant for the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum (PAFO) on its strategies to resist the proposed constitutional amendment to remove term limits on the presidency. PULKOL: Has decided to take on MuseveniImmediately, movement director for information, Ofwono Opondo, shot back accusing the former spy chief of suffering from rabies. It is interesting how politics plays out in the third world because only yesterday, Pulkol and Ofwono stood on different sides of this same fence called the NRM/Movement/Museveni government. In 1998 at the height of the Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB) sale-scandal and the censure of Sam Kutesa, I appeared on a Sanyu Television show with Ofwono. In an angry mood at the rot in government, Ofwono said this is a government of robbers. In 2000, Ofwono became a blue-eyed son of the NRM/Movement/Museveni. In the 2001 presidential elections, Kiiza Besigyes campaign team used this television sound bite to hit at both Ofwono and the Movement. However, in 1998, when Ofwonos anger against this government was high, Pulkol was the chief of ESO, and stood on the opposite side of the fence, at least in the publics view. In 2002 I hosted Besigye on Andrew Mwenda Live with Col. Noble Mayombo the Chief of Military Intelligence (CMI) in one of the greatest broadcast showdowns in Uganda. OPONDO: Pulkol should be ignoredPulkol once again ESO chief stormed the studio to add ammunition to Mayombos fire by providing more evidence that Besigye was planning military aggression in Uganda and was in cahoots with Joseph Konys Lords Resistance Army (LRA). Actually Besigye cornered Pulkol accusing him of saying many anti government things in a private conversation to which Pulkol answered, and admirably so, that he stood by what he had said. Now the situation, as it were, has come full circle: Pulkol has declared his intentions to take on President Yoweri Museveni. As it often works, the government will immediately move to link him with some newly created rebel group, and then later the government will announce it has evidence that Pulkols rebel group has links with the LRA. I am waiting to host Mayombo or another security chief to give us details of Pulkols collusion with Kony rebels. When you are a hammer, so the saying goes, everything you see, you think it is a nail. President Museveni is a militarist, and he sees in every political opponent an armed rebel. That is why I have also been accused by the various military chiefs of being a rebel collaborator; first Brig. Henry Tumukunde when he was Chief of Military Intelligence had accused me of being a collaborator with the Allied Defence Forces (ADF), and now army spokesman, Maj. Shaban Bantariza (after I had exposed his shallowness in military matters in a live television debate) who recently accused me of being a Kony collaborator. This is how Konys war has been politically, militarily and commercially functional for this government. Tumukunde is now out of favour and he certainly will become a rebel collaborator the day he openly comes out to challenge the evils of this government (he is now doing it in muted mummers). And now that Pulkol is out of government, let us hope he will help enlighten Ugandans on how the accusation of rebel collaboration is used by the government to suppress free _expression_ and democratic discussion. The Pulkol and Tumukunde story should also be a lesson to the many other people in the movement, Ofwono included, that dictatorships often devour their own children. It does not pay to take fanatical positions in defence of dictators. Like Satanic cults, the demands of loyalty and sacrifice one has to make increase by the day. A friend who recently got saved after a long time hobnobbing with Satanic worship told me after indulging in human sacrifice, the demons later asked him to sleep with his mother. He sought protection from God by becoming born again. Tumukunde, Pulkol, Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu (he was the first Director of Military Intelligence) etc have managed security in this country, in Muntus case when it was still noble. Possibly they were made to commit, or order the commission of grave atrocities in the name of the state. But a time comes when ones conscience cannot stomach the demands of sustaining the life of a dictatorship, and they throw in the towel. It is a humiliating turn-around when the people you harassed and hounded are the ones from whom you now seek sympathy and support. The exit of people like Pulkol, Muntu, Eriya Kategaya, Mathew Rukikaire, Amanya Mushega (he has no choice but to walk out), Bidandi Ssali (his days in the NRMO are numbered), etc is a sign that the sane and moderate voices of this government have thrown in the towel. The remaining sane minds
ugnet_: Portrait of a peasant
Portrait of a peasant By David Kibirige April 30, 2004 President Yoweri Museveni is mad at Justice George Kanyeihamba for saying peasants are not equipped to decide on certain matters of national significance like constitutional amendment. He has even promised to fix him, adding that peasants are his (Musevenis) employers. Museveni, like all politicians is fond of employing hackneyed expressions to defend the indefensible. I would advise Museveni to read writings of leading political scientists Mahmood Mamdani and Nelson Kasfir if he is to get the proper definition of who a peasant is. This man lives the life of a peasant, class one in Ntandi, Bundibugyo (File photo).Museveni thinks that people who reside in rural areas are peasants, which is patently false. In Uganda, we are all peasants, including Museveni, because he also depends on land in Rwakitura for livelihood. In developed countries there are peasants, workers and the bourgeoisie. The workers depend on salary and even if they die their remains are not carted off to the village for burial. This sort of class does not exist here because we do not have people who work in the industries and depend on salary. In simple terms looking at the theory class formation we have three types of peasants. The poor, middle and rich peasant are the classes in our possession. A poor peasant is a person who lives in an enclave and is not bothered by the political trends in the country. Such a person is opposed to anything, which might change his lifestyle. For instance such a person cannot accept modern methods like immunisation since he sees his future as one that is already bleak. Such a person exchanges labour for food, shelter and other basic needs of life. This type of peasant feels alienated from politics and thus cannot participate in political discussions. Such a person can neither write nor read. Then we have the middle class peasant. Such an individual is also illiterate and not interested in politics. Such a peasant might own a small piece of land (kibanja) where he cultivates food crops but does not have any surplus produce. Because of the hand-to-mouth circumstances he cannot send his children to school or if he strives in that direction they can hardly go beyond primary education. Then we have what we can term the rich peasant. This one is a bit well off and can even carry out commercial farming. He has a big surplus of produce, which he can put on the market. Such a person is relatively educated and can even afford school fees for his children. Even the people you see driving those flashy sports utility vehicles to Mbarara over the weekend are peasants who drive to get foodstuff from their upcountry villages. In Uganda the first two categories of peasants form the majority of the rural population? So, because Museveni wants to further his interests of creating a life presidency he does what we call cherry picking. This is more or less a metaphor for the action of singling out a case or two out of a hundred to justify your reasons or actions. Just like any drunkard will say he drinks because Jesus first miracle was to turn water into wine. Or if you find one drinking crudely brewed spirits he will justify it saying that since Jesus turned water into booze that was colourless so it must have been waragi, which is also colourless. Clearly, Museveni is trying to confuse Ugandans by the misuse of the term peasant. If he means the first two categories of peasants then I support Prof. Kanyeihambas view. Yes, a peasant cannot make important decisions for any country. Museveni is a student of political science who should know that in some countries even if one wins the popular vote he cannot enter office if he loses in the electoral colleges. The future of a country cannot be left in the hands of people who cannot even make sound decisions for themselves. That is why these peasants elect people in the hope that they will make sound decisions for them and these are their MPs. Why should Museveni think that whatever the peasants want is what should be done? Years ago the peasants said they did not want their children to be immunised. Government threatened them with jail because what they were saying not only did not make sense but was clearly wrong. And these peasants have been agitating for the scrapping of graduated tax which is a source of some percentage of local government revenue. And these peasants told the Justice Benjamin Odoki commission that they wanted a federal system of government. Government rejected it saying decentralisation was better that federeation. Maybe peasants should be told to differentiate between power and opportunity. They do not have power but opportunities. They can use these opportunities only at voting time. And Museveni insults Ugandans when he says the peasants are his employers. Oh my God which employee is more comfortable than his employer? So by what magic have peasants suddenly become so important that t
ugnet_: M7's Uganda!
Graduated tax collection gets bloody in Bugiri A graduated tax swoop in Busowa trading centre, in Bugiri district on Wednesday turned tragic, when three people died, reports Moses Nampala. Trouble started when an armed local defence unit (LDU) personnel opened fire and shot a tax defaulter who was trying to avoid tax collectors. Another suspected defaulter who attempted to cross to the other side of the road was knocked dead by a speeding saloon car. Grieved residents, who had witnessed the shooting, descended on LDU personnel and beat him to death. Bugiri district Police commander Patrick Mugizi (right) condemned the shooting. He identified the suspected tax defaulter who was shot dead as Bernard Okech, while Moses Waiswa was the one knocked dead by a car. The LDU, Robert Mwinike, was attached to Kibimba Police post. The bodies were taken to Bugiri hospital mortuary. Witnesses said prior to the tragic incident, the security operatives who were in company of the Busowa sub-county chief, had accosted Okech. The LDU who allegedly shot Okech was reported to be on the run. The Police fought to restrain aggrieved residents from causing more harm. Ends Published on: Friday, 30th April, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: And the looting continues...till when?-Minister fights for Shs 420m mansion
Minister fights for Shs 420m mansion By Daniel K. Kalinaki May 1, 2004 I paid 10%. Then they said no, its been repossessed KAMPALA - A senior Cabinet minister wants the National Housing & Construction Company to buy a residential house at Shs 420 million and then sell it to him at a lower price and on softer terms, The Monitor has learnt. However, Mr Kirunda Kivejinja, who is the minister in charge of the Presidency, says he is willing to settle for another house of the value agreed on earlier with the company. The house in contention is on Plot 7, Mackenzie Vale, in Kololo, an upmarket city suburb. The Monitor has learnt that the minister has occupied the house for a long time, while paying rent to NHCC, and had also entered arrangements to buy the house from the company at Shs 280m. He paid a 10 per cent deposit. The mansion that is the subject of the dispute, on Mackenzie Vale in Kololo (Photo by Ismail Kezaala)However, the house was later repossessed by its former Asian owner, who offered to sell it to Kivejinja, but at a higher price than the minister had initially agreed with NHCC. On August 7, 2000, Kivejinja's lawyers, M/s Kibeedi & Co. Advocates, wrote to NHCC exploring the possibility of salvaging the old agreement. The lawyers also included an 'alternative means of performance,' in which they required NHCC to buy the house and pass it on to the minister under favourable, and cheaper terms. On January 28, 2004, NHCC's lawyers, Ssawa, Mutaawe & Co. Advocates wrote to Kivejinja rejecting the proposal. "The alternative means of performance which you suggest or advise involves our Client in entering an agreement which is injurious to the public or against the public good and, is invalidated on the grounds of public policy," NHCC's lawyers wrote. The letter adds: "Essentially, we all know that National Housing is a public entity. To require the Company to purchase a house for Shs 420,000,000 so as to sell it to you on a long-term mortgage of either 8 or 15 years, and for Shs 280-290 million only, is clearly against the public interest. "Moreover where the property in question has been offered to you by the Decree holders/repossessing owners for Shs 420,000,000 and you have accepted to buy it at that price. Why then should a public company buy it at that higher price and then resell it to you at a gross undervalue?" Illegal conduct The lawyers also question the minister's conduct over the matter and write: "Even if that conduct (i.e., which is involved in your advised alternative means of performance) were not actually unlawful, it would still be "illegal" so long as it involves conduct, which the law disapproves as being contrary to the interest on the public." In its letter, the law firm also argues that it would be illegal for the management of NHCC, which is one of the parastatals being prepared for privatisation, to enter into an agreement in which it would lose money. Quoting the Public Enterprises Reform Divestiture Act, the lawyers wrote: "No chief executive, director, secretary, manager or other employee of a public enterprise shall do any act knowing or having reason to believe that the act or omission will cause financial loss to that public enterprise." In their letter to the NHCC's lawyers, Kivejinja's lawyers said they reserved the right to go to court if there was no breakthrough in the negotiations over the matter. But the NHCC lawyers argue that the courts "will not enforce a contract whose formation, purpose and or performance involves a breach of a statutory prohibition. "The further pursuit of yourgoodself of the suggested alternative means of performance will also be vitiated and invalidated on account of duress and undue influence," the lawyers add. The letter is copied to the minister of state for Privatisation, the Attorney General, the director of the Privatisation Unit, NHCC, and Kivejinja's lawyers. Kivejinja reacts Kivejinja defended himself in a telephone conversation with The Monitor. "It was government policy that government should sell its property with 1st priority to sitting tenants. I applied. NHCC did not act until belatedly. I paid 10%. Then they said no, its been repossessed. Hence we said let NHCC buy and repossess and sell to me or sell me another house. NHCC wrote to my lawyer and said we are interested in purchasing. The Indian came to me and said we are willing to sell. I approached NHCC who now prefer to back out of the deal.If you compare the dollar price, the difference is about $ 25,000. They still have my 10%. Others have almost finished my mortgages. They had told the Indian to hold onto the property while they negotiate the price. If it proves difficult I am open to discussing with NHCC about a different house within the acceptable price range," the minister wrote. Senior managers at NHCC declined to comment. However, in the letter that their lawyers wrote to Kivejinja, they addressed the issue of Kivejinja's deposit to NHCC. "Fina
ugnet_: Another liberation is in the offing
Another liberation is in the offing I would like to make some observations on President Yoweri Museveni's rule. It should first be remembered that our President promised to reduce the debt, improve the human rights record, participatory democracy, security for all and a self sustained integrated independent economy. However, as I write the foreign debt has risen from 500 million dollars in 1986 to 4 billion dollars. Uganda is still accused by human rights groups as a violator of human rights.Eighteen years down the road a third of the country is insecure and surprisingly Museveni still fears organised opposition. I therefore beg our leaders in parliament to ensure that Museveni leaves peacefully at the end of his constitutional term (2006) otherwise a second liberation would not be a farfetched idea, for which we should get ready. Werikhe Gerald WanzalaSec. For Mass Mob.UPC MUK branch © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomProtect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Pulkol rejects Museveni job offer
Pulkol rejects Museveni job offerBy David Kibirige & Odoobo C. BichachiMay 2, 2004 Says president cant be trusted KAMPALA - The former Director General of the External Security Organisation (ESO) David Pulkol has rejected an appointment as ambassador. A Free man: Former ESO chief David PulkolPulkol was dropped as DG last December after he openly criticised the countrys waning human rights record and the cabinets decision to manipulate the 1995 constitution to allow President Yoweri Museveni rule for a third term; interpreted by some people as a life presidency. In a two-hour exclusive interview with Sunday Monitor, on Friday afternoon, Pulkol said he had already written to Museveni declining an appointment as an envoy to the United Kingdom. Take it from me. It is long since I declined that job of foreign affairs. I had been posted to our embassy in London as an ambassador but with the designation of deputy head of mission, said Pulkol. He said he wrote to the president declining the job offer after wide consultations, including discussions with the then Foreign Affairs minister James Wapakhabulo (RIP), his junior, Maj. Tom Butime, and Karamojong elders. On why he has taken a low profile, Pulkol says; I cannot say I have been so quiet. I have made a few comments here and there, either during workshops or with parliamentarians or with trade unionists. First and foremost I can say I am a very happy man struggling with thinking out of the box. I am really trying my best. When you are inside the box, it is not easy to think out of the box. He said he is now enjoying his freedom, adding he is no longer a slave to anybody. And I really mean it here; I am more relaxed and a number of people say I am healthier than I used to be. I have no boss at the moment, except my own conscience. I am a very happy man, following my principles and the values I hold so dear. It is an exciting moment for me to meet a number of people; both in the Movement and those in what is termed as the opposition, he said. On the third term, he said he was surprised the president had chosen to remain a subject of speculation, adding that Museveni cannot be trusted because he has gone back on almost all his words. Commenting on the kisanja (third term), epitomised by adornment of dry leaves, Pulkol wondered why people would waste time and energy on dry leaves when there are so many fresh leaves energetic and bright leaders. Pulkol says he is exerting his energy into the development of Karamoja by mobilising friends. He says he is reading extensively to fill the information gap created by his assignment to ESO. He said that during his stint in ESO, he knew more about issues and events outside Uganda than on the local scene. He is also lectures at Makerere University. - Full interview on page 4. Also, listen to his interview with Desree Barlow on Monitor FM this Sunday at 11.00am. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: How many must die over G. tax?
How many must die over G. tax?EditorialMay 2, 2004 On Wednesday, graduated tax claimed yet another three victims. Bernard Oketch and Moses Waiswa, hapless peasants of Busowa, in Bugiri died as they tried to escape from tax collectors one shot by an LDU personnel, the other knocked by a speeding car as he fled to the other side of the road. The third, LDU man Robert Mwinike, was lynched by the angry mob to avenge the earlier two deaths. Over the years, many Ugandans have met their deaths trying to escape the tax collector who often only wants Shs 3,000 from them, or at most Shs 10,000. It is a cheap death they have met, but one that should hang on the conscience of the political class bent on perpetuating this primitive colonial tax. The disadvantages of graduated tax cannot be belaboured. In the course of the sixth parliament, Oyam South MP Okulo Epak ably demonstrated that the cost of administering this poll tax was far higher than any benefits that may accrue from it. Unfortunately his motion was defeated, as were the candidates who stood on the anti-poll tax ticket during the 2001 presidential elections. Yet the pain and burden of this tax cannot be wished away. For one, nearly half of Ugandans live below the poverty line of one dollar a day. Paying tax, even as low as Shs 3,000 (just under two dollars) is therefore forfeiting two or three days meal and you have said nothing about essential items like salt, soap, clothing, medicare etc. But worse, there is hardly anything to show the villagers for the taxes paid year in, year out apart from the fat stomach and shining new bicycles of the tax collector and his cohorts. The local dispensaries have no drugs, roads are not maintained, schools lack basicfacilities like chalk, desks etc you could go on forever. In the circumstances therefore, many villages have chosen to play hide and seek, often sleeping in the bushes to avoid the taxman. But why should it always be this way? Our neighbours Kenya and Tanzania, which also inherited the obnoxious tax from colonial British administration, have long dumped it and their economies and social sector are light years ahead of ours. MP Epak has once again tabled a motion seeking to abolish the tax. Hopefully this time round, the seventh parliament and President Museveni will cut the politics and support the motion. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Changing constitution by referendum is uphill task
Changing constitution by referendum is uphill task By Henry OchiengMay 2 - 8, 2004 It is time to rummage through the cobweb of political intrigue, manoeuvre and positioning that has characterised events of the past two weeks. President Museveni Members of the political opposition are screaming blue murder at governments proposals for a roadmap for the anticipated transition from a Movement system to the more democratic Multi-party system. But even as they shouted last week, the picture that seemed to emerge in some quarters was one of confusion. On the table was report of a Cabinet sub-committee on political transition with, among others, two key recommendations about holding two referenda; one to ask the people whether Article 105(2) of the constitution should be deleted from the Constitution so as to expunge the concept of presidential term limits. The second proposed referendum is on whether the country should jettison the Movement system of government for political pluralism. In reaction to the report, the Reform Agenda (RA) political pressure group has not given a very good account of itself recently. First it said it would register as a political party under the contentious Political Parties and Organisations Act of 2002 (PPOA) an action that would buffer its participation in the process of political transition. This decision was reached at a consultative meeting of the RAs district delegates in Kampala on April 16 - 17. However, a day after the Cabinet report became public, Mr Joseph Tumushabe, RAs human rights secretary, had this to say: The issue of our registration as a political party has aroused a lot of excitement but we want to state that it is not possible to register in this circus. As long as the bottlenecks still exist, we are not going to register. He said although they are still collecting signatures around the country a prerequisite to registration under the law it does not amount to registration. Group chairman, Col. Kizza Besigye has been consistent about not registering under existing circumstances. With observers confounded, the organisations deputy chairman Sam Njuba called a news conference on Thursday to clear the air. He said the resolution of the consultative meeting has to be approved by their National Council depending on how the Supreme Court will rule on a pending petition filed by RA and the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) challenging sections of the parties law. Njuba said, There is no contradiction regarding registration by any Reform Agenda officials, the only difference being points of emphasis. While some officials emphasised timing, others emphasised the matter of registration The RA is therefore ready to register as its publicity secretary, Ms Betty Kamya said in a phone conversation on Wednesday with Sunday Monitor that they will be part of the process of change in this country. Just how that process progresses remains the vexed question that all forces are grappling with. The Director for Information at the Movement Secretariat, Mr Ofwono Opondo says one avenue President Yoweri Museveni may consider is the formation of a new party. The President officially identified himself with the nascent National Resistance Movement Organisation (NRMO). NRMO was registered to provide for continuity of todays incumbent political club in office. Mr Njuba But cracks have appeared in its body politic with senior promoter and former local government minister, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, insisting he will resist any attempts by Museveni to use NRMO to seek a third term as President. Seen in that light, Opondos suggestion of a new party becomes attractive if for nothing else but to avoid potentially injurious acrimony. But this is a wish that may run into legal difficulty because of Article 105(2) of the Constitution that states: A person shall not be elected under this constitution to hold office as President for more than two terms as prescribed by this article. Terego County MP, Wadri Kassiano Ezati, an increasingly visible member of the Democratic Party (DP), warns that even if the President formed another party it would not help him to run again for another term because 105(2) is specific to the individual. But that article is open to amendment or deletion. Ezati recognised that there is a lot of wheeling and dealing going on in the background as either side of this question works to build its numbers in Parliament. The way things are, the battle will be joined in the House. DPs contribution to this on-going action seems constrained by suspicions that it does not have an unshakable position. Mr Jude Mbabaali, addressing a news conference last week, declared that DP would boycott the proposed referenda. He has since been denounced as an interloper, first diplomatically by President General Dr Paul Ssemogerere who said no decision has been made because it is too early, and more emphatically by Makindye East MP Micheal Mabikke. E
ugnet_: Violent Ugandans--in M7's Uganda!
Violent UgandansBy Izama AngeloMay 2, 2004 If countries were people, how would you characterise Uganda? I guess you could say for instance, that America is rich, arrogant and spoilt, that Britain is snobbish, that Palestine (not yet a state) is frustrated and angry, and Rwanda is an unfortunate victim. Dr Mungherera: Many people need psychiatric help (File photo).There are probably many ways to describe people. Not one description fits all, but you can say that a person, like a country grows and matures and is a product of various experiences. After what happened this week, you cannot say for instance, Uganda is not the land of smiles and politeness alone. An ordinary Uganda did the unthinkable, he took an axe and panga and killed 8 children, his own. The type of violence that is a mirror image of what a society is or can be. It could be that I woke up and realised what a violent country I live in. It used to be fashionable to claim Uganda was misunderstood, say by tourist, as a cauldron of blood and misery, a dark and violent place with a President like Amin (RIP) who is infamously rumoured to have loved human flesh. We easily defend ourselves, calling others misguided and ignorant about the real Uganda that it is a different place, streets are safe and children play after dark in the open. But, in fact, Uganda is not a safe place- violence and violent attitudes flourish. The deaths of Gertrude, Perusi, Samali, Joseph, Juliet, Denis, Ronald and 2 year old Peter at the hands of their father is just one example. The morning the family perished, daily newspapers reported several acts of violence across the country. A Taxi driver in Bushenyi was shot because Police wanted him over a taxi offence. His irate comrades descended on Bushenyi police post with intent of burning it down. Six People were arrested in Gulu in connection with the assassination of 76-year-old priest, Father Luciano Fulvi. His throat was cut with a blunt knife. Students of Kitagata SS fought Police with stones despite being fired at with live bullets. A UPDF Major is placed under house arrest for tying an escort to his truck and ordering his driver to drag him around a rough road. A survey of The Monitor Newspaper for this month of April alone reveals many instances of violent acts. The month begun with a public protest by the Human Rights Commission about torture in Ugandan prisons. Later in the month, a man who had his testicles pricked with needles as part of his cruel torture in the hands of the security agencies-he testified that he was now impotent because of the torture. The Violent Crime Crack Unit displays serial killers, men they claimed specialised in the rape and murder of house girls. A 32-year-old woman was held for killing a 2 year old after a quarrel with the Childs mother, her sister. Possible arson dogged several schools. A jealous man in Nyimbwa County, Ndegge cuts his wife to death over allegations of infidelity and fights with his children. Another man burns a house killing his ex-wife, her three sisters and brother. He had reportedly failed to win her back. In politics, the Inspector General of Police issues orders for the break up of political rallies organised by unregistered parties even as the force keeps a watch on a youth pressure group, the Popular Resistance against Life Presidency. One of their members accused police officers in a Kampala suburb of conniving with a local hotel owner to hold him and extract a false confession from him. Former President Godfrey Binaisa asks opposition parties to register or risk being beaten. The list is much longer of course. What appears like ordinary crime can be placed in another perspective if you consider the acts as really interconnected instead of isolated incidents. In 2001, doctors at Butabika hospital reported an alarming rise in the number of Ugandans with mental problems, that most of us suffer from enough psychological stress to produce symptoms of mental illness. Dr Fred Kigozi, the director of the hospital told Sunday Monitor that between two to four million Ugandans are mentally ill. A survey done by researchers said 1 percent of Ugandans suffered from severe mental disorders, 3 percent from serious depression and 20 percent from significant emotional problems. Dr Margaret Mugherera, a psychiatrist, involved in a psychosocial project in Northern Uganda, says coping with past trauma is a slow process and people needed time to adjust to normal life and expectations and above all need help. Now what appears as criminal activity is in fact systemic violence that draws its energy from the effects of collective tragedies that are experienced by the individual. The violence is simmering below the surface because of the negative emotional health of the individual. So many ordinary men and women you and I meet are really ticking time bombs that will explode in violence depending on the provocation. Psychologist, Paul Nyende, who lectu
ugnet_: Museveni to pay ex-MPs debts
Members, Presidents office to pay for a private persons debts for fighting multi partyism? Is this reasonable let alone even legal? I thought NRM/A had undergone a mind change and were now all for a multi party system? If M7 wants he should pay this debt from his own resources. He is rich enough and shouldn't burden the over taxed Ugandan tax payer with this illegal pay. Gook Museveni to pay ex-MPs debtsBy Michael J. SsaliMay 2, 2004 MASAKA - The Presidents Office has undertaken to pay legal fees and costs incurred by former MP for Bukomansimbi, Hajji Lubyayi Kisiki, against his rival Maurice Kagimu. The costs arose out of a Masaka High Court ruling recently. Lubyayi lost two election petitions against Mr Kiwanuka, the current MP for Bukomansimbi, and court awarded the latter total costs of Shs 27 million. Mr Fox Odoi, a legal aide to President Museveni, this week wrote to Kiwanuka lawyers; Lukwago and Alaka and Company that the Presidents Office would pay Lubyayis debts. About two weeks ago, at the launch of the UYM in Bukomansimbi, Lubyayi appealed to President Museveni to help him settle the legal bills. He implored Lt. Col. Proscovia Nalweyiso, the chief guest, to inform Museveni that by lodging the petitions, he had been fighting multipartyism. Kiwanuka is a DP member. Kiwanukasr, Erias Lukwago told this reporter that the Presidents Office had pledged to pay the bills in two installments. The first installment is to be paid on June 15 while the second tranche would be cleared at the end of June this year. © 2004 The Monitor Publications gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomHelp STOP spam with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: VCCU operatives torture man to death
VCCU operatives torture man to deathBy Sheila C. KulubyaMay 2, 2004 KAMPALA - Just last Monday, Joseph Mbalire, 33, like any average man, was struggling to provide a good life for his wife and four children. By the end of the day he was lying dead, his bloodied body dumped in the city mortuary at Mulago. Mbalire, bled to death after being tortured by security agents of the Violent Crimes Crack Unit, a unit set up at the close of Operation Wembley to fight violent crime and terrorism. Mbalires wife, Florence Namande 43, told Sunday Monitor, yesterday that her husband was picked up at around 9.00 p.m. on Monday night as the couple was enjoying a night out in a bar at Mukwano Shopping Arcade, opposite the old taxi park. They were together with a friend, Jimmy Kyagaba. We just saw men walk up to us, and asked him to go with them, recounted Namande, the mother of Mbalires two youngest children. When he did not come back, I asked Jimmy to go and check on him and later I followed and found them (operatives) beating Joseph and shoving him into the car. She says the trio resisted but were overpowered by the operatives, who continuously beat them with sticks as well as with the barrels of their guns. By 5.00 am that morning, they had been to Ndeeba, then taken to Kireka, then back to Ndeeba where they spent a night on the floor of a dingy lodge, and then transferred back to Kireka. By then Mbalire had breathed his last. Police sources told The Monitor that the security operatives, including their leader, one Kiwana had been arrested and were under police custody awaiting investigations by CID. CID chief, Ms Elizabeth Kuteesa neither confirmed nor denied the said arrest. We are handling the matter and we will get to the bottom of it. As you know, when someone dies in custody, is a very serious thing and its our duty to ensure we get to the bottom of the matter, she said in a telephone interview. By press time yesterday, police had not released Mbalires body which had been tentatively scheduled for burial at 4.00 pm. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Pulkol now cites plot to kill him
Pulkol now cites plot to kill him By Elias Biryabarema & Ignatius Ssuuna May 3, 2004 KAMPALA Former spy chief David Pulkol yesterday revealed what he called a plot by some hardliners in the Movement to bump him off. The claim, dismissed immediately as a sympathy-seeking ploy by the Movements spokesman Ofwono Opondo, came just a day after the former chief of the External Security Organisation revealed that he turned down a government appointment as deputy head of mission to the UK. David Pulkol The murder plot Mr Pulkol said he is being trailed. There are people who are discussing what to do with me. They are beginning to say that he takes tea from Hotel Africana and asking whether he takes African tea or what. According to the information I have, they have been contemplating elimination, he said. Pulkols latest allegation was made on Sunday morning on 93.3 Monitor FMs Straight from the Heart show hosted by Ms Desree Barlow. Pulkol said that the plot to bump him off arose out of his opposition to President Musevenis perceived intention to seek another term in office when his last five-year term ends in 2006. Pulkol could not say who was behind the moves to eliminate him. But he said that it was by hardliners in the system and not an official plot by the Movement. Some of us are fearless, he said stressing that he would not back down or temper his criticism of the Movement governments excesses. Theres no amount of intimidation that can shut up some of us. Dont forget that Im a son of the Karimojong, he said. But Mr Opondo said that Pulkol is a rabid dog. He has been bitten by a dog with rabies, he said. He should be avoided. According to Opondo, Pulkol failed to win elections in Matheniko. Opondo said Mr Museveni did Pulkol a favour and gave him a job as director general of ESO. Pulkol has no political base and he is politically insignificant for the Movement to have sleepless nights over him, he said. It is now a culture or a habit for people who have failed in life to come up with wild claims to win public sympathy. He is a miserable failure. A kitchen Cabinet Pulkol attacked what he called a clique of well-connected people the kitchen Cabinet surrounding Museveni and misadvising him on the rule of law. According to Pulkol, the hardliner clique connected to Museveni via marriage, history or similar interests is insisting on circumventing constitutional provisions for amending the Constitution. He said the clique is pushing hard for the referendum even when its clear that it will only have propaganda value. He called the planned referendum on removing the presidential term limits, reckless, wasteful and an extravagant act. The money to be spent, about Shs 30 billion, would easily be used to extend electricity to the whole of Karamoja, he said. The hardline clique, the former spy boss added, has increasingly made the Movement intolerant and dismissive of constructive criticism. According to him sycophancy, which is fostered by this connected clique, is stifling the democratic developments from taking shape in Uganda. He warned of letting extremists take charge, and idolising leaders as [if] they are Jesus or Prophet Mohammed, as a recipe for trouble. According to Pulkol, Museveni has so drastically changed from the original principles. He said the President has transformed himself into an institution, which he said was a sign of growing personilisation of power. Instead of strengthening democratic institutions, he said, Museveni is deliberately undermining them. He cited the recent strikes by teachers and doctors where the President had to personally intervene to end the crisis. Deserting Movt bus Pulkol said that even if it means abandoning the Movement bus and walking on tyre sandals (rugabire), he would not budge from pursuing his principles and conscience. He took a swipe at Museveni whom he called his mentor and hero for what he called creating persisting uncertainties and anxieties over whether he would stand for a third term. Leaders, he stressed, must be honest, credible and straightforward. But Opondo said that Pulkol together with former Internal Security Organisation chief Henry Tumukunde were some of the individuals who were giving money and beating people during the 2001 presidential elections. So he can be challenged, he has a bad record, Opondo said. Pulkol also said that he is an associate member of the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum. Pafo is made up mainly of MPs opposed to the third term. Additional notes by Badru D. Mulumba © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom _ Add photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. http://join.msn.com/?page=features/featuredemail This service is hosted on the Infocom networ
ugnet_: New twist in taxi drivers murder
Is there any rule of law or has life itself got any respect in M7's Uganda? gook New twist in taxi drivers murder By Felix Basiime May 3, 2004 MBARARA - New information about the taxi drivers murder in Bushenyi last week indicates that the policemen fired at the moving vehicle before the deceased was finally shot dead. Mr Faisal Bagyeraki was shot dead on April 26 by special police constables at a roadblock at Rutoto, about 20 kms on Ishaka-Kasese road. The police immediately said Bagyeraki had stopped at the roadblock and fled into the bushes before the cops shot him dead, 100 metres away. It seems the police in Bushenyi deceived me, the regional CID chief here Mr Terence Kinyera told The Monitor by telephone last Friday.I have perused the file and quizzed the accused, the new version is that when the driver saw the road block and tyre cutters, he made a U-turn and the accused started showering bullets at it [taxi], bursting its tyres before firing at the fleeing driver, Kinyera said. The accused Mr Herbert Bamwine and Mr Herbert Natukwatsa are both SPCs in Bunyaruguru county, Bushenyi. They were first detained in Bushenyi and later transferred to Mbarara. The murder sparked off demonstrations by drivers which paralysed business both in Bushenyi and Mbarara towns. Kinyera said that a passenger Ms Beatrice Kembaga and her child were injured in the shooting. They were taken to Mbarara University Teaching Hospital. He told The Monitor last Wednesday that they transferred the accused to Mbarara because they doubted the impartiality of the Bushenyi police in the investigations. Police have preferred murder charges against the two constables. Of course both fired and you cant tell who killed. On Monday [today] I will send the file with the charge sheet to the resident state attorney in Bushenyi. They will be tried in Bushenyi, he said. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Museveni never trusted peasants in bush
Museveni never trusted peasants in bush By Betty Nambooze Bakireke May 3, 2004 In Luganda we have a saying that "ak'omuntu ssi ka nte nti weyakabira jjo ne leero wenakaabir,a" meaning that "the words of a human being are not like those of a cow which maintains the same talk everyday." By this proverb the Baganda wanted to show how unprincipled human beings can be when it comes to keeping their word. In other words, one would rather trust a cow because it never changes its words year and year out. When it comes to politicians it even gets worse. President Museveni was once reportedly said that policemen would rather vote for a cow than him .Of course this is not true but this allegation had only one element of truth; that cows are far better in keeping their words than most of our leaders, therefore worthy a vote for only that reason. The cow's saying came to my mind recently after President Museveni reacted angrily at Justice George Kanyeihamba for saying that it would be both unwise and risky to subject the issue of amending the Constitution to the vote and therefore the decision of peasants. The Learned judge argued that peasants could not properly discern issues of constitutionalism. Museveni found this absurd and wondered how a person of Kanyeihamba's status could abuse his employers; the Peasants. I have no problem with the lifting of the presidential term limits. Neither am I sure if I am a peasant myself or not. But my point of concern is when exactly did President Museveni discover that peasants are very good decision makers? In his speech to RCs (now LCs) of Buganda at Mpigi on October 5, 1995 titled "What did Buganda gain from the new Constitution?" Museveni defined peasants as "these people who cannot read or write; who live on small plots of land; who do not produce fully for the economy, but mainly produce what they eat and are the majority in our country. In political science we call them peasants, although we have no appropriate direct translation in our local languages. Sometimes we call them abalimi in Luganda, meaning farmers; but that is not very accurate because Mr. Kaguta (Museveni's father) and I are both farmers, although our farming methods are very different." In another speech to Makerere University students on June 8, 1991 titled "Building Uganda for the Future", Museveni under the sub-heading "Why is there an African crisis?" expounded on the issue of peasants elaborately. He had this to say: " Alice Lakwena fled to Kenya but the poor girl was being manipulated by the UPC Obote faction. Because they found that they could not fight us on a scientific basis, which means that you aim your gun properly and kill your adversary, if you can, they resorted to intoxicating poor peasants with mysticism and incredible lies. "So we also still have a struggle for a qualitative transformation of politics of Uganda. These criminal opportunists would tell the poor Lakwena peasants that provided they protected themselves with some herbal medicines; they would not get killed even if they were shot with a Gun. These were the politicians who sought to take over power in Uganda - they knowingly sent poor peasants to sure death and would use any other such means as long a, it would help bring them to power "We must stand firm - we cannot accept bankruptcy of men who knowingly deceive ignorant people and make them rush to their death to be mown down by the army. They would tell the peasants 'when you are going into battle, do not look behind you. Those who died were killed because they were sinners who did not follow what we told them. "They looked behind them and they were killed by the Holy spirit. We also told them to make sure that they did not come in contact with their fellow fighters but they did not listen-that's why they were killed . "Those are the type of people who sought to run Uganda! The poor Lakwena girl was being manipulated by criminals who would give soldiers marijuana and get them intoxicated so that they would rush into battle against machine guns, and tell them that somehow, at the end of the day, somebody would be on the radio declaring himself President of Uganda. "In our own Movement, we had similar kinds of primitive tendencies. When we were in Luwero, the peasant would invite me to participate in their ceremonies. They would say; omukulu olutalo lunno telugenda mumaso bulungi kubanga tetunaba kukola byakinansi, meaning that the war was not going very well because we had not performed traditional ceremonies. "So they would take me with them, slaughter a goat, then they would jump over it, and they would say we would have to eat all the meat at once because if any of it remained, the ceremony would not have been completed -- just the same ideas as Lakwena. "They would then say; nga kati bwokoze omukolo, nebwogenda ne mundu emu, owamba Kampala, meaning 'now that you have performed the ceremony, even if you go with one gun, you can capture Kampala.' "They would reason tha
ugnet_: Ugandans reduced to cannibalism by NRM?
Police arrest 3 suspected cannibalsBy Henry H. SsaliMay 4, 2004 MITYANA I eat dead people. Those words were spoken yesterday by Mr James Kityo, one of three suspects held by police over cannibalism and possible murder. Kityo, 32; Mr Rogers Kitumba, 26; and Ms Harriet Namboga, 25, were arrested by police on Sunday after a tip off from residents of Kinvunikidde village in Buye Kikundu parish, about 2km north of Mityana town. They are in police custody, we are yet to charge them, the officer in charge of Mityana Police Station, Mr Tarquins Alawy, said as they exhumed the trios victims. A womans body sliced at the heart, several decomposing body parts heaped in a sack, a human skull and bones were exhumed as horrified residents looked on. The LCI Chairman, Mr Leonard Kasibante, said residents had on Sunday razed the suspects house and about 30 small structures each about a metre high, many of them containing human remains. The residents braved a heavy downpour yesterday to witness the exhumation and bay for the blood of the suspects as police and the army guarded them. The villagers alleged that the suspects are also involved in sorcery and witchcraft. Several items from their shrine including bark cloth, cowrie shells, calabashes and bones lay about in the compound. Namboga said she has only eaten two bodies, including that of an acquaintance. They are my brothers, she said referring to the other two suspects. One time I visited after they had cooked a person and they gave me some of the meat. We also ate a woman called Betty Nakazzi who used to come here. Kityo said he is also a night dancer (omusezi) who usually gets possessed by his ancestors spirits. Mityana RDC Margaret Kivumbi was horrified. I have been hearing about night dancers all my life but I have never seen something like this. All three relatives confessed they eat dead bodies. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Sorcery, cannibalism cast spell over village SUSPECTED CANNIBALS: Mr Kityo, Ms Namboga, Mr KitimboBy Henry H. SsaliMay 4, 2004 MITYANA - The apparent end began on Sunday morning. Ms Norah Namutebi complained to the LCI chairman of Kinvunikidde village of ill health after fellow residents James Kityo and Rogers Kitumba had threatened her with death if she did not pay them their 'consultation fee'. Namutebi, who The Monitor could not find for an interview, reportedly had been consulting the two witchdoctors over two months and they had asked for Shs 500,000 in payment. She told them that she did not have the money but her only valuable possession was a piece of land in the same village. But the piece of land also belonged to her children, and therefore she could not give it away. The witchdoctors told her that she either pays their money or her life was in danger. Then she started having ailments and contacted the LCs saying the witchdoctors had threatened her. The LCs then swung into ation. "Yesterday [Sunday] we called an LC meeting, which resolved to search their premises to see how they manage to make people sick," LC I Chairman Leonard Kasibante told The Monitor yesterday. The council contacted Mityana RDC Margaret Kivumbi who gave them army men to go search the premises. "Just as we had started, we saw a skull and became suspicious," Kasibante said. By this time residents were gathering and were in for more shock when decomposing body parts were found heaped in a sack and hidden under one of about 30 small brick structures around the compound. The residents ran amok and razed the house and the small structures each about a metre high, many of them containing human bones. "I received a call that people were about to lynch the three suspects [including a woman] so I sent a police patrol car, which rescued them," the Officer in Charge of Mityana Police Station, Mr Tarquins Alawy, said. The Monitor arrived at the gruesome scene yesterday morning. Despite the heavy downpour, hundreds of residents awaited a major search of the entire premises. ConfessionUnder a mango tree sat a young woman guarded by about five policemen."She is the one," residents shouted. She is the third suspect. Ms Harriet Namboga, 25, told The Monitor that she has eaten only two people! Mr Kityo and Mr Kitumba are her brothers and she lives nearby. She said the first time she ate human flesh she found when her brothers had already prepared the dish and they offered her some of it, to which she didn't object. The second person she ate was her acquaintance called Betty Nakazzi. "She used to come here" to see Kityo and Kitumba at their shrine."She died and we ate her," Namboga said. However, she denied that they had killed the woman. She died of natural causes sometime earlier in the year. "On their advice, I went to where we had buried her remains and I prayed to the ancestors so that her spirit does not haunt me," she added. Asked by one of the cops why she ate human flesh with all the goats and chicken around, she remained silent.She was ca
ugnet_: Ugandans to re-discover their power
Ugandans to re-discover their powerBy J. L. OKELLO-OKELLOMay 4, 2004 Since the attainment of political independence in 1962, Uganda has had nine heads of state. Its East African neighbours, Kenya and Tanzania, have each had three. The turnover in Uganda is, therefore, uniquely high in the region. If the rapid changes in the Presidency had been made through free and fair multiparty competitive elections, Uganda could have qualified to be one of the most democratic countries in the world. Unfortunately, the high turnover of Presidents in Uganda is brought about by the political instability the country has experienced. Attempts to get multiparty democracy entrenched in Uganda have always been shot down by those who use the gun as a short-cut to political power. The late terrible dictator Idi Amin Dada was the first to do this in 1971. He then outlawed all political parties. It tool eight years to remove him. In 1979, after the ouster of Idi Amin, the new Uganda leaders, most of whom had lived in exile throughout Idi Amin's rule, returned and started preparing the stage for their continued staying in power instead of preparing the country for the resumption of multiparty politics. This was because they themselves had no political support at the grassroot. They wanted to keep themselves in power while at the same time keeping political parties in abeyance. This plunged the country into terrible political instability. The first multiparty competitive elections since 1962, were held in 1980. After that election, the losers went to the bush to fight a democratically elected government of Uganda. In two years' time, it will be another 18 years without another multiparty competitive election being held in Uganda. The reasons why Uganda has failed to sustain viable multiparty democracy are varied. One enemy that is against the development of multiparty democracy and political maturity, are the elite of Uganda, who should provide leadership to the largely ignorant masses. A great majority of our elite today have become hostages of economic and political survival - courtesy of individual merit ushered in by the Movement. They have sacrificed their intelligence and principles at the altar of money. Our elites' major pre-occupation is to maintain their privileges, comfort, ill-gotten wealth and certitudes. The disunity that has been promoted among the people of Uganda under the Movement is another major contributing factor to political instability. Over the last 18 years, Uganda has been sharply and sadly divided into two parts -South-western and North-eastern Uganda. The former is peaceful, prosperous and developing. The latter has been kept constantly insecure; people being abducted, tortured, maimed and killed in large numbers; wallowing in abject poverty; with about 1.4 million people herded into squalid internment camps without the basic necessities of life such as food, shelter, clothing, clean water and medication. The divide between is so clear that if we were honest the country would now be having two types of passport: one for South-western Uganda and the other for North-eastern Uganda. The internment camps were initiated by government in 1997 to remove the Acholi from the countryside so that they are not killed in crossfire between the rebel Lords Resistance Army (LRA) and the national army. Other reasons were to protect the people from abduction by the rebels and deny the rebels intelligence and food supply. The measure, which was intended to last only about six months, has now not only taken seven years, and spread from Acholi to Lango to Teso, covering almost precisely the areas which did not vote overwhelmingly for the President in the last two Presidential elections. The camps were originally called "protected villages". But when LRA started defying that "protection" and began to abduct and kill people within the "protected villages," the camps were renamed "Internally Displaced Persons' Camps". The word "protected" has been conveniently but quietly dropped. These camps are the worst humanitarian tragedy that has befallen the people of North-eastern Uganda. Instead of making genuine efforts to end the war, those with power seem bent on the use of clever and psychological tricks to play upon the brokenness of the people in order to attract them to a certain way of thinking. The 18-year ban on political party activities by the ruling Movement has done irreparable damage to Ugandans. All this time, the people have been denied opportunity to hear alternative views. Transparency International (TI) has from time to time rated Uganda one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In a corrupt situation like the one we have, where money speaks loudly, genuine democratic practices cannot thrive. The Movement has sustained itself in power using basically two methods: wanton use of public funds to buy support; and the use of violence against political opponents as witnessed in past election
ugnet_: Amin stole his hotel, Museveni refused to pay for the food
Amin stole his hotel, Museveni refused to pay for the food By Richard M. Kavuma May 16 - 22, 2004 One mans tale of a restaurant, humiliation, patriotism and disappointment MUKONO In his words, he once owned one of the best restaurants in Kampala: in his present condition, you wouldnt believe him. But a nose-piercing aroma still welcomes you to Christopher Ssembajjwes Bugerere Highway Restaurant in Mukono. Mr Christopher Ssembajjwe in his restaurant in Mukono (Photo by Willy Tamale). I am here reading your Monitor. It has impoverished me, Ssembajjwe says as he turns his eyes away from a copy of the paper spread out on the white plastic table. I just find myself buying it each day. He has seen better times. For him, being here in this decaying building is like a business collapse. Sitting on an army-green plastic chair, he repeatedly stares at the leakage-stained plywood ceiling, occasionally resting his greying head against the unpainted, scratched wall. Its nearing midday. There are not many customers. When a young man walks in for something to eat, Ssembajjwe chats him up, totally ignoring our interview. Even as I grumble, I know he values his customer more. He is 54. But it is mostly the last 30 years that have made him the tired man he is. Brush with Idi Amin Wimpy was the best hotel in Kampala may be apart from Sheraton, says Ssembajjwe, suddenly frowning as if mourning the good old days. According to him, he was arrested and locked up at Naguru in 1974 on the orders of former governor of the Central Province Col. Abdallah Nasur. Nasur accused Ssembajjwe of overcharging a woman for a cup of tea.He cant remember how much he sold the cup of tea for. A man called Kassim ordered that I get 50 strokes of the cane, he recalls, making a fist with his heat-scarred fingers. That meant 100 strokes, he says. The whip swung left, and back to the right and counted for one stroke. I collapsed after only ten. Among the detainees who helped Ssembajjwe regain consciousness was former Kampala mayor Nasser Sebaggala. Nasur later gave Wimpy (Franchise Ltd) Restaurant then located at Plot 51 Kampala Road to a man who had been the District Commissioner in Mbale. Ssembajjwe then fled to Kenya. A Ugandan good Samaritan, Muhamood Saad gave him Kshs 50,000, which he used to buy a failing restaurant on Dubois Road in Nairobi. Colouring the locality with manila paper adverts, he reopened it as Bugerere Restaurant with a two-week promotion of free tea. Curious customers came for the free tea but they ended up buying many of the snacks which we made, Ssembajjwe recalls, smiling apparently at his cleverness then. We served tea until 9.00 pm. At the end of the first day we had 10 percent profit. Introducing matooke later, he promoted free food but the diners had to buy the sauce. There was no turning back. Bugerere became particularly popular with Ugandans in Nairobi. Ssembajjwe later took over Kibichiku Restaurant on River Road, and another down market restaurant in Ishiri, a Nairobi suburb. Helping the NRM struggle As more and more Ugandans met more often at Kibichiku, Ssembajjwe came to identify members of the National Resistance Movement External Committee. Already he was known to committee secretary Sam Njuba. He went on to meet people like Mathew Rukikaire, Amama Mbabazi, Ruhakana Rugunda, Dr Kanyerezi and former vice president Samson Kisekka (RIP). They often came to get fresh news from Kampala. At one time (he is not sure which year), a group of NRA recruits were taken to Nairobi on their way to Libya for military training.For nearly a month, Ssembajjwe says he put them up and fed them as their documents were being processed. When the trained warriors returned, again he played the host. Haa, I dont know where they are now. Bakulu Mpagi died, recalls Ssembajjwe reflectively. There was one called Muhaire; I heard he is in America. Asked why he helped the cause although as he claims he wasnt paid, Ssembajjwe says it was for the hope of a better Uganda. He thought that one day he like many other exiles would be free to return home and carry on with their lives. He has in his possession a couple of letters of recommendation written by Rukikaire and Njuba acknowledging his contribution. Working without pay All went according to plan. The NRM captured power. Ssembajjwe returned poor. His old NRM contacts helped. He recalls that Dr Rugunda, then Transport Minister, recommended him to Uganda Transport Company. He recommended me because of my contribution in Nairobi and I got a tender to prepare lunch for 320 UTC staff. But as UTC went into receivership in 1995 Ssembajjwe says he was owed nearly Shs 16 million. For a year, Ssembajjwe made numerous journeys to the Coopers & Lybrand (the UTC liquidators) but was not paid. At one point he was told the only invoices Cooper and Lybrand could trace were worth 6.3 millio
ugnet_: Law society gets new boss
Law society gets new boss FOCUS: Outgoing ULS boss Andrew Kasirye and Adriko By Jude Etyang Moses Adriko is the new president of the Uganda Law Society (ULS) after securing a landslide victory in a two-man race on Saturday. Adriko, who polled 149 votes against John Mike Musisis 49, promised to professionalise the ULS secretariat and improve the skills and competitiveness of Uganda lawyers. We shouldnt become a running commentator of public issues. Thats not a statutory role. We shall continue to pursue our statutory roles of advocating constitutionalism, rule of law and human rights in an authoritative non-partisan way, he said after the election at the Kololo-based ULS headquarters. Adriko said ULS should remain professional, non-partisan and apolitical. Introducing him before the electorate, the East African Law Society president, Prof. Frederick Ssempebwa, said Adriko was a brilliant and promising young lawyer. Adriko, who was member of the outgoing executive, is a graduate of the University of East Anglia in Norwich. Deo Nzingoma beat Erias Lukwago to the vice-presidency. Deepa Verma and Agaba Maguru were elected secretary and treasurer respectively unopposed. The presidential legal officer, Fox Odoi, stepped down for an executive post when his nomination met with jeers. Ends Published on: Monday, 26th April, 2004 Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Otto attacks Mao over third term talk
Otto attacks Mao over third term talk By Apollo Mubiru ARUU county Member of Parliament Otto Odonga has accused Gulu Municipality MP Nobert Mao for supporting a third term for President Museveni. It was a crazy statement from my colleague Mao to say that he wanted President Museveni to contest in 2006, so that he could have a serious challenger, Otto said. This follows Maos recent statement that he wanted the President to stand for the 2006 elections so that he could get a serious challenger. Otto said Maos statement belittled him in northern Uganda and people had doubts about his credibility. He said Mao was a lawyer who knew what the Constitution stipulated about presidential term limits. Otto said Maos statement created an impression of multiparty activistists joining the pro-third term agitators. He asked Mao to sensitise people about their constitutional rights so that they can choose a leader of their choice. Otto said he would launch a report entitled the bla ck report on the 15 May to expose the misery of people in camps. He appealed to residents to join him in a peaceful demonstration that day starting at the Constitutional Square. He said the demonstration would end at the Parliament where the report would be launched. Ends Published on: Monday, 26th April, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomThe new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Prof. Kiwanuka wrong about Wapa
Prof. Kiwanuka wrong about WapaBy DR J. Oloka - OnyangoApril 27, 2004 It was rather dishonest of Prof. Ssemakula Kiwanuka, minister of state for Luwero to begin by apologising to the late James Wapakhabulo and then going on to completely distort and misrepresent the contents of his letter on the issue of lifting term limits (New Vision, April 21, p.28). Indeed, Wapa is probably already turning in his grave at this deliberate but infantile effort to put words into his mouth, and by the blatant attempt by Prof. Kiwanuka to twist his message for political gain. Prof. Kiwanuka is a well-known historian, but in this most recent article, he has demonstrated an acute lack of historical knowledge, as much as he has confirmed a near total confusion about the law. First of all, a point of clarification for the record: I have re-read Wapa's letter, and nowhere did he state that " the courts would challenge the sovereignty of Ugandans to choose how they want to be governed and by whom?" as Prof. Kiwanuka alleges. What Wapa said in his letter was very clear, and for the sake of correcting the record it needs to be re-stated. First of all, he pointed out that the provisions on amendment of the Constitution are very concise. The Constitution can only be amended directly via the provisions of Chapter 18, and not indirectly by the referendum proposed by the Minister of Justice, Janat Mukwaya, which falls under Chapter 17. All such an exercise would do in his opinion is provide "propaganda value." It would be of no legal effect insofar as amendment of the provision on term limits is concerned. My own view on this issue is that such a referendum would in fact be unconstitutional and designed principally to intimidate and coerce members of Parliament. [In other words it would provide only "intimidatory" value]. Secondly, Wapa stated that in order to avoid political tension and drawn out arguments over the matter-ultimately involving judicial interpretation of the issue by the courts of law-it is best to follow the very clear provisions of the Constitution on how Article 105(2) can be lawfully amended. That power was vested in Parliament, which can exercise it by a two-thirds majority on the 2nd and 3rd reading of the amendment bill. It is apparent from his letter, that Wapa believed that the Movement could actually marshal the necessary majority in Parliament. Prof. Kiwanuka goes on to accuse Wapa of being among those "scared of a referendum because their views are unpopular with the voters." In this respect, a little bit of history would serve the learned history professor in good stead. The reason why the 1995 Constitution establishes what ranks as among the most elaborate mechanisms for amendment in the world was because of the fears of Constituent Assembly delegates of precisely the kind of manipulation that Prof. Kiwanuka and Ms Mukwaya want to indulge in. The 1995 Constitution provides for different levels of amendment depending upon the provision of the instrument sought to be amended. Each level of amendment is laid out in very clear language as to which institutions are to be given the task of effecting the change. The institutions involved in amendment are basically three: Parliament, the District Councils and the People (in a referendum). Prof. Kiwanuka should first of all note that all these institutions are made up of the 'voters' he touts so loudly. Secondly, the role chosen for the voters in the amendment process was carefully designed, in some cases involving their direct involvement, and in others through their chosen representatives. This explains why Article 105(1) which makes the presidential term of office five years, is amended differently from the very next Article 105(2) providing for the two term limit. In other words, different methods of amendment are provided for in respect of two articles addressing similar issues (the presidential tenure of office). Prof. Kiwanuka should ask himself why this is so. Once again, Prof. Kiwanuka invokes Article 1 (providing for the sovereign right of the people) without stipulating that the sovereign power of the people in that article must be exercised "in accordance with this Constitution." To say that the exercise of people's power is open-ended and unlimited is to demonstrate a complete and fatal ignorance of the provisions of the Constitution. Indeed, it is to negate the more than seven-year effort that went into the design of the instrument, starting with the Odoki Commission and culminating in the Constituent Assembly (CA), and the longer history of the struggle against dictatorship. Furthermore, the Constitution does not use the words "contentious," "politically significant" or "very important" in any of its provisions dealing with amendment. To invoke those words as Prof. Kiwanuka does in order to justify a referendum on term limits can only be described as "propagandist" in the very same way that Wapa argued that the term limits refer
ugnet_: Baruuli clan opt out of Buganda federal state
Baruuli clan opt out of Buganda federal state HAPPY: Kabakas representative from Goma sub-county Abbas Male greets Kabaka Ronald Mutebi who was recently touring his land and forests in Mukono By Frederick Kiwanuka THE Baruuli clan heads have opted out of the proposed Buganda federal state saying they were sceptical of the kingdoms motives. They said the Baruuli were not party to the current demands by the Mengo establishment to give the Kabaka more powers because the Baruuli were harassed when the Kabaka had powers in the 60s. These are some of the resolutions of a recent meeting of the Baruuli-banyara clan heads held in Nakasongola town under the Chairmanship of the Ssaabaruuli (the supreme cultural head of the 129 clans). Ssaabaruuli Salongo Mwogezi said on Thursday that the meeting held in Nakasongola aimed at deciding on the demands for autonomy made by Mengo. Nakasongola, inhabited by the Baruuli, is one of the counties of the Buganda kingdom. We do not want the federo that Buganda is demanding for. We prefer to remain under the central government Mwogezi said. Ends Published on: Tuesday, 27th April, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomProtect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: M7 relagated to the dustbin of things in SA?
From : ... Sent : Tuesday, April 27, 2004 3:17 PM To : [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject : What a friend in Azania had to say about M7 | | | Inbox Today is a public holiday here in RSA. So we have the day off. But mostly so we can admire what Mandela, Mbeki & Co. have achieved over the last 10 years. It was Mbeki's inauguration and also celebrating 10 Years of Democracy. There were 25 African Heads of State including M7. But incredibly, South African television didn't give him any time of day. They (and the 40.000 people) had the hots for everyone--Kabila, Mugabe, Gaddafi, Kibaki, Muluzi, Chissano, Kagame, Obasanjo, everyone, believe me. But not M7! People here don't take him very seriously. There is a sense that because he is talking of staying in power (or not talking about it), he is out of step with Mbeki's NEPAD, AU and African Renaissance. I have never seen M7 look so unimportant in my life! And he actually looked so despondent. And to add insult to serious slight, they put him very far at the back, while people like Chissano sat on the podium. .. This is true. I watched the CNN and BBC news and never saw M7 anywhere near the people that mattered! Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Peasants trapped in politics of greed
Peasants trapped in politics of greed By Odoi Erisa Yoga April 29, 2004 It is not uncommon and in fact real, for political organisations to draw the bulk of their political support from the rural masses as they ignore the often strong and critical opposition from the minority urban elite. This seemingly massive political support from the rural masses may not be taken as misconstrued by political as endorsement of their political programme and goodwill per se. The social setting in an African rural countryside does not permit the majority of the residents to view issues in more than one dimension, be they social, economic or political, and be able to analyse them beyond the dictates of their social confinement. Human nature is such that it will limit peoples behaviour and attitudes according to certain principles based on their needs. The needs of the majority of people in the rural countryside are circumstantially basic and for survival. These needs such as food, water, shelter, security and belonging are so basic that if they are not realised, they form a ghetto out of which a human being cannot appreciate any other needs or values. It follows that such category of people will simply not be able to pay attention to any concerns outside this horizon, which defines their level of motivation. This explains why it has not been possible to draw the attention of the rural masses to crucial political issues of democracy and its tenets. Their concern is limited to their survival needs of security, what they will eat and whether they will be able to sleep. They do not have a future to plan for and work towards, and it is why anything a politician or political group will do that takes care of their needs will motivate them but the same cannot be said for something seemingly as abstract as democracy, social justice or good governance. Politicians have taken advantage of this unfortunate reality to garner populist support from the vast unsuspecting and unconscious rural catchment area. This unconscious offer of support can never be a true demonstration of endorsement of political programmes and goodwill as portrayed by the politicians but rather a manifestation of apathy. Governments faced with the tough demands for genuine democratisation by the urban elite therefore find sanctuary in developing programmes that will motivate the rural masses at their level for the main purpose of using them to entrench themselves in power. They do not have a real genuine desire to improve the lot of rural peoples. An example of this can be found in the decentralisation programme in Uganda. Decentralisations appeal to the rural masses came by way of devolving power and decision making to them. This programme was intended to make the Movement government a darling to the rural masses, to be translated into political support and hence subdue the vocal and pragmatic urban elite. The low esteem in which the game of politics is held today, resulting from the loss of integrity by the political actors through greed, dictatorship and double standards in the face of the voting masses has bred more apathy. Many people will just not bother with politics or voting, knowing that their efforts and views will not be respected. Apathy is a very dangerous trend in any culture as it is indicative of a backward society that cannot appreciate higher values. It is also symptomatic of a bad underhand political culture that does not inspire but suppresses the political growth of the society. While denial of basic needs will work to suppress the emotional spirit of a society yielding apathy, denial of higher needs will breed a conscious search for the same. This conscious search, otherwise a healthy political activity, sometimes turns out in very ugly forms. Civil strife and rebellions are desperate conscious searches for unmet higher needs. A society which has met its basic needs will naturally strive for higher unmet needs and values irrespective of the constraints that they may be in place because their consciousness is activated. It has been said of some government leaders that keeping the population in a situation that will not inspire them to demand higher values of democracy, rights, freedoms and justice but keep them satisfied at their level, providing the passive electorate is easy to manipulate, is their undeclared operative policy. If this is anything to go by anywhere, it would be most unfortunate that in this otherwise celebrated era of modernisation and democratisation around the world that the Movement government is taking a backward step. Politicians and their groups should be considerate and courageous enough to meaningfully address the pertinent political questions of the day which tie around the needs of the population but not defer and relegate them to lower rungs in the leadership ladder. [EMAIL PROTECTED] © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 helps ELIM
ugnet_: AYUME: rumours he was killed by Kakooza Mutale.
Subject : AYUME: rumours he was killed by Kakooza Mutale. | | | Inbox M7s killer squad headed by Kakooza Mutale of President's Office (freshly reinstated) murdered Attorney General Francis Ayume last night in Nakasongola. Ayume's only crime was his standing firm against M7's Third Term project in most recent cabinet meeting. He is also known to have been preparing a document in support of late Wapakabulo's views against M7 who has for recently politically sidelined and replaced Ayume with Janet Mukwaya for govt legal support. Other ministers who supported Ayume included Prof Edward Rugumayo and Major Butiime of Foreign Affairs. Sources from Nakasero State House say M7 gave Ayume altimatum to toe his line by early yesterday (Sunday 16 May) or face his anger. M7 kept his word and Ayume was murdered by President's Office official terrorist Kakooza Mutaale's within the deadline. Kakooza's Kalangala Action Plan (KAP) is funded under official budget approved by parliament and donors like Britain. Recently, donors refused to approve M7's budgetory proposals. More information about the beleagured M7 will be forthcoming. Smart Musolin Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: AYUME: rumours he was killed by Kakooza Mutale.
Ssemakula, You want me to provide evidence on rumours? Are you sick or something? If you were in Kla like i am , you would feel the tension and thickness of these and other rumours! Rgds Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom Original Message Follows From: "J Ssemakula" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: ugnet_: AYUME: rumours he was killed by Kakooza Mutale. Date: Tue, 18 May 2004 00:54:43 + << message3.txt >> The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE* Do you have any proof whatsoever? Who or what is the source of these allegations? ----Original Message Follows From: "gook makanga" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: AYUME: rumours he was killed by Kakooza Mutale. Date: Mon, 17 May 2004 21:16:47 + Stop worrying about overloading your inbox - get MSN Hotmail Extra Storage!
ugnet_: Ayume feared to advise Cabinet
Ayume feared to advise Cabinet By Andrew M. Mwenda May 19, 2004 KAMPALA - Deceased Attorney General, Francis Ayume was uncomfortable making a recommendation to cabinet against using a referendum to amend article 105(2) of the constitution on term limits contrary to the expressed wish of the president. The president has already expressed a very strong position in favour of a referendum, Ayume had told this reporter, He has done this even after my advice to him, and after reading Wapas letter. (L-R) The late Attorney General Francis Ayume, Abola and Jean Maclean at the prize giving ceremony at Kinyara on Friday evening before he started his journey (Photo by Samuel Wossita)It will be difficult for me to again present this advice to cabinet against the presidents clearly expressed position. The president had written a letter on May 12th saying a referendum was sufficient to amend the controversial article.Ayume was supposed to make a presentation to cabinet on the morning of Monday May 17, 2004 at 8am, but died about eight hours before the cabinet meeting in a car crash. He was returning to Kampala. Ayume said he had met President Yoweri Museveni on the night of Tuesday May 11th, to discuss the amendment of article 105(2) of the constitution and also to discuss a proposal to create a new district in his home area of Koboko. He said he had advised the president against bypassing parliament in amending article 105(2). The late Attorney General further said that he was concerned that some people were misleading the president on the law and blocking contrary legal opinions from reaching him. This reporter met Ayume on Friday evening, May 14th after his golf game and before he went for a cocktail party. This reporter agreed with Ayume to hold another meeting on Saturday at 3pm, because the Attorney General said he was going to be occupied Saturday morning, chairing a cabinet sub committee meeting to draw up the proposal for the Monday meeting, but the Saturday meeting never materialized. In the discussion, Ayume said he was intrigued that a letter by a Historical leader in the movement and government like James Wapakabulo, who was Second Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs could take five months to reach the president. Ayume worried that certain forces were blocking the presidents access to his ministers advice and therefore making him hostage to their interests. When I read the presidents letter [to the vice president] saying he (the president) only read Wapas letter on April 26th, I contacted the people at state house and asked why it had taken this long for the president to read it, Ayume said, I was told that secretaries at State House had not passed it on to the president. In his letter to the vice president, President Museveni said his legal assistant Hussein Kashillingi, had, on March 24, written a brief for him on Wapakabulos letter, exactly four months and one day since State House received the letter.Kashillingi has refused to comment on this story saying he cannot discuss State House matters in the press. Kashillingi advised this reporter to speak to the presidents Principle Private Secretary (PPS), Joan Magezi. However, attempts to speak to Mrs Magezi were futile as her mobile phone is with her sister and she was not available on her office line. However, a copy of Wapakabulos letter obtained by this reporter is dated November 19th 2003 and stamped RECEIVED by State House on November 23rd 2003, four days after it was written. President Museveni says he read it on April 26th 2004, five months and three days since State House secretaries received it. Ayume told this reporter that he had asked State House why they had blocked Wapakabulos letter from reaching the president. State house said they had given the letter to Kashillingi on March 24th, who summarised it the same day and gave it to the presidents PPS. Ayume further said he confronted Kashillingi and asked him why as legal assistant he did not ensure the president gets the letter immediately. He said Kashillingi told him that Mrs. Magezi, upon reading Wapakabulos letter and Kashillingis brief immediately despatched a car with a driver to take it to the president who was in Soroti at the time.The late Attorney General told this reporter that he had learnt that Mrs. Magezi wrote a note addressed to the presidents personal assistant, Amelia Kyambadde, in Soroti, insisting she (Amelia) should ensure that the president reads that letter tonight. Ayume said further that Mrs Magezi had also asked Ms Kyambadde in the note to arrange for His Excellency to meet Mr. Wapakabulo. Ayume wondered how a letter which the presidents PPS dispatched to Soroti on March 24th, and was addressed to the presidents personal assistant could have been kept away from the president for another one month and two days. The Attorney General told this reporter he was afraid for the president because there seemed to
ugnet_: M7 can read the constitution correctly when he wants to?-Anne Mugisha
14th May, 2004 The Editor The Monitor Kampala The President has just handed Parliament a golden opportunity to prove that they can act independently and re-affirm our belief in the separation of the organs of government. In his reaction to the disapproval of the Donors, (oops, I meant development partners); of skyrocketing defense expenditure and an oversized and ineffective public administration this is what the President said: Our budget making is a sovereign decision. We get support from them. And if they dont agree, the only thing they can do is to withhold their support. But our budget will go on. Our budget can only be rejected or approved by Parliament. Nobody else. Now I am sure a lot of people could not have missed the irony of this statement because a couple of days before summoning the press chiefs to utter these words, the same press had published a letter in which President Museveni responded to the Late James Wapakhabulos objection to holding a referendum to remove presidential term limits. In that letter the President had another perception of the role of Parliament in doing sovereign business and this is what he wrote: Really!! This is amazing. To whom then, does the country belong - to the people or to Parliament? MPs are servants of the people. How can somebody equate them with the latter or even say the former are higher than the latter. And so while these two statements are not in direct contradiction with each other their high correlation and amusement factor is that in the space of two days the President found reason to undermine the legitimacy of the constitutional powers vested in Parliament and then without batting an eyelid reaffirm its sovereignty to the Donors. President Museveni is a gifted orator, a daring fighter, a passable writer but one thing he has admitted to us in the past is that he is not a good dancer. In the last two days he demonstrated his poor dancing skills by failing to twist his way out of this rather embarrassing predicament. His two left feet have not only made him stumble through his media utterances he is also quickly getting himself up in to a bind. One thing that is clear from the Presidents remarks is that he indeed can interpret the Constitution truthfully when he chooses to. Indeed Article 91, 93, 152-157 when read together determine that the powers of appropriation for governments expenditure are shared by the executive and parliament and Donors are not given and legal powers to approve or disapprove the budget. Of course the irritating detail here is that Parliament cannot appropriate what it does not have. Government revenue which comes from taxation has never been enough to meet its recurrent expenditure and so every year it is an accepted tradition to parade our inadequacy to our development partners so that they can pay back what they took from us through slave trade and brain drain by financing the balance that we cannot finance ourselves. Normally all things being equal, our partners in this unequal relationship will oblige and government will go ahead and spend on its pet projects until the next year when we repeat this regular spectacle of begging. But recently the donors have stopped playing ball. Our defense spending has gone through the roof at the expense of social services that might lift us out of crushing poverty. Meantime corruption is rampant and the corrupt get away with impunity while the government goes after the smaller thieves leaving the big ones to enjoy their ill-gotten wealth. One of the means that government uses to alleviate poverty has been through expanding the public service such that every political protégé can dr aw a salary and allowance from the Consolidated Fund. Indeed the President admits that: But some of it is a result of our enthusiasm for empowering our people who had been marginalised, who had been denied power. We involved many people in local administration. The result has been a big, inefficient and corrupt public administration which the Donors can no longer justify to their constituents. The President has enthused that: The budget can un-depend on all these donors if it becomes necessary. What you call donors always come when we have cleared the horizon. When we were fighting Obote and Amin we had no partners. Nobody stood with us when Sudan was attacking us. Our budget [only] partially depends on what you call donors. What I cant accept is to stop thinking and someone thinks for me. Well the President has to think very hard because the other irritating detail is that the partners have been forking out nearly half of the recurrent budget. So what the President is asking is that we find a way of contributing twice as much revenue as we have been doing. In other words, it may be time for you to get on your knees and pray that the rumored oil well in the Lake actually throws up some oil. Otherwise be prepared for even less effective governmen
ugnet_: Subject : Re: Ayume insisted on trip -Ayume murdered by the system!
As of this morning in Kampala, another senior Police officer, John Odwe is said to have dismissed the earlier allegation that the late Ayume's car was hit by a trailer. Odwe spoke to the media and said that the late Ayume's car has been analysed and there is no sign of an impact from a trailer. This is a direct contradiction to what another senior Police officer, Asumani Mugenyi had said earlier when he stated that there was a trailer involved. May be this explains why the late Ayume's car is said to have been towed to a private garage first immediately following the accident instead of towing it directly to the Police yard. The lizard Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomMSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: And the plot thinkens!---No trailer link in Ayume crash !!!!
No trailer link in Ayume crash By Mwanguhya Charles Mpagi May 21, 2004 KAMPALA - As details of Sundays accident that killed Attorney General Francis Ayume continue to emerge, Police have ruled out the possibility of a hit and run or head on collision as the cause of the crash. Police said yesterday preliminary investigations have so far ruled out reports that a semi trailer headed in the opposite direction killed the AG. Ayume, 64, was killed in a grisly accident on Sunday night as he travelled to Kampala from Masindi where he had presided over a golf tourney. Ayume and his bodyguard, Mr Michael Geriga, died instantly. The deputy Inspector General of Police, Julius Odwee, told the weekly cabinet briefing at Nakasero that police have abandoned three of the four clues they were initially following. He said they ruled out a head on collision, a hit and run or potholes as likely causes of the accident. Odwee said the only theory still open to investigation is whether the vehicle independently crashed without any obstacle. He said police investigation will be completed within two weeks. He said that initial inspection of the vehicle had not revealed any contact or knock on the vehicle. The accident From the point of the accident, police said, the vehicle zig zagged on and off the road for a stretch of 140 metres. It first reportedly deflected off the road into the bush before it overturned or somersaulted over 12.8 metres, glided in the bush for 46.3 metres, and then zig zagged back into the road for a stretch of 39.0 metres and skidded on the road for an extra 17metres. The bodies were found out of the wreckage. Police said it was not yet clear if they jumped out or the vehicle flung them out. Ayumes body was found 12metres from where the vehicle finally stopped while that of the bodyguard was found six meters ahead. The driver was trapped on his seat while Butele had been flung into the back seats. Police said the indications were that the occupants did not use their seat belts. Odwee said he received information of the accident at around midnight on Sunday, about two hours after it had happened. He recounted a report by a Ministry of Works driver who was apparently the first to arrive on the scene. The driver, whom he did not name, had stopped at Migera trading centre for coffee when the AGs vehicle passed. He followed it in an effort to form a convoy as they drove back to Kampala. A short distance from Migera, the driver apparently met a lorry moving at slow speed. After about two minutes of driving, he realised that the AGs car was not in sight - when he put on full lights he realised it was in the road facing a different direction. On reaching the vehicle, he found the driver trapped in his seat, Mr Butele, who was previously sitting in the co-VIP seat had been thrown to the back of the car. He was crying for help. Odwee said investigations by Police indicate that the vehicle was possibly travelling at high speed. Police are investigating the possibility that the car had a slow puncture or sudden loss of pressure leading the driver to lose control. He said policemen deployed to follow the alleged hit-and-run trailer had come up with no clue. We found no evidence whatsoever that there was any contamination (on all lorries inspected) at Migera, he said. He said so far the police have established that the vehicle had a good record of service having been serviced in February, March and on May 5. Odwee said the accident spot had not been marked a dark spot in police records. In a related development, Housing and Communications minister Mr. John Nasasira told Parliament that Ayumes car did not have contact with a trailer before it lost control. He said the trailer simply flashed full lights at the Attorney Generals car, which later lost control. He said the vehicle rolled four times. Nasasira said in the process of rolling the bodies of the bodyguard and that of Ayume were flung out of the car. But Budadiri West MP Nandala Mafabi wondered why the car had been seen in a garage in Ndeeba. Nasasira said the car was taken there after Police inspection. He said the garage is a government facility. He refuted reports that the road on which they were traveling is full of potholes. He said there is only one eight-inch pothole on that road. Additional reporting by Gerald Walulya. © 2004 The Monitor Publications There is a surviver Butele..why dont they ask him what he saw? Why different versions from the "Murder" state operatives? Fundamental change or clear line? Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomProtect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Dont bother MPs; the peasants can decide on budget
Hello Mr President By David Ouma Balikowa Dont bother MPs; the peasants can decide on budget May 21, 2004 Our beloved President Yoweri Museveni, determined to lift the presidential term limits, says only the peasants and not Parliament will decide on this matter through a referendum. Museveni says absolute power rests with the people, the majority of whom are peasants. The learned judges like Prof. George Kanyeihamba and parliamentarians can go hang for he will not let them touch the constitution. He will instead use the peasants to lift the current two five-year presidential term limit in what is widely seen as a ploy to cling onto power after his fair share ends in 2006. Finance minister Ssendaula signing a million dollar loan agreement with the World Banks Judith OConnor in January. The donor community has stood firm against Mr President Musevenis wishes to have a costly referendum on presidential term limits (File photo).Well, the total disregard of the legislature was before the donors threw out his draft budget for the 2004/2005 financial year. The donors who meet half the three trillion shilling budget, have this time around dug in over what they see as over expenditure on defence and Musevenis planned referendum on term limits. This time round, the President was quick to remind the donors that it is Parliament and not them (donors) to decide on the constitution. But if Museveni trusts the peasants more than anyone else including Parliament and now the donors, he could as well put the budget before them to decide. Strangely, if Museveni were to put the choice between the budget and the constitution to the peasants, they could surprise him by choosing to deal with the budget instead. This is how they would most probably proceed on the budget: Knowing how Museveni now distrusts the donors, the peasants immediate attention would be drawn to the Presidents foreign trips that cost the taxpayer billions of shillings every year. They would quickly cancel that item off the budget and instead ask Museveni to spend more time travelling upcountry to sort out their numerous problems. Since Museveni does not require his presidential jet to travel around the country, the peasants would decide that it be auctioned off immediately to raise money for fixing broken boreholes. Someone might try to remind them that the daughters of the first family need to use the presidential jet to deliver babies abroad. Trust the peasants to come up with brilliant solutions to big national problems like this. The first daughters will not need the jet any longer when the peasants decide the budget. The peasants will gladly provide a traditional birth attendant at some convenient place like State House for the daughters to the first family. They will also gladly provide a herbalist or some witchdoctor for Museveni in case he still mistrusts the doctors at Mulago Hospital. Museveni has often said that he would never allow a Mulago doctor touch him lest he dies. But the peasants will assure him that some of our witchdoctors use remote control to treat their patients. So when Museveni gets backache, the doctors provided by the peasants will not have to travel from Rwakitura or Mawokota to State House in Kampala. All they would do is go in the garden and massage a tree and Musevenis back would be healed by remote control. With modern technology, they could even do it via the Internet, although those are the gadgets peasants would quickly strike out from the national budget. State dinners for foreign dignitaries also cost the country heavily. The peasants will quickly observe that foreign dignitaries sometimes visit us too much. We simply cannot afford the dinners. The peasants will gladly do surgery on that menu; strike off items like spaghetti, butter, beef and replace them with akalo (millet), amazutta (local ghee). Remember the peasants can only afford to eat beef on Christmas days. So they would gladly strike off beef and replace it with molokonyi (cow hoofs) because that is what Uganda can ably afford after all. We should not also forget that for the 17 years as the NRM celebrated anniversary after anniversary of their capture of state power, the rulers ate all the good meat of the carcass and all the peasants were left with was to scramble for the hooves and rectums. The peasants would be too glad to return the favour if given the chance to decide on what goes into the rich tummies of our rulers. Some years ago, Museveni told the nation that his wife fetches the food they eat in State House from their village home in Rwakitrura. The peasants would be too glad to strike out those fat stomached State House suppliers and instead send Museveni kashera (millet porridge) and reduce on the long list of unpaid state suppliers. The peasants would also not be amused to find in the budget items like toilet paper costing the taxpayer hundreds of millions of shillings? Toilet paper for what? Some will quick
ugnet_: Museveni decorates Qaddaffi
I thought the NRA was a "grassroot peoples movement" without any outside help? The first of its kind in the whole of Afrika? At one time we hear Moi helped NRA and yet at other times Tanzania now Libya. Was NRA a puppet rebel group and M7 a stooge? gook Museveni decorates Qaddaffi By Grace Naisamura May 22, 2004 KAMPALA - President Yoweri Museveni has decorated the Libyan leader, Col. Muamar Qaddaffi with Ugandas highest military medal, The Order of Katonga. Qaddaffi was honoured for his contribution to the National Resistance Army (NRA) bush struggle that liberated the country from dictatorship, a statement from the Presidential press secretary, Onapito-Ekomoloit says. President Yoweri Museveni arrives at Nakaseke Hospital in Luweero on a bodaboda Wednesday . The motorcycle is decorated with dry banana leaves (essanja) symbolising the third term (ekisanja). The President later toured the facilities available at the hospital. (Photo by PPU) General Museveni, who concluded a short visit to Libya on Friday, decorated Qaddaffi on Thursday during a dinner the Libyan leader hosted in Tripoli, the statement issued on Friday says. Qaddaffi was one of the foreign contributors to the NRA bush war whom Museveni awarded medals on April 6, 2004 - when he was being promoted to the rank of General in the UPDF and also retired from the army. In a citation he read before decorating Qaddaffi, Museveni said the Libyan leader was commended by the UPDF as a great fighter who made immense contribution to the liberation of Uganda as early as 1981. He added that Colonel Qaddaffi has always been at the forefront of the Liberation of Africa and Unification of the continent. He hailed the Libyan leader for helping unite Muslems in Uganda. The President thanked the Libyan people for investing in Uganda and helping accelerate the countrys development. At the same occasion, Museveni decorated other Libyan military officers who helped the NRA with the order of Kabalega and the order of Rwenzori medals. Ugandas minister for regional Co-operation Augustine Nshimye, Ugandas envoy to Libya William Hakiza, MPs Umar Lule, Teopista Sentongo (Workers) and the Libyan ambassador to Uganda, Abdallah Bujeldian, attended the ceremony. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomAdd photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Witness saw Ayume trailer !
tness saw Ayume trailer THIS IS IT: Sekatte points at the spot where a pothole had been filled up with murram by Ministry of Works personnel By Patrick Luganda AND Andrew Kalema An eye witness has recounted how he saw a trailer truck drive away from the accident scene where Attorney General Francis Ayume died last Sunday. The New Vision also established that a pothole that may have caused the accident was re-sealed by Ministry of Works personnel on Thursday morning. The crew was later in the afternoon seen working on other potholes 1.6km from Kyankonwa where Ayume died. Jackson Sekatte, the LC1 chairman of Kasambya village in Nakasongola, said he was locking his roadside shop just after 10:30pm when he heard the sound of metal scraping on tarmac, followed by three successive loud thuds. Let me tell the truth as I saw it. I immediately went into the road to see what could have happened. I saw a trailer with full lights coming from the Kampala direc- tion. It was not moving fast. The trailers cabin was white and the trailer was covered with a tarpaulin. It had no r ear lights, so I had no chance to see the number plates. In the distance, I saw a stationary vehicle in the road with double indicator lights flashing. I rode my bicycle to the scene and found two bodies, one on the side of the road, and the other in front of the stationary vehicle on the tarmac, Sekatte said. Sekatte made his narrative to The New Vision on Thursday as journalists visited the scene. He said the trailer driver may have been confused by a pothole, lost control, swerved off the road and caused Ayumes driver to get off the main road. I do not believe the trailer hit the vehicle, Sekatte said. The New Vision was directed to Sekatte by Nakasongola Police Station chief. Earlier on, residents had refused to talk to the press, saying their testimony could be used against them. We cannot go as witnesses to the Police, one man said. But thereafter, they led The New Vision to Sekattes shop. Published on: Saturday, 22nd May, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomSTOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Ayume, Wapa death exposes inept govt
Ayume, Wapa death exposes inept govt By Karoli Ssemogerere May 28, 2004 In the last three months, government has lost two Cabinet ministers and former Speakers of Parliament; foreign minister James Wapakhabulo and Attorney General Francis Ayume. James Wapakhabulo died in his sleep at his private residence in Bugolobi. At the time of his death, government seemed not to have a proper explanation of his whereabouts. It was huge shame when the government spokesperson, Dr James Nsaba-Buturo explained sheepishly that the minister had gone on some form of bed rest or sick leave. In many civilised countries, the health of the countrys chief diplomat is a matter of public concern, not to be taken lightly. Even though the foreign minister is not part of the chain of succession, the very nature of his position and access to classified matters of state entitles him to more than a passing look. It is a shame that the late Wapakhabulo lived his last days in nearly total isolation after he civilly wrote a private opinion to the President opposing the lifting of term limits outside the constitutionally prescribed procedures. Wapakhabulos career had ended in self pity and disappointment especially after he climbed down from the Speakers perch to the backbenches in anticipation of being anointed as presidential candidate in 2006. Neither the President nor his top aides, who these days appear to be more authoritative than cabinet ministers have explained why the Wapakhabulo lacked transport to travel to a cabinet meeting. It is still all the more mind-boggling that the Presidents principal private secretary (who is not Secretary to the Cabinet) or his personal assistant- Amelia Kyambadde had the unfettered administrative discretion to place in queue a matter of importance: communications between members of cabinet and the President. Ayumes passing was even more violent and tragic. At the time of his death, Ayume was in a quandary of sorts. Increasingly, his constitutional duty specified in Article 119(4) enshrining his role as principal legal adviser to government, with the authority to draft or peruse agreements entered into by the government, was being usurped by the Office of the President.There are many instances when government, including on the issue of term limits, went straight to the Solicitor General. In other more shameful instances, a completely grey area of cadres clothed in the legitimacy of being legal advisers and legal assistants to the President, held out in officialdom advising cabinet and the office and person of the President. President Musevenis reply to Wapakhabulo illustrated an image of total breakdown in official government protocol. Wapakhabulos letter written in plain English had to be summarised f or him by a junior legal aide freshly out of law school, a one Hussein Kashillingi. The learned Attorney General, with nearly 36 years behind him in the profession had to go through these junior legal officers to explain his dissatisfaction with the administrative processes at State House. Ayumes signature was absent on several shameful agreements concluded by the Government of Uganda including Bidco, Tri-Star Apparel, or even the most controversial divestitures, a line of inquiry that was completely ignored by Parliament. We cannot continue running a country as if it were some feudal 18th Century feudal court. The arrogance of officialdom must end. For if, the first reaction to a car accident involving an accident of an officer of state is to attempt a cover-up through dispatch of an official vehicle to a car garage, before completion of an official investigation for repairs, reactions encased in innuendo and finger-pointing cannot be avoided.The official newspaper, The New Vision first offered that Kyakonwa was a road design problem, laced with potholes, a story dismissed out of hand by assertions by Roads minister, John Mwono Nasaasira on the floor of Parliament. At this point in time, it even appears that the ministers vehicle simply lost control of itself contrary to eye witnesses who saw a trailer in the wake of the accident pulling away. At this time, only Parliament can put a stop to this madness. The privil eges of cabinet ministers should include some form of round-the-clock physical and radio protection. The situation of a sidelined minister dying in his bed after ailing for months cannot arise if some form of institutional responsibility existed. And while Ugandas roads continue to be the graveyard they are, assigning a mechanically incompetent vehicle/technically deficient driver to chauffeur the countrys principal legal adviser would not similarly happen. In the worst case scenario, Polices Radio Room now infiltrated by intelligence organisations would be able to dispatch and corner any hit and run driver within minutes of the accident.May God Rest their Souls in Peace. Mr Ssemogerere is a Ugandan lawyer working in Washington D.C. © 2004 The Monitor Publications
ugnet_: Our options in 2006; watch for the fear factor
Our options in 2006; watch for the fear factor This & That: By Henry Ochieng May 29, 2004 The search for credibility should be the oppositions mantra if they truly believe that there can be more than a change of guard not just the suspicious this is not a mere change of guards on which we were fed in January 1986. Retrospection after the March 2001 contested presidential election results reveals that lead challenger, retired army colonel Dr Kizza Besigye imploded. To some, he lost substantial support because at one point the man began to sound intemperate and almost hysterical. Did Col. Besigye run out of control?Before things went off the wheels, there was, and still is, a number of voters who are/were not afraid to try out something new. But these voters are also pretty picky about the available options. So, the moment Dr Besigye began to sound like something out of a doomsday movie, doubts poured in over his suitability for the role of pretender to the throne. Dr Besigyes beginning was near perfect, buoyed by the goodwill that comes being an underdog. He came across as someone who was being persecuted for speaking the truth about a Movement organisation that had been run off the rails by speculators. Things, however, got out of hand when the talk of national revival was replaced by a loud, vindictive-sounding message. It appeared that between him and the Presidency was a personal war of vengeance against incumbent Yoweri Museveni. His sympathisers, many of whom form part of todays neoopposition, worried that the conciliatory tone that would have appealed to the moderates and fence-sitters was lost in the howls of retribution (someone in the Reform Agenda clearly took the symbolism of the hammer too literally). They were afraid that immediately Museveni was ushered out of State House a countrywide dragnet for former regime enthusiasts would get underway. For them, an inquisition had only one insinuation for mother Uganda that was trying to walk away from a past where political opponents were bludgeoned into non-existence. Remember post-1971? Having deposed Dr Milton Obote, the deceased buffoon Idi Amin started seeing enemies in every dark alley. To deal with the apparitions, the dictator let his army of tribes-men loose on the nation in an orgy of killing that brought a swift and painful end to the lives of mostly Luo speaking Ugandans.When the Tanzanian army backed Ugandan exiles in 1979 and rid us of that lunacy, there are credible reports that liberator troops commanded by Luo speaking officers committed some of the worst crimes against humanity in the sub-region from which Amin hailed. Although, we cannot say for certain that the cerebral Dr Besigye would be a party to actual extra-judicial elimination of former regime elements, it was enough that he had them running scared. They were scared because either by commission or association a large number of the nouveau riche in post 1986 Uganda were accomplices in the crimes the colonel was implicating the Museveni Presidency in. It did not help when he began to obliquely associate himself with an alleged section of the army that was waiting in the wings to eject Museveni if he insisted on hanging around. This talk militarised the argument so much so that many politicians in Kampala feared that the country was being set up for faction-driven anarchy. Today, what goes for the opposition has again flirted with something they say is disenchantment with Museveni within the armed forces. Not only is this an ill-advised recourse that rears the ugly head of a weaponised election campaign, it also narrows down the conversation to just army matters. The other point is that again it drowns out the issues by focusing the conversation on the individual. Look around and you will make the fascinating discovery that 60% of the people who constitute todays active opposition are former insiders. As such they are sitting ducks for regime marksmen who have since happily lumped them together as a bunch of disgruntled opportunists. The best riposte in the circumstances appears to lie in reverting to the original Besigye plan: counter attack on the issues. As 2000 came to a close, Besigye was running away with it via his robust campaign against institutionalised corruption in the army that had ruined any chances of routing the crazy rebel Lords Resistance Army in the north; the rot in State House controlled finances and how nepotism was crippling government. Talking to the men who were under fire, one gets the sense that there was near panic in their ranks because they could not deny the facts of the colonels accusations. He had struck a chord with the population that had for long only spoken about these things in whispers. He also offered alternative policy positions in things like tax reform, an exhaustive overhaul of the 1995 Constitution, a dampening of the unbridled enthusiasm for privatisation and trade liberalisation that was expos
ugnet_: Black Ugandan captain Troops the Colour
Black captain Troops the Colour Ben Sempala-Ntege says he is 'extremely proud' of the roleA Ugandan-born Army captain is to become the first black officer to take command of an elite horse unit in the annual Trooping the Colour ceremony. Ben Sempala-Ntege, 27, will be left section commander of the King's Troop during the event on 12 June. He told The Sun newspaper: "Colour plays no part in the Army. "I am extremely proud to be the first black officer in the Royal Horse Artillery ever to take part in the Queen's Birthday Parade," he added. Capt Sempala-Ntege, who fled Ugandan dictator Idi Amin with his parents at the age of one, will lead 28 men, 38 horses and a gun carriage from Buckingham Palace along The Mall to Whitehall and then back to receive the Royal Salute. Rail strike The military pageant also involves members of the Household Division of Foot Guards and Household Cavalry on Horseguards Parade in Whitehall. First performed for Charles II, it has been staged in London since 1748. The Queen has attended the annual parade every year of her reign except 1955, when a national rail strike forced its cancellation. Although the 78-year-old monarch's real birthday is on 21 April, the celebrations take place in June because good weather is more likely. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomProtect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Baruuli prepare for enthronement
Baruuli prepare for enthronement Inspired by the recent enthronement of the Kamuswaga in Kooki county, the people of Buruuli have launched a fundraising drive towards a sh106m ceremony to crown their Ssaabaruuli, writes Frederick Kiwanuka. The proposed function, whose preparations are already in full gear, is scheduled to for October in Nakasongola town, according to a tentative programme by Banyara-Baruuli clan heads. Ssalongo Mwogezi of Lwampanga sub-county in Nakasongola district, is said to be the supreme cultural head of the 129 Baruli-Banyara clans. Mwogezi said in an interview recently that the crowning would strengthen the Baruli-Banyara culture. The Baruli have their own culture which is different from that of the Baganda. We want to strengthen our identity, the bespectacled chief said. Ends Published on: Tuesday, 8th June, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdomProtect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: NYT: Trade Theory vs. Used Clothes in Africa-But OWINO IS TILL OWINO
Ssemakula, Of more importance to me is the continued use of the Name "OWINO" instead of St. Balukudemde. I argued here that politician (Nganda chauvinists) wasted their time re-naming Owino to something it wasnt. Owino market is owino becuase of its history NOT politics. The traders and customers of Owino have continued calling Owino with its rightful name "OWINO Market" leaving the silly politicians at city hall with a silly smile on their faces! Shame upon them! Gook "Rang guthe agithi marapu!" A karamonjong word of wisdom Original Message Follows From: "J Ssemakula" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: NYT: Trade Theory vs. Used Clothes in Africa (uses Uganda as example) Date: Tue, 08 Jun 2004 19:47:37 + << text1.html >> Tired of spam? Get advanced junk mail protection with MSN 8. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Constitutional supremacy is not parliamentary sovereignty-Joe Oloka Onyango
Constitutional supremacy is not parliamentary sovereignty Awaiting their turn: President and Mrs. Museveni (left) during the last referendum TALKBACK By Oloka-Onyango I was rather reluctant to continue the debate with Prof. Semakula Kiwanuka because the learned professor has resorted to name-calling, diatribe and invective, and because he has largely deviated from the main point at issue. It has also become quite clear that the good professors thought processes resemble that of a rhinoceros, which can run only in straight lines. Once a rhino is set on a particular track, there can be no deviation. Thus, if you move away from the straight line, the rhino will be totally lost! Prof. Kiwanuka has chosen the one track of the referendum on term limits and has thus refused and/or failed to appreciate that not only is that track a wrong one, but that it will only lead him further off target and deeper into the wilderness. In sum, he doesnt want to accept that the key issue in a country that professes to be a democracy must be the rule of law. Even accepting his argument that the key issue in the current debate about term limits is politics and not law, the next question we must address is what kind of politics are we talking about? I am not afraid to admit that I have no experience of what the professor calls practical politics, not having stood or lost in any local or national election. However, one does not have to participate in practical politics in order to tell whether the politics in question is good or that it is rotten. Quite clearly, the politics of pushing for a referendum on term limits that is manifestly unconstitutional, unquestionably qualifies for the latter. But my response this time is not motivated by trying to get the professor to appreciate that good politics must follow the law. Rather, Prof. Kiwanukas latest New Vision article (May 26, 2004, p.24) was so riddled with falsehoods, both about US history and constitutional law, as well as about the difference between parliamentary sover eignty and constitutional supremacy that it cannot be left without reply. In this respect, there are at least two critical points that I would like to make. The first is about US history. Prof. Kiwanuka is wrong to state that the 22nd amendment emerged from the kangaroo politics of the Republican-dominated post-war US Congress. As a matter of fact, the two term limit in US Constitutional law is as old as the first US President George Washington, who took office on April 30, 1789 and ruled until March 4, 1797. At the end of his second term, there was tremendous pressure for him to stay on in office. Washington expressly refused to do so, arguing that the American revolution had been fought against the tyranny of King George III in England, and that he had not fought in the war of independence to install himself as the United States first monarch. In this way, Washington established what is known in law as a Constitutional Convention or Custo m (or tradition). That is an unwritten practice of constitutional law that is accepted by the person to whom the Convention applies and has been enforced for a considerable period of time. It remains a Convention until breached or broken. Thus, between 1797 and the beginning of President Roosevelts third term in 1941, the Convention on two terms had been operative in US Constitutional Law and politics for an unbroken period of 144 years. In other words, not a single one of the 29 presidents who followed Washington had disobeyed the Convention. It was because Roosevelt broke the Convention (by even standing for a fourth term in 1945), that it was decided that it should be made a firm part of the written US Constitution, hence the 22nd amendment. This history proves that it is factually inaccurate for Prof. Kiwanuka to state that the target of the twenty-second amendment was President Roosevelt and to equate that to the case of President Museveni in 2004 Uganda. First of all, President Roosevelt died in office on April 12, 1945. Unless, the learned professor is suggesting that the US Congress was frightened of Roosevelts ghost, it is ludicrous to submit that the 22nd amendment was targeting him. Secondly, for any amendment to pass in the United States, it must go through both Houses of Congress as well as be ratified by a majority of the states; in other words, it is not Congress alone, but the wider population that must effect an amendment. The provision was actually ratified on February 27, 1951-a full six years after Roosevelts death, and having been through Congress and the states. But most importantly, the second part of section one of the 22nd amendment explicitly states that the article shall not apply to any person holding the office of President when this Article was proposed by the Congress, and shall not prevent any person who may be holding the office of President, or ac ting as President, during the term within which this Article bec
ugnet_: Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, Kitgum and Pader.
From: "Justice and Peace Commission of Gulu Archdiocese"<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>To: "Fr. Carlos Rodriguez - Lcoromoi"<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Sent: Thursday, December 18, 2003 5:39 AM>> Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, Kitgum andPader>>> The Justice and Peace Commission receives more and more reports about> worrying developments in some of the districts neighboring theAcholi> region. Just recently a young man from Gulu went to Lira topick a sick> relative. While he was in the town and talked - in Acholi - tosomeoneelse,> bystanders alarmed the army and the man was arrested. He spentseveralweeks> in detention. During his captivity he - as well as about 20other> detainees - was mistreated on a daily base. Besides physicalpunishment,the> man had to endure the sadist fantasies of some of thesoldiers. While hewas> never officially charged, it seems that his only crime was tobelong tothe> ethnic group of the Acholi.> Stories like the one above reach our office regularly.According to our> understanding they draw our attention to two worrying trends.First thereis> a permanently growing mistrust between different ethnic groups of Uganda.> Due to the terror of the Lord's Resistance Army it has becomedangerousfor> Acholis to go to neighboring districts.> In addition the reports alarm us in regard to the state theUgandan armyis> in. It seems as if it is often operating outside a nationallegalframework> and is beyond civil control. The behavior of many of itsrepresentatives> ranges from being unprofessional and biased to being extremelyviolent and> sometimes criminal. Both trends are of major concern to us.>>> Rev. Fr. Cyprian Ocen> Chairperson> Justice and Peace Commission> Gulu Archdiocese> P.O. Box 200> Gulu - Uganda> ++256-(0)77-766644> Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X The new MSN 8: smart spam protection and 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, Kitgum and Pader.
You are right on brother Mitayo! Thanks Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Mitayo Potosi" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: RE: ugnet_: Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, Kitgum and Pader. Date: Thu, 18 Dec 2003 22:36:37 + Rev. Fr. Cyprian Ocen is of the 'kasita ffe twebaka ku tulo' type if he thinks that the tribalism that has mushroomed 'between the Acholi and Langi' is recent and due to the fighting in the region. To increase tribal friction in Uganda has been a central strategy of m7, on the advice of British imperialism, for the last 17 years. It serves them both well when we are divided. If you can't see this then you dont understand why British/Anglo-saxon imperialism ORDERED m7 to re-institute feudalism in Uganda. i.e. to create division in the country and render it prey to robbing and manipulation. Why are Ugandans, even in so much misery, still so superficial? We shal l never be free unless we smarten up. Mitayo Potosi From: "Justice and Peace Commission of Gulu Archdiocese" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>To: "Fr. Carlos Rodriguez - Lcoromoi" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Sent: Thursday, December 18, 2003 5:39 AM > >Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, Kitgum and Pader > > >The Justice and Peace Commission receives more and more reports about >worrying developments in some of the districts neighboring the Acholi >region. Just recently a young man from Gulu went to Lira to pick a sick >relative. While he was in the town and talked - in Acholi - to someone else, >bystanders alarmed the army and the man was arrested. He spent several weeks >in detention. During his captivity he - as well as about 20 other >detainees - was mistreated on a daily base. Besides physical punishment, the >man had to endure the sadist fantasies of some of the soldiers. While he was >never officially charged, it seems that his only crime was to belong to the >ethnic group of the Acholi. >Stories like the one above reach our office regularly. According to our >understanding they draw our attention to two worrying trends. First there is >a permanently growing mistrust between different ethnic groups of Uganda. >Due to the terror of the Lord's Resistance Army it has become dangerous for >Acholis to go to neighboring districts. >In addition the reports alarm us in regard to the state the Ugandan army is >in. It seems as if it is often operating outside a national legal framework >and is beyond civil control. The behavior of many of its representatives >ranges from being unprofessional and biased to being extremely violent and >s ometimes criminal. Both trends are of major concern to us. > > >Rev. Fr. Cyprian Ocen >Chairperson >Justice and Peace Commission >Gulu Archdiocese >P.O. Box 200 >Gulu - Uganda >++256-(0)77-766644 > Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Mitayo Potosi >From: "gook makanga" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Subject: ugnet_: Worrying Trends in Districts Neighboring Gulu, >Kitgum and Pader. >Date: Thu, 18 Dec 2003 15:20:16 + > _ STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* http://join.msn.com/?page=dept/bcomm&pgmarket=en-ca&RU=http%3a%2f%2fjoin.msn.com%2f%3fpage%3dmisc%2fspecialoffers%26pgmarket%3den -ca << message3.txt >> MSN 8 with e-mail virus protection service: 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: A tale of an envoy and army choppers
A tale of an envoy and army choppersBy Karoli SsemogerereDec 21, 2003 The Department of State is eagerly awaiting the arrival of the new Ugandan ambassador to the United States, after hosting Elizabeth Bafakuleka Ssempala for over a decade as ambassador. Routinely, ambassadors complete their tours of duty in three years but Ms Ssempala, a Russian trained general engineer who served one tour in Copenhagen defied diplomatic wisdom and stayed in Washington over at least one direct transfer. Ms Ssempala: Heading to Moscow? In 2002, as is customary after a general election, Ssempala stayed in Washington DC after being posted to New York. In many countries, the title of senior ambassador or dean of the diplomatic corps carries a lot of prestige from seniority. Maybe the deanship had come to pass. Her replacement according to very reliable sources is a new foreign service officer, who has risen rapidly through the ranks, former journalist, 37-year-old Adonia Ayebare, currently ambassador to Rwanda and Burundi. Mr Ayebare, a former bureau chief for The East African, began his media career with the Uganda Confidential and Marketplace newspapers. Ssempala of Gayaza fame is slated to return to Moscow. An analytical reading of the posting to a long ignored and a diplomatic backwater, are her professional skills and possible interaction with the fledgling oil industry in Russia which is the unexplained issue behind the institutional momentum towards lifting the two term limit on the president's tenure under the 1995 Constitution. Justice Julie Semambo Sebutinde and her colleagues at the Courts of Judicature are stretching the meaning of Article 128(7) of the Constitution that limits the variation of emoluments to a judge's disadvantage while in office. The Article's express intent according to the framers of the Constitution was to protect them from reduction in their pay and benefits to punish them for ruling independently of the wishes of the government of the day. The monthly salary for a judge of the High Court is at least Shs 2.5 million which comes to more than Shs 5.3 million in gross allowances per month. Judges and cabinet ministers earn a gross annual pay of Shs 60 million a year, not a fortune but very agreeable with Uganda's cost of living and size of the economy. Paying between 30 and 35% of that in taxes, like junior lecturers in Makerere who earn Shs 880,000 per month is not an unrealistic proposition. Judges like other citizens, while enjoying the privileges of citizenship, must pay their fair share of what it takes to support the huge unwieldy structure of the state. Infact, according to this very selfish interpretation of the law, new judges are paying taxes while their senior colleagues who amass increased entitlements from more years in service do not. *** And back to the logic of the Sebutinde Report which failed to find political responsibility for persons who authorised bribe taking or acquisition procedures that fell outside the Military Tender Board procedures. It smacks of selective justice. We are still waiting for the DPP, Richard Buteera to act. Mr Buteera was a midnight appointment prior to the coming into force of the 1995 Constitution. He replaced Mr Alfred Nasaba, an Obote II holdover, as DPP. So far in matters concerning the president's family, his record is 3-0. The fraudulent Westmont UCB purchase, the fraudulent Uganda-Grain Millers purchase and the Helicopter Scandal have all kept the members of the president's family adversely mentioned in court and criminal investigations safe from prosecution. Maj. Shaban Bantariza, the army spokesman gave us a peek of the distribution of resources in the Ministry of Defence. The army is labouring under the weight of payroll, over Shs 100 billion in salaries for junior soldiers and officers. Has the UPDF been quietly recruiting? The answer is yes, why? Further into this honest attempt to explain UPDF's financial squeeze was an outrage: the armored helicopters providing cover to troops in the north fly out of Entebbe, burning 1,250 liters of fuel each way without counting combat hours. Net fuel importers like Uganda would never waste resources like that. Entebbe is not under any threat of an imminent aerial attack. It explains the slow reaction times for UDPF detachments in the field waiting for the pilots who should be training with the forces they support. This fly to the venue approach cannot work. Secondly, the wisdom of mass troop recruitment to fight a diminishing band of thugs removes resources from what should be the army's biggest task, civil affairs and rebuilding. President Yoweri Museveni often brags about Gulu as Uganda's tinsel-town that has partly flourished from the defense expenditure associated with the war. Gulu's expansion masks the fact that Acholi's diminishing population is holed up in camps. After 15 years of development, the image of tall elephant grass and mud and wattle structures convey a f
ugnet_: Hollywood, Museveni and Saddam's porridge days
On The Mark By With Alan Tacca Hollywood, Museveni and Saddam's porridge daysDec 21 - 27, 2003 I have a thing about the human scale. A couple of weeks ago, I was watching Matrix Revolutions, a movie so bad that even at Cineplex's Wilson Road prices I felt cheated. It is amazing how an industry can use the devices of marketing and advertising to condition so many people to a desired mindset. To bring pretentiousness to a new level, one reviewer actually lamented that the Garden City premiere (of Matrix...) had been several minutes late, denying the audience the feeling of oneness with other audiences around the world! With the mind-bending budgets put together for pictures like Matrix... and Lord of the Rings, many commentators feel too small to recognise the trashy vulgarity concealed behind the endless flow of monsters, mechanical contraptions, "special effects" and arbitrary violence. The hype is so overwhelming that one fear it is "backward" not to enthuse over the production, and to find some exotic meaning or artistic merit in what are truly third-rate escapist exercises, the Oscars notwithstanding. It looks an awfully long time since the likes of David Lean showed us what to do with a story, good actors and a moving lens. The distance between the events in Matrix... and real life experiences is largely responsible for the impossibility of enlightened emotional involvement in the action. It is an ugly myth (and the central religious fallacy) that the enemies of man belong to another world, with attributes hardly comprehensible to us, and that our salvation lies in the hands of gods, or men and women who are superhumanly strong, intelligent or endowed with magical powers. And yet, in our own experience, we often encounter situations that seem to perpetuate that myth, and we should always sit up when something deflates it.The last week or two have been rather enlightening. First (for Ugandans) was the Museveni-Ruzindana controversy. Sunday Monitor journalists did a wonderful job, piecing together the reactions from former Fronasa guerillas to the missive in which President Museveni rubbished John Ruzindana's contribution to the wars that ousted Amin, Obote etc. The word "disgusting" had rolled out of the president's pen. Understandably, some of the former fighters dared not say much about the dispute, but those who talked left impressions that restored Museveni's wars to the human scale. For one thing, heroic as the total picture may be, it seems that the late Tanzanian President, Julius Nyerere, and the lords of Frelimo (which subsequently liberated Mozambique) did not think as much of Fronasa as we have been led to believe. Perhaps Fronasa's incursions into Uganda in the early 1970's had looked hasty and amateurish, only providing fodder for Amin's barbaric firing squads, and discouraging those who had nurtured and helped to feed and arm the organisation. If Ruzindana was away from action in the mid to the late nineties, it seems that no one else was seeing much action. Museveni was partly teaching. Others were toiling and scrounging in different ways. These apparently were very lean years, when the heroes who today look so brave and invincible were vulnerable, and before the number of egos was reduced to one. Women are wonderful. They save us from hunger, humiliation and death in ways we don't always fully appreciate, perhaps because not many enough of them wield spears to kill off our enemies. (Comrade) Chef Gayane tells the touching story of Mama Muhoozi (now Uganda's first lady) mixing jam and marmalade in her kitchen and personally hurrying to Karioko Market to sell her products to support the Spartan existence in Museveni's guerilla-station household. You can see how we are down to the human scale. But is there here also a hint of a lost opportunity? You, too, may be imagining. Supposing, on returning to her native land, Mama Muhoozi had built on her experience and set up a modest jam and fruit-processing outfit. Just think of all the fruits that rot in this favoured land! The project would already be a sprawling giant, augmenting the husband's political enterprise; and an example to the whole nation. Kananathan and Rosa Whittaker's Agoa dances or Gilbert Bukenya's rice schemes would have found us on a strong ladder, going up. The squabbling of former guerillas has shown us glimpses of a more regular-sized Museveni at the beginning of his quest for power. It has also indirectly explained why he was virtually unknown in Uganda even as Tanzanian gunners pounded Amin's forces in the 1978/9 war. In the Middle East, at the end of his journey in power, the pit that was Saddam's last hideout has brought the former dictator to truly human dimensions. Saddam of course believed that his life and journey was the very stuff of an epic. Indeed it is, if we remember that the greatest epic stories often end tragically. A cardinal in Rome (Renato Martino) was appalled by pictures of a US milit
ugnet_: Fronasa did nothing in Amin's ouster-Obote
Fronasa did nothing in Amin's ouster-OboteBy Apollo Milton Obote in ZambiaDec 21 - 27, 2003 The storm is not over yet. After President Yoweri Museveni recently accused former IGG Augustine Ruzinda of exaggerating his role in Fronasa, which is said to have played a major role in the struggle to over throw Idi Amin, former President, Apollo Milton Obote says it is all lies; Museveni and his Fronasa did little or nothing in the liberation way. In a three-part series, we bring you most intriguing Obote's account. There is some dispute in Uganda on what political force removed Amin's military dictatorship. The Amin coup was effected and supported by powerful countries abroad. When Amin appointed the DP leader and that leader accepted to be the Chief Justice in a dictatorship, the DP component of the an organised counter political force became impotent, leaving only the UPC component. (Benedicto Kiwanuka (RIP) was the Chief Justice who was DP. Ed.) SOLDIER: Oyite Ojok Had the UPC done nothing, there would have been no Ugandan political force in the removal of Amin. When the Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces (TPDF) and Uganda Militia then known as Kikosi Maalum had already captured Mbarara and Masaka, the Tanzanian Government was pressurised by the then British Labour Government to hold a Conference to agree on a Uganda Administration to succeed Amin. I was the first to receive in the forenoon on April 11, 1979, the news of the fall of Amin. No member of Uganda National Liberation Front Administration (UNLF) could have been the first or even amongst the first 100 people to receive the news. They could not because they were never involved and were not in the war against Amin and were also, as their record in office showed, not a political force. Their Party, the UNLF and their Administration both became realities because the British labour Government pressurised Tanzania to ensure that the Uganda successor Administration to Amin was not led by the UPC. No member of the UNLF Administration and not even Museveni who entered Uganda during the war on the coat tails of the Tanzanian Army had participated in the raising of Kikosi Maalum. Throughout the UNLF Administration, Kikosi Maalum was known as the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) but another Militia which, after January 1986 claimed to have also fought Amin under the name of FRONASA and with Museveni as its leader was not known. Before the UNLF itself was formed, I had sent Teams to Masaka and Ankole to mobilise the people to support the war efforts for the overthrow of Amin. The leader of the Masaka team was Samwiri Mugwisa. The leaders of the Ankole team were Chris Rwakasisi and Maj. Edward Rurangaranga. I had also sent before the formation of the UNLF a team of economists under the leadership of Joseph Okune to Masaka to assess the war damage to the economy and infrastructure. On April, 11 1979 when Kampala fell to Kikosi Maalum and TPDF, Museveni was in Fort Portal staying with Princess Elizabeth Bagaya in the Omukama's Palace. On that same day, the UNLF president and all his ministers who attended the conference at which the UNLF was formed except Museveni were, like me, in Dar es Salaam. GOD FATHER: Nyerere (RIP) was host to the strugglesBefore dawn on April, when the invading armies (TPDF and Kikosi Maalum) were around King's College Budo, the Tanzanian officers who were in overall command of the two armies asked Kikosi Maalum to enter Kampala first. The ground given was that Kikosi Maalum knew the nooks of Kampala better than the TPDF. When Kampala fell, what the officers of that army wanted most was a telephone to ring Dar Es Salaam and report the fact to their political leader, the UPC President. Since the telephone lines to countries outside Uganda were down, the Kikosi Maalum worked hard to find someone who could reactivate them. After making it, late Maj. General David Oyite-Ojok placed a call to me. The news that David gave me was most exhilarating. The struggle the UPC had waged from January 25, 1971 came to an end that day when Amin's dictatorship fell. The first thing I did was to ring President Nyerere to report what I had heard. The President came to my residence immediately and we celebrated the fall of Amin. That day, we had a double celebration at the residence because Mrs. Oyite-Ojok delivered a baby boy in the afternoon. Although it was the Kikosi Maalum, the Ugandan Militia Force raised by the UPC leader and members which entered Kampala first and sent Amin running, the UPC has always praised, thanked and acknowledged the political force which was the greatest factor which removed Amin's military dictatorship. That political force, was the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). The UPC had, in the 1960s' built cordial relations with the Tanganyika National Union (TANU), which later changed its name to CCM. Also during the same period, the UPC also buil same strong relations with the United National Independence Party (UNIP
ugnet_: Death unmasks govt's 'sweet' poverty figures
Death unmasks govt's 'sweet' poverty figuresBy Sam Agatre OkuonziDec 21 - 27, 2003 If as Ugandans we are going to truly reduce poverty, and develop this country, we will have to face all the facts, whether positive or negative. We will need to understand poverty in its entirety. Muhakanizi: Implementing donor policies that increase poverty.Which is why I found Mr Keith Muhakanizi's article (Let's Not Put A Spin On Poverty, Sunday Monitor December 14) intriguingly selective of positive aspects and short on the analysis of official statistics. If this was deliberate, it was dishonest of him. This is especially so since he advocates for scientific objectivity based on facts. Which is a welcome development because poverty and economic growth have been highly politicised. The definition of poverty on which Uganda's entire economic and social policy is based is unbelievably oversimplified. It is misleading. The official working definition is the spending of less than a certain amount mainly on food. That level of spending is far below what is required to provide adequate food, first for human survival, and then for social and economic development. It leaves out all known definitions of poverty, the commonest being the inability to meet basic needs. Basic needs are many and include adequate food, housing, clothing, education, health care, and security. Failure to meet these needs can and does manifest conspicuously as high mortality, illnesses, illiteracy, and unemployment, among others. Other dimensions of poverty include hopelessness, exclusion, inequity and powerlessness, according to Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Reports. Surely, all these elements of poverty cannot possibly be collapsed into the "poverty (that has) reduced from 56% to 38%". According to the Human Development Report 2003, 82.2% of Ugandans live below one US dollar a day. This is a far cry from the rosy official poverty statistics. It would be magical to reduce poverty on one US dollar a day. Some will argue that this is not the official statistic and by implication not correct. There is nothing special about official statistics. Those like Keith, who find great comfort in official statistics, should know these statistics are not God-given. They are mere estimates of reality. No amount of legislation will and can make official statistics legitimate if they are not consistent with reality. Different people using different perspectives see the reality. But if there is no consistence and convergence in what different people observe, statistics, official or not, will be meaningless. The manifestations of persistently high levels of poverty abound. But it is easier to understand death as a manifestation of poverty. Premature and preventable deaths are the final point on which all aspects of poverty converge. It is therefore the most accurate measurement of poverty. Most deaths are caused by lack of basic services. And there are no grey areas between life and death. Unlike economic growth and income estimates, the line between death and life is not arbitrary. We can only argue about numbers, but once that is settled, the high number of deaths makes an emphatic and undeniable statement about poverty. So what are the death facts - facts of unchanging poverty in Uganda? Let us begin with official statistics. Infant and under-five mortality apparently increased between 1995 to 2000 from 81 to 88 per 1000 births, and from 147 to 156 deaths per 1,000 live births respectively. These are apparent, not real increases in mortality. There are no convincing explanations as to why more children died after 1995 when socio-economic conditions - economic growth, reduction in HIV/Aids prevalence, universal primary education - were reportedly dramatically improving. There had been another apparent, but dramatic change in infant mortality between 1990 and 1995. It was a reduction of IMR from 119 per 1000 to 81 per 1000 without significant nationwide social interventions on the ground. In fact the conditions during 1990-1995 were worse for child survival than from 1995-2000. And yet more children reportedly died during the period when conditions were relatively better. However, recent analyses of demographic trends have revealed that these were mere variations in statistics, not a reflection of the reality on the ground. President Museveni: Championing agricultural modernisation. Analysis and projection of trends of child mortality from 1950 to 2000 indicate that there has been very little change in IMR since 1970. A steep reduction of IMR occurred between 1950 and 1970 from 250 to 120 and has since plateaued at over 100 per 1000. The statistical fluctuations in mortality do not reflect the reality on the ground for a number of reasons. First, population characteristics do not change that much, suddenly in magnitude, but less so in direction, in short periods of say, five years. Second, for population conditions such as mortality
ugnet_: Happy birthday Mr President!
Letter to A Kampala Friend By Muniini K. Mulera In Toronto Dr Obote will be 79 in a few days Dec 22, 2003 Dear Tingasiga: Former President Apollo Milton Obote turns 79 on December 27, 2003. His birthday offers an opportunity for reflection on the life and impact of this great Ugandan and pan-Africanist. It also offers an opportunity to honour him, not as a favour or fulfillment of some ritual, but because it is meet and proper that we do so. When I propose that we honour Obote, I am acutely aware of the hysterical reaction this will generate in sections of our society where time has not quenched their thirst for his blood. I am also aware that my known political rift with him may make it hard for some to appreciate the high regard that I still have for him. When we suspend our partisan passions and allow ourselves an interlude of calm reflection on people with whom we disagree politically, we discover about them an admirable list of qualities and accomplishments. It has been said that a nation reveals itself not only by the people it produces but also by the people it honours and remembers. The mark of great people is the men and women they honour in life and the fairness with which they treat those who have served them with distinction.In Uganda we tend to honour men and women in death, perhaps a result of a superstitious reverence for the dead. After decades of vilification or neglect of a person, we wax eloquent in their praise the moment news of their death is broken to us. Thus Ugandan papers and airwaves were filled with moving and appropriate eulogies for deceased gallant sons of the republic such as Ignatius K. Musaazi, Grace Ibingira, William W. Rwetsiba and George Magezi. These men who held our hands as we took faltering steps towards independence would have probably remained largely forgotten had they not died. A few who still live, like the great Cuthbert Obwangor, Abubaker K. Mayanja and Obote himself, must await death to be accorded much deserved honour. But these are the lucky ones. Many others have died in obscurity, their names hardly registering any recognition even among the political historians of the land. For example, I challenge today's Makerere students to tell me who Peter Oola was without first delving into the few history books where his name appears. Many, including those who were once great supporters of Obote and the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), now choose to judge him only by the actions of his second government whose record we can charitably describe as abysmal. But when we judge Obote the total man and leader, we recognise a great African. His role in the struggle for our independence and his captainship of the Ugandan state place him at the high table of those who laid the foundation for our country. His first government's investment in excellent hospitals, schools, highways etc showed a commitment to modernisation of our country. His pan-Africanism and policy of non-alignment were not mere slogans to which he paid lip-service. His solidarity with those who sought liberation from European colonialism was total. He used the Ugandan state to assist the freedom fighters of South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), and he was not afraid to lock horns with British prime ministers on behalf of his fellow Africans. It was a contest that he could not win. The British and the Israelis, who were also serving their strategic interests in the war in south Sudan, took advantage of Obote's weaknesses in the army and overthrew him on January 25, 1971. Yes he made costly errors of judgement. His management of the Ugandan military, arguably his greatest failure, set our country on a journey that remains our curse to this day. His stubborn refusal to submit himself to the electoral test in 1967, and his use of a perpetual state of emergency in Buganda from 1966 onwards, were a prelude to the great disasters to come. His inability to win Buganda's support was among his greatest failures. Of course it was not his fault alone. He shares the blame with the leaders of Buganda. However, we look clever because we judge him with the benefit of hindsight. None of us knows how different our actions would have been had we been in his shoes, at the helm of an extremely complex and untested society. As I write, an image of Obote that was imprinted on my mind in 1962 comes into full view. He had come to campaign in my little hometown, accompanied by UPC Secretary General John Kakonge. The two men immediately captured my young mind's imagination with their great oratory and charisma. Of course I had no clue what they were talking about. What mattered to me then was that my father, who had hauled us along for some political immersion, was a great supporter of these men. One thing I recall was the promise they made to give us electricity and running water if they won the election. To this day, Mparo in Rukiga County of Kigezi has no electricity. Running water was only install
ugnet_: Now Kategaya dares Museveni on 3rd term
Too little too late? gook Now Kategaya dares Museveni on 3rd termBy Emma Mutaizibwa & Henry H. SsaliDec 23, 2003 KAMPALA Mr Eriya Kategaya has said he will actively oppose the candidature of Mr Yoweri Museveni, if the President seeks another term in 2006. Mr Kategaya appearing on the Andrew Mwenda show last evening (Photo by John Nsimbe).Kategaya, a former first deputy prime minister, a childhood friend and political ally of Museveni for five decades, said he will openly support a rival to Museveni should the President run in the 2006 election. Kategaya, who was appearing on Andrew Mwenda Live show on 93.3 Monitor FM last evening, said he cannot rule out running against Museveni for the presidency in 2006 if people ask [him] to stand. A relaxed Kategaya said Museveni chaired a Cabinet meeting that endorsed the third term. I have the circumstantial evidence that Museveni is behind the third term. He chaired the Cabinet meeting that endorsed the third term, Kategaya said last evening. The Prime Minister, Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, had chaired the Cabinet a week before Nsibambi then said that Museveni would chair the next meeting that would endorse the third term, Kategeya said. Kategaya, a former first deputy prime minister, was dropped in the last Cabinet reshuffle. He has been a strong critic of Musevenis attempts to amend the Constitution to remove term limits on the presidency. The move, dubbed the third term project, is seen by critics as tailored to keep the incumbent at the helm as long as he wishes. The removal of the term limit on the presidency was among a host of proposals the Cabinet submitted to the Constitutional Review Commission last October. Kategaya said he was shocked to learn that Museveni intended to manipulate the Constitution for selfish interests. At times if people sing so many praises for you, you may think that you are indispensable. I am looking at the history of this country. The leadership in the past has never been trusted. If Museveni amends the Constitution, it will be the same old cycle, he said. As revolutionaries we shall be taken as selfish. I dont think my colleague should fall in that pit, he said. Kategaya said he will feel betrayed if Museveni seeks re-election in 2006.Kategaya dismissed claims that the country cannot do without Museveni. That is absolutely rubbish. I dont see the rationale that if he goes we shall have insecurity, he said. Kategaya said political turmoil is a result of lack of strategic planning. We only think of the daily bread not the future. Africa should move out of this cocoon where the country depends on an individual, he said. He said he would respect the results of the referendum on the third term. If it is free and fair, whoever wins it, so be it, he said. However he promised to campaign against the third term if it is put to a referendum. He said Museveni could remain Movement chairman in a multi party system and play an important role. He, however, said the Movement should field another presidential candidate. Kategeya rubbished a caller who proposed that Museveni should stay on until 2011 to complete his set goals. Kategaya said that Museveni promised to finish his work and hand over power peacefully in the 2001 election manifesto. That argument is selfserving. If I set out to do my work within a time frame and dont finish it, I should know that time is up, he said. Kategaya also said he does not believe that one man can have a vision for the country as Museveni claims. A one-man vision is not a vision; I dont believe him, he said. A vision must be shared. I think it should be a Movement vision not his. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your messages with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: Gaddafi tells world Libya has "nothing to hide"
Matek, Gaddafi like his fellow "revolutionist" M7, is a CIA agent. This fact has long been known by most people. Never be deceived by his rhetoric. Its because of this fact that he made futile attempts to save Amin-(another CIA/MI5 agent) . Its the same reason he is friends with Kaguta! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] CC: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: ugnet_: Gaddafi tells world Libya has "nothing to hide" Date: Tue, 23 Dec 2003 08:25:19 EST Uncle George's "SHOCK & AWE" campaign which saw to massive bombing of Saddam's Iraq, with Tomahawk cruise Missiles, F 111, B-52's has work in sending a clear message to Gaddaffi. Gaddaffi is now scared Shitless (excuse my French) in his Bedouin Camp he is probably now sweating blood. The leader of the "Green Revolution" is now on his knees begging for mercy!! He has thrown the tent door, so to say, open for the Americans to come in and be part Capitalist looting frenzy of Libya's OIL. Some revolutionary indeed.!! LO Matek Gaddafi tells world Libya has "nothing to hide" By Salah Sarrar TRIPOLI, Dec 23 (Reuters) - Muammar Gaddafi invited the world to come to Libya to see for itself that Tripoli was not concealing banned weapons, after promising that the country was abandoning its atomic bomb programme. "Come and see... We don't want to hide anything," the Libyan leader told CNN in an interview broadcast on Tuesday. Libyan and U.N. officials said on Monday that snap checks of Libyan nuclear sites could begin as soon as next week after Tripoli accepted U.N. inspections to convince the world it was giving up its nuclear weapons programme. Gaddafi's oil-rich state, long on the U.S. list of sponsors of terrorism, said last week it was abandoning plans to build an atomic bomb and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It now wants trading benefits, including an end to U.S. sanctions. "We have no intention to make these weapons, these WMD. But there are many rumours, many accusations, (much) propaganda against Libya, particularly in this field, and we have to stop this propaganda against us," he said in English. "And we say: Why are you accusing us and using propaganda? You exercise terrorist policy against the Libyan people by accusing us," he said in the interview, which CNN said was conducted in a Bedouin tent 30 minutes outside the capital. Libya's moves to scrap its illicit weapons programmes mark an about-face for the mercurial Gaddafi, who seized power 34 years ago in the North African desert nation of 5.5 million. For much of his rule, Libya has been under U.S. or U.N. sanctions, accused of sponsoring or carrying out terrorist acts ranging from bombing airliners to training foreign guerrillas. U.N. sanctions were lifted this year after Libya agreed to pay compensation for the 1988 Lockerbie airliner bombing, which killed 270 people. But Washington kept its embargo in place. The U.S. State Department said Washington would look at dropping the sanctions "as Libya's policy changes, Libya's behaviour changes, Libya's circumstances change," spokesman Richard Boucher told a news briefing. Asked what assurances he had received on sanctions being removed, Gaddafi said through an interpreter: "We have good faith in improving relations between our two respective countries. "This cooperation will feed our technology industry. Vis a vis this equipment, we wish American companies and British companies to cooperate with us and to use them together for peaceful purposes." But he said he saw "dark aspects and sometimes bright aspects" in U.S. President George W. Bush. "We do hope aspects that bright aspects will be predominant because we have no interest or no benefit from the dark side." "OTHERS SHOULD FOLLOW" British and U.S. officials had been negotiating with Libya over banned weapons for nine months and Britain said Libya may have been prompted into its surprise move after observing the fate of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Gaddafi dismissed that, asking why Libya should follow the example of Iraq when other countries had dismantled their weapons programmes in a transparent way. South Africa gave up its illicit arms programmes a decade ago. And he criticised Iraq's U.S.-led administration for showing pictures of a dishevelled and disorientated Saddam when he was caught earlier this month. He said, through the interpreter, that he told British Prime Minister Tony Blair by telephone that the way Saddam was shown "made everybody sympathise with him." Gaddafi said, through the interpreter, other nations suspected of developing weapons of mass destruction, such as North Korea, should follow Libya's lead. "They should follow in Libya's steps; they should take Libya's example so that they prevent any tragedy being inflicted on their own peoples. This would tighten
ugnet_: Perfecting the art of deception ala Sun Tzu
Perfecting the art of deception ala Sun Tzu This & That: By Henry ochieng Dec 31, 2003 Not many people may have noticed the paper President Yoweri Museveni delivered to MPs from his ethnic area on April 22 that was published here a fortnight ago, possibly because the festive season had many people by the collar. Take it from here that the document, under the banner "I Will Not Tolerate Subversion In The Movement", when read together with his latest missive (the Kategaya Paper), will provide a numbing insight into the mind of a leader probably blinded by the cobwebs of a dangerous political insularity. The April 22 paper is peppered with references to "our" Movement in the context of Ankole's tribal politics and the historical contribution made by "leaders, cadres and militants" from Ankole to the "struggle". He spoke of the post-1986 National Resistance Movement government in a manner that suggests that its broad-based nature was problematic whose main saving grace was the presence of "quite a number of elements from Ankole". Consider this sentence: "Yet certain leaders from Ankole, sometimes in concert with other elements from other areas, carry out a whispering campaign against the leadership of our Movement ...". That paper carried the voice of a man pained by what he deemed to be betrayal of the homeland by clansmen in cahoots with ""other elements". Note the almost derogatory use of language in reference to politicos from outside of Ankole. A close inspection will reveal that the tone of that document is in perfect synchrony with the sort of emotions that rest in the breasts of a number of "cadres" even as they make uncharitable remarks about other ethnic communities. It smacks of an intolerance that goes beyond the crave for political power. In fact, it almost enters the sphere where Adolf Hitler conceived his insane scheme for a super race composed of blue-eyed blond Aryan boys, whose object would be world domination. It would not be entirely out of reason to assume that the things we are hearing or reading about today are subtle indicators of a wish to dominate the country's politics in more unconventional ways. Analyse that. And then ask if this is the sort of thinking that can hold a vision capable of catapulting Uganda into a modern state where all people enjoy equal rights under the law. In the Kategaya Paper the country is presented with a gentleman caught in nostalgic romanticism of Uganda's recent political past. The deliberate use of National Resistance Movement where plain Movement ought to be adequate, together with an admission that he was saddened by the change to Local Council from Resistance Council [by the Constituent Assembly] express this sentiment. You are left wondering if the conscious choice of words is meant to be diversionary or another disdain of the national opinion. Why does the President continue to display a weakness for massive self-contradiction? Remember President Museveni encouraged the enactment of anti-sectarian legislation in the early years of his first term. He has also publicly proclaimed his oneness with things of progress. Why then does he give the impression that he does not understand that Uganda's future cannot be pegged on the memories of an imperfect historical organisation? The NRM he so cherishes could have been useful in delivering Uganda from the clutches of overt dictatorial rule (an at times suspect assertion), but it is equally culpable for dumping the country into the wings of covert misrule and abuse of power. Today's leadership has mastered the art of deception so venerated by the ancient philosophical Chinese General and war theorist, Sun Tzu. Somewhere in his masterpiece, The Art of War, Sun Tzu wrote: "when you are no where make your enemies believe you are everywhere ...". The central thought here being that victory is, at times, achieved through keeping up appearances of invincibility. The Museveni leadership, in keeping with the above logic, has succeeded in lulling a large proportion of the mainly peasant rural population into believing that it is above the excesses of its violent predecessors. But what is the evidence? Political skull-duggery is pretty much alive in the conduct of legislative business. And the same thing, in somewhat more imaginative and intense ways, is carried on in most elections with the single purpose of planting as many puppets as would rouse themselves to vote for anything at the slightest prompting. This is just one example of what the National Resistance Movement extricated Uganda from only to throw us right back. The irony of what is real as opposed to the benign apparition that is presented to the largely "naïve" masses leaves those who profess true patriotism with one option - opposition. But even now the illusion, which the regime proffered that it allows Ugandans to enjoy their fundamental and inherent right to oppose it, is living at its most dangerous. There are those around the apex of power
ugnet_: FW: Uganda $1bn wealthier
Original Message Follows From: "Jack Stevens Alecho-Oita" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Uganda $1bn wealthier Date: Fri, 2 Jan 2004 03:01:44 - Dear Netters I have made a rough re-calculation of Museveni's claims that Uganda is now $1bn richer, as follows: By 1980 Uganda owed some $700 million, which by 1986 had risen to $1.4bn. Over 5 years of Obote II, is an average debt burden increase of some $125m per year. By interpolation, if UPC remained in power by November 2003 and continued to borrow from external agencies to support government finances, Uganda would be only £1.98bn poorer. Under Museveni economic wizardry, by November 2003, Uganda owed some $3.96bn. Given the 17 years of his NRA-military rule, this is an average increase of $150m per year. If this is compared with UPC performance over the same period, by interpolation, Museveni has impoverished the country by $2bn. At the advent of NRA-military rule in 1986, each Ug anda owed $77.5 to foreign agencies, and by November 2003 this stood at $150. By interpolation, Museveni has increased the debt of each Ugandan owed to foreign agencies by some $120. According To Museveni, Uganda is now richer by £1bn, which in simple figures means each Ugandan is now richer by $43. In actual fact, by interpolation, each Ugandan is now poorer by $77, which evidence is not difficult to find. Had UPC continued in power, to date, if everything remained the same, each Ugandan would be poorer by $21.5 only. This suggests that Museveni has impoverished Uganda by as much as 3 times more than UPC would have done over a similar period. If invisible earning of some $600m is taken out of the equation and UPC worked with $500 of visible earning, Uganda would be 3 times richer under UPC. This invisible earnings, which under Museveni is claimed under 'Kyeyo' $s sent to provide welfare benefits to relatives, I suspect, UPC would claim it under increased productivity and ec onomic growth. With Museveni's claim of earnings of $1bn now, had UPC continued to manage the affairs of the country up to November 2003, I dare suggest that Uganda would be 6 times richer, and by interpolation, each Ugandan would be $41 better off. If Museveni's own claim of $43 is allowed to stand as it is, the NRA-military rule has increased the wealth of each Ugandan by some pittance of $2. At least what is clear is that Museveni presents his fiscal figures based on his belief system that 'they are good'. Museveni does not suggest anywhere that his figures are backed by an independent and authoritative source. Which leads me to conclude that he is 'sexing it up' (UK speak) or 'adulterating' (parliamentarian language) for some reason such as 'third term' or 'weird vision of industrialisation'. JSA Uganda $1b wealthier Upbeat: Museveni By Alfred Wasike UGANDA is at least US$1b richer this closing year, President Yoweri Museveni said in his New Year address to the nation. H e warned government officials to either work to industrialise their country or vacate their positions immediately. He said, Lukewarmness to the interests of the people is no longer acceptable to me. He said Ugandan scientists should be remunerated higher than politicians, managers and other bureaucrats since science is the future and basis for survival. By the end of October (2003) the total earnings from visible exports (coffee, tea, fish, cotton, etc) were US$452.6 million; the invisible exports (tourism, kyeyo, etc) had brought in US$556.6 million. Therefore, even before the calender year has ended, our combined external earnings are already more than US$1b, he said. He said Uganda earned $300,000 per month from garment exports to the USA. He called it real liberation from slavery of selling raw materials. He called for more factories to add value to exports. He said, The NRM in which I would like all of us to join is to ensure that we add value to exported coffe e, cotton and other products to create more jobs and money. He said this did not include what Uganda gets from donors except small inflows from non-governmental organisations. This is not an exceptionally good performance but it is good, he noted and said he would this month announce a blueprint for Ugandas industrialisation. Museveni said since Uganda had resolved its biggest strategic development bottleneck of access to the huge and lucrative markets of the USA, EU and Japan, he said vigorous implementation of an export-oriented industrialisation programme and homestead poverty eradication was needed. He said Ugandas strategic challenges were transforming Uganda from a pre-industrial to an industrial modern society, creation of more jobs, widening the tax base, more infrastructural development, market integration/access, human resource development and building of a viable state. He said while Ugandas industrial growth rate has been at 6.7%, the overall gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate would be 5.6% in the 2003/2004 financial year. He described this
ugnet_: Emancipate Yourself From Mental Slavery
Emancipate Yourself From Mental Slavery THE WRITER: Tujadeen One of my favorite lines from the stupendously gifted career of the Late Bob Marley is: Emancipate yourself from mental slavery, none but ourselves can free our minds. The unfortunate thing is that many Africans will know this line, many have danced and more will dance to it but how many have really reflected on it and of those how many are acting on the profound mental transformation that Marley was calling for. The evidence of inaction is there to see all around us every day. Just last week I was passing through an African airport where chaos that one has become accustomed to is now compounded by the over zealous African reaction to Post September 11 whimsical security demands of a paranoid US government. Like lambs to the slaughter hundreds of passengers had to line up to have their bags individually examined by security and immigration officials who did not seem in a hurry. However, a certain brisk efficiency overpowers the m when those who know how the system works greet or throaway salute at them. Naïve me I was expecting that everybody will get to the tables according to how they stood in the queue not realising that there were virtual parallel lines around the patient law-abiding one. Then a gentleman came, cut through the line and went over to one of the officials searching the luggage and mumbled in her ears and she tore out three security clearance tickets for him. This guy then proceeded to remove some baggage from the queue and asked their owners to leave the queue, Everything is ok he announced triumphantly. A middle aged British (white) couple and their teenage co-traveler thus abandoned the queue to follow their liberator. As you can imagine, I was livid and I challenged both the official and the unidentified interlocutor on their behavior. One reacted that they were important people and the other quickly added they are diplomats from the British High Commission. This is a country in which expansive arrangements are made to observe all protocols even in the smallest of social gathering so that the prestige of any local champion does not suffer lack of recognition. Therefore it is impossible that it will not have separate facilities for checking in important people and diplomats for that matter. But be that as it may it should not matter what status one is as long as you are on the queue the same rule should apply. In any case the people were already on the queue before the express driver came. Of course verbal warfare ensued between these officials and myself and I gave them a piece of my mind even with a few unprintable words thrown in. Most of the other passengers kept nodding their approval and some edging me on as I went to town on these irresponsible officials. As the racket went on unabated some higher official came ove r to placate me offering the most stupid explanation for his colleagues behavior: It is discretion. Then I asked him why the discretion is only applicable to White people and he was lost for words and when he recovered he stuttered. It happens every where. That response obviously betrayed his limited travel. The only concession black people get is not to jump the queue but to be searched, questioned, queried and subjected to all kinds of indignity at European airports. What Prof Ali Mazrui, calls equal opportunity for harassment. We were comparing his ordeal reentering US after a lecture tour in Trinidad and my not being allowed on BA flights twice for security reasons. I teased him that I did not think that big people like him could be treated that way. The ever-ready Mazrui responded: if you are a Muslim it is an equal opportunity for harassment. I can only add that it is not just Muslims (even if the y are the current targets) because any African who travels through Europe and America will know that opportunity too well. What has my recent experience got to do with Marleys mental slavery? Quite a lot. It is that slave mentality that makes our people to treat every white person as a superior being and be willing to grant all kinds of concessions while maltreating their own peoples. It is that colonial mentality that makes Europeans and Americans to act big when they are in Africa without many of us showing our contempt and resentment for their conduct. Those British people will not even jump a queue in the rain in London yet they are willing to let it be done (even expect it) on their behalf in Africa. Yet they will talk about the high level of corruption, inefficiency, etc, in Africa without seeing their own complicity in them. These things happen because we let them. It is not enough to just support someone wh o dares to confront these situations, we all have to resolve not to tolerate these indignities wherever we may encounter them in all our lives. Our silences are not only submission but also providing active encouragement for these insults to continu
ugnet_: Dont misinterpret Bible, Mr President -Monitor letters
LettersJan 9, 2004 Dont misinterpret Bible, Mr President During the end-of-year prayers at State House, Nakasero, President Yoweri Museveni read the parable of the talents and made his interpretation of it: Africans were given this vast, rich continent but are not using it. So the Asians, Europeans, etc., are coming to take even the little away from the Africans. This is very unfortunate. The continents that have exploited their talents have done so because of a focused, committed leadership with a vision that looks beyond survival, and plans for the future. The Vasco da Gamas and other explorers were sent by their monarchs to look for opportunities and territories. So if the leadership is correct, then, the led will exploit their talents. But what do we see now in Uganda? - We can naturally produce enough to feed ourselves but the President okays importation of GM foods to please America. - We have Phoenix Logistcis struggling to revive our textiles but he gives away Shs 12bn to facilitate the export of Sri Lankan fabrics to the US under AGOA. - We have the Nile, capable of producing power cheaply for every Ugandan, yet he gives away the dam and now the grid to South Africas ESKOM. So Mr President, you are the chief African. Do not misinterpret the Bible to justify Asians exploiting us, including enslaving the innocent at the Tri-Star white elephant! Name withheld on request. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Who, after Museveni, is about to get the vision?
Hello Mr President By David Ouma Balikowa Who, after Museveni, is about to get the vision? Jan 9, 2004 Writing recently in The Monitor, Prof. Ogenga Latigo said he had no intention whatsoever of entering an arena where two elephants, President Museveni and Eriya Kategaya were fighting lest (he) a small hare is accidentally stepped upon. But out of curiosity and sense of responsibility, he felt he had no choice but to say something about the raging debate between the two big elephants. A SHARED VISION? Selected shots of President Museveni and his Vice President, Gilbert Bukenya (File photos).Mr Museveni would probably not want to agree with Latigo that Kategaya is an elephant to compare him with. Musevenis recent media missives would seem to suggest that he is only comparable to Jesus when it comes to having a vision for the country. In his estimate, he is the elephant of all elephants in Uganda. Latigo is right in fearing to tread where two elephants are fighting, lest he the hare suffers irreparable injury. Because when two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers. But I want to assure Latigo that when two elephants make love, the grass does not fair any better. Latigo, the hare would be reduced to a paper-like layer of mingled flesh. So while the relationship between Museveni and Kategaya blossomed, the Latigos of Uganda were either forced to tread carefully or faced the consequences. Those that dared have sad tales to tell. Some people will recall the vocal politicians that used to make a lot of noise about corruption in the late 80s and early 90s. They got ministerial positions, became RDCs and their mouths got plugged with Pajeros. Asked why they no longer made noise, they would quickly say, For us in the Movement we do not talk while eating. The silence on graft, among other things, pushed the country to the worst levels of corruption in the countrys history, earning us high ranking on the Transparency International list of shame. The hares like Latigo need not fear venturing where elephants tread. The elephant can win a fight, but not necessarily the race. Kategaya need not be an elephant. He could be like the fable hare that perched on the elephants back in a race, only to jump to the finishing line first. So much about elephants, hares and the grass. I have with a tinge of amusement listened to Museveni remind us simple souls that he is the only man that possesses a vision for the country. This might not surprise Museveni but there is one man who seems to be getting to the vision very fast. In a matter of time, he might be only the second man in the country to have a Museveni vision for Uganda. Guess who that man is? You saw the pictures. From the way he talks and gestures like Museveni, he is about to see the vision when Uganda will be making paper from banana fibres. When Ankole, the land where milk flows along village paths will no longer depend on the cow, or when farmers will have multiple products from their patches of gardens. Or when every village homestead will have access to micro finance money. The golden feature time or candy world of some sort in George Orwells Animal farm! Fellow countrywomen and men, you might want to emulate the President if you too must get the vision of the promised land. Watch the body language and emulate him. From the little I remember about Musevenis body language when I last sat near him many, many years ago he would be looking at you but you got the feeling he was looking very far beyond any mortal soul. Probably into his vision thing for the country. But if the last 18 years have not been long enough for Musevenis vision to be achieved, any of us simple souls might as well forget about ever getting to the Presidents promised land. In the central and eastern parts of Uganda, the banana wilt has wiped out the entire crop. Intervention from government to fight the disease has not been forthcoming. In effect, these people, even when they emulate the Presidents body language, will most probably never get the vision to lead them to the promised land where banana fibre will be turned into paper. The story in war-torn Uganda needs not be retold. With the hands chopped off by rebels, they are not in position to even try to imitate the body language and get to the vision too. © 2003 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
Re: ugnet_: How widespread is hypocricy among us Catholics?
Anyamokolo, Please , what has this got to do with "Baganda"? Kisubi is a school where all nationals attend, At least the last time i checked that was the picture.(Could M7 have "fundamentally" changed even this?) For your own edification "fargots" are found everywhere, they come in all colours, sex and sizes. I was in Gulu recently and lady, the stories i heard there were saddening. It seems the people in the IDP camps mount anything that walks-(irrespective of sex. Now the people in those IDP camps are mainly from one race- very far away from the "Baganda fagots" in Kampala! Could this be the "civilizing effects of the NRA/M? Think about this next time before you decide to target one particular species of the human race. Rgds Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: Anyomokolo <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: Re: ugnet_: How widespread is hypocricy among us Catholics? Date: Sun, 11 Jan 2004 18:29:14 -0500 (EST) All it takes is one boy, now a grown man, from Kisubi college to come out and admit that he was molested by catholic priests and the rest will follow. Right now we are so culturally supressed and it is the reason catholic faggots, some retarded stupid believers call them 'flipping' priest, molest little boys because they know the culture forbids them from discussing it openly. No wonder there are too many baganda faggots in Kampala. Mitayo Potosi <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>wrote: How widespread is hypocricy among us Catholics? ~ Over a decade ago, at the start of AIDS in Uganda Kenya and Zambia, an Irish nun, The Rev. Sister Mary McDonald - a Medical Doctor, wrote a report based in the context of AIDS, about Catholic Bishops in an un-disclosed AIDS infested African country, who had gone way overboard with fornication, sex with underage girls, impregnating nuns, illegal abortions etc (One Bishop is reported to have impregnated 24 nuns, with one nun dying on him during a back alley abortion, according to the same Sister Mary McDonald MD). This report, if you remember, was suppressed by the cabal that really runs the Catholic church in Rome i.e. 'Opus Dei', and Sister McDonald was banished back to Ireland and gagged. Is that suprising if one considers the likes of the Belgian head of the catholic church who was asking the court there to allow him to stand in dock for all the pedophile clergy there, arguing that going after them individually would take the court more than fifty years? The catholic church is schizophrenic about sex. Here in Canada a whole monastry, Mount St Cashell, had to be demolished by the Canadian govt after it had been found to have been used by priests to sodomize kids. This sodomy had lasted more than 50 years; and the church has not yet fully compensated the victims!! Infamous Mount St Cashell had become such a place of pain, shame and evil that it really had to be erased from the face of the earth. Don't get me wrong. St. Marys College Kisubi is a very decent place where nobody has ever been known to suffer practices like those of Canada's Mount St Cashell. But still, the schizophrenia about sex exists there too. I hope fellow Kisubi OB's and fellow Catholics will not roast me alive when I refer to these dark 'secrets' !! ~ Weddings at Ntare; starvation in Kisubi School Times By Simon Kasyate Jan 12 - 18, 2004 OK guys let us begin like this; for my O-level, I was in a liberal school where limits were but in your head (wherever your conscience instructed you to stop was where the school fence ended) and preps were optional. But it was a rude cultural shock when at A- level; I was faced with the realities of being in a single sex, catholic school. It was my dream school because of the academic prestige. Passing through this school was a passport to celebrity. But blind I was after noticing the social deficit this college suffered. I mean, moving out of school at SMACK as St. Marys College Kisubi is known, be it for a small drink, dance, dinner and whatever was so feared that the mere thought of it would plunge you into panic before one of the Brothers reads your mind. The situation here was near the opposite of what I had left at Ntare School. Mbarara town was more like part of Ntare school because, on a daily basis, whether du ring exams or not, there was always a beeline of students headed to and fro town. Chances of meeting a teaching or non-teaching staff was 100% but what the heck-never heard of anyone expelled for being in town in broad day light. For many of us, flocking club Vision Empire was part of the prep menu every Friday. Saturday mornings found us nursing hangover in town with that badly needed plate of Katogo. Being a staunch catholic in love with Victorian hymns, Martyrs cathedral was the pla
ugnet_: Vision alone will not save Uganda
Vision alone will not save UgandaBy Yoga AdholaJan 13, 2004 In his presidential epistle, Kategaya Wrong On Origin Of Third Term, published in The Monitor, December 28-Jan 3, 2004, President Museveni wrote: "Mr. Kategaya would like us believe that the vision for the future of Africa is so abundant and, therefore, it is not an issue. If this is so, why is it that Africa, 40 years after independence, has not had one country transition from Third World to First World? This is not accidental." This statement clearly shows how Mr Museveni has no sense of reality. He is simply delusional. To him it is a matter of having a vision and Africa will shift from a 'Third World' into a 'First World' status. He seems to think that 40 years is more than enough for Africa to have achieved that transition. What he does not seem to know is that there are countries outside Africa, specifically Latin America, which have been independent longer than 100 years and have not yet achieved what he calls 'First World' status. I would like to dispel these delusions but before that, I need to clarify on a few concepts. The 'First World' are the metropolitan countries--the real centres of the capitalist world, the points from which capitalism radiates to the rest of the world. On the other hand, the countries classified as the 'Third World' are the periphery of the capitalist world. These are often former colonies, which as colonies were mere extensions of the metropolitan economies. After independence, these were transformed into neo-colonies. However, whatever the new form, they remain the periphery of the capitalist world. They are not what President Museveni himself has often described as "independent and self-sustaining economies". This is the essential character, which differentiates them from 'First World' economies or the metropolis of capitalism. Independent and self-sustaining economies are those economies which initiate economic processes that they need and because they need them. As already stated, these are the countries of the 'First World'. The 'Third World' countries, on the other hand, are those economies, which are peripheral or derivative. They engage in economic processes, not because they need them, but because the economies of the metropolis cause them to. Uganda produces coffee not because it has need for it, but because the metropolitan countries need it. Cotton production was initiated in Uganda, not because Uganda needed cotton, but because the supply of cotton to the Lancashire cotton mills in England had become unreliable. In one word, the Third World economies are dependant. What Museveni is saying here is very similar to that funny story which used to be told about a herdsman who saw a Volkswagen car following a bus. Seeing that the VW was smaller than the bus, he developed the thought that the VW was a baby bus and would some day grow up to be a bus. Like the herdsman who does not know that a VW car cannot grow into a bus, Museveni too does not appreciate the qualitative difference between Third World economies and those of the metropolis. Arising from this failure to appreciate the differences, President Museveni ends up thinking that with just vision it is possible for the economy of a country like Uganda to become like that of Britain. Long before Museveni, a right-wing American professor of Economic History called W.W. Rostow had advanced the theory of stages of growth. Rostow outlined his theory in a book, The Stages of Economic Growth: a Non-communist Manifesto, first published in 1959. According to Rostow, all economies go through a single pattern of five stages of growth. From the stage of being traditional economies, they move to that of pre-condition for take off, followed by take-off, then drive to maturity, and finally that of mass-consumption. While Rotow's schema might reflect what happened before the era of imperialism, it is not representative of situations of Third World countries today. Gunder Frank, whom NRM ideologues are fond of quoting, once said that the so-called 'First World' economies are very different from those of the Third World. While they might have at one time been undeveloped, they were never underdeveloped as the economies of the Third World are. The underdeveloped aspect of the Third World economies makes them simply appendages of the economies of the First World and there is no way they are going to get out of that state of being mere appendages as long as they are within the imperialist network. And so, for President Museveni to think that by simply having vision, an economy like that of Uganda is somehow going to become like that of Germany, is nothing but delusion. The difference between developed capitalist economies when they were still undeveloped and underdeveloped economies like that of Uganda is fundamental. While they may appear similar, they are very different. The difference is as much as that between a calf and a goat, which are juxtaposed to
ugnet_: Empire Or Africa
The article below is from ZNet. It was sent by a third party, whose address is indicated in the FROM: line of this email. You have not been placed on any list. ZNet | A Community of People Committed to Social Change Empire Or Africa ZNet Top Africa Home Most Recent From Africa The Use Of Anti-Trust Litigation Nigeria Fights Corruption? South Africa Spy Saga Ends Basic Questions On World AIDS Day Reflections on South Africa Most Recent From Yves Engler Suburban Planning And Public Health Jobless Recovery? Cancun Lessons Student Activism Health vs. Profits Other Sections Activism Afghanistan Watch Alternative Media Anarchy Animal Rights Anti War Argentina Asia Biotechnology Bolivia Watch < BR>Book Watch Brazil Watch Central American And Caribbean Watch Chiapas Colombia Disability_ Rights East Timor Watch Economy Foreign Policy Gender Global Global Economics Instructionals Interviews Iraq Ireland Japan Kosovo Labor Latin America Mainstream Media Mideast Miscellaneous Mumia Native Pacifica Parecon Peltier Site Puerto Rico Queer Race Repression Russia South Asia Syria Watch Terror War Third Party Venezuela VisionStrategy Web Youth ZNet InterActive by Yves Engler November 16, 2003 AFRICA While on a visit to the U.S, last week, Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni paid visit to the halls of the Wall Street Journal. Thursday, a piece submitted by the President appeared in the Journals pages and Friday the editorial board sang the leaders praises. In his article, We Want Trade Not Aid, Museveni argues in favor of the WTO, economic liberalization and U.S. benevolence. Museveni applauds the WTO, declaring that, its decisions are binding and enforceable. It reaches those decisions by consensus. Regardless of size or per capita GDP, each member state has an effective veto. That power gives Africa a real say. Anyone who pays attention to WTO negotiations must immediately recognize the misleading nature of Musevenis comments. The notion that a ll countries have equal control over WTO outcomes is formally true, however, in reality it is the most powerful countries that dominate. And as for binding and enforceable, that depends on whether or not you can be pushed around - the U.S. regularly ignores WTO rulings. Yet Museveni insists that Africa [has] a real say at the WTO. He maintains this position despite its inconsistency with a widely held understanding in both the business and left press that this is not the case. So in what tangible way has this say in the WTO helped Africa? The advent of the WTO to the present day has seen a stagnation of GDP in Africa. According to World Bank statistics, gross national income per-capita in sub-Saharan Africa actually declined by 0.2 percent from 1990 to 2001. Life expectancy has decreased over the past two decades, and the number [and percentage] of people living in poverty has increased steadily. (Washington Post June 10, 2003) Additionally in recent years there has b een a decrease in both Africas share of world trade and foreign direct investment. Even according to these capitalist economic indicators, it is clear that the past eight years of the WTO and the previous 10 years of neoliberal reforms have been devastating for the continent. A more direct example of the harm caused by the WTO is its block on generic drug importation (the recent agreement thus far has done little to change the situation.). It is now a widely understood that this has exacerbated numerous public health crises, most notably HIV/AIDS. But according to the Wall Street Journal editorial Museveni argued that future drug innovation depends on the incentive effects that patents providehe said that any rules on patent exemptions should be limited to cases of real health emergency. Implicit within this statement is an assertion that present circumstances in Africa do not meet the criteria of a real health emergency. In light of the fact that millions across th e continent die of sleeping sickness, malaria amongst other diseases and that about two million of Uganda's estimated 23 million people have HIV [and] only 10,000 AIDS patients are getting anti-retroviral (ARV) treatment., that is hard to swallow. (httcc//www.worldvision.org.nz/news/archive/20021017_00.asp ) Leaving aside the present health crisis, it is still a mystery why Museveni would concern himself with G7 nations' intellectual property agreements when Uganda has little industry dependent on intellectual property. Sure, a new computer or drug may benefit a handful of Ugandans, but these technologies are developed almost entirely in rich nations with minimal benefits to Ugandas economy. And the costs of accepting rich nations IP agreements (WTOs TRIPs) manifested in bans on certain generic drug importation and technology copying are so high, that this decision makes little sense. Even those who hold fast to the idea that strong
ugnet_: Third term agitation dishonest
Third term agitation dishonest By Abbey B. Mushega Jan 15, 2004 The third term debate has reached a new crescendo with President Yoweri Museveni "disgusted" over Mr Augustine Ruzindana's remarks about his role in the struggle against dictatorship in Uganda. As such, Ugandans need to determine where on the 'disgust' barometer, those who are bent on repeating costly past political mistakes for their short-sighted, self-serving interests fit. How do they justify the planned review of a constitutional provision that is a key anti-dictatorship safety valve (presidential term limits) and has not been tested? Who do they think they are fooling when they deceitfully claim that power belongs to the people, yet they disrespect the people's decision to set presidential terms in the Constitution? What has happened between 1995, when the Constitution came into effect, and now? Has it just dawned on the disciples of the "vision", many of them strong proponents of term limits during the Constituent Assembly deliberations, that other jurisdictions have no term-limits? The truth is that Museveni's last term is coming to an end and he does not wish to relinquish power, supposedly because none of Uganda's 24 million souls has the brains to lead the country. Strangely, these include his Vice-President and the entire Cabinet, all of whom have accepted this ultimate insult! How do leaders of a country whose post-colonial history is written in blood willfuly refuse to learn from its past? Suppose we had term-limits and Obote was certain to relinquish power in 1972 or earlier? Could Amin's disastrous coup have been avoided, as those opposed to his autocratic and manipulative politics knew the end of his rule was coming to and end? While our East African neighbours consolidate their democratic growth; Tanzania heading for its third peaceful transfer of power, and Kenya enjoying its second, our 'visionary' leadership is bent on planting the very seeds that will take this country back to its ignoble and violent political history. The case for term limits in Uganda is so clear that opposition to it can only be a manifestation of megalomania, a betrayal of the millions of Ugandans who supported and embraced the earlier progressive leadership of the Movement. Those who have clothed themselves in dishonesty and cannot say their campaign to lift the critically needed term limits is aimed at benefitting Museveni should think harder. What if we had a truly ruthless leader who will 'win' every election? It is either sheer lack of ingenuity or utter wilful blindness for third term proponents to compare the current political landscape in Uganda with political systems in countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada or Germany, which have no similar term limits. These countries have well-developed democratic cultures and institutions that do not tolerate the kind of untouchability that African rulers enjoy. Leaders in these countries cannot privatise state power, throw their opponents in jail, misuse state security agents to intimidate, harass or even kill opposition supporters, or threaten to hang on to power if they are "pushed". These leaders do not need a brigade of a personal army to protect them from the very people who vote them into power, and they have the wisdom, humility and real vision to know that they do not have a monopoly of these qualities. On the other hand, how many African presidents have ever lost an election? Of the hundreds of heads of state that have largely run the continent into ruin, I can count only four - Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, bed-ridden Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, Abdul Diouf of Senegal and Matthew Karekou of Benin. The majority have either been shot out of power or are hanging on for eternity. The latter include presidents Omar Bongo of Gabon and Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo, both of whom have been in power since 1967. Others include Col. Mummar Gadhafi who has been Libya's 'beloved' ruler since 1969, and of course Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, who despite reducing his once prosperous nation to ruins, continues to see himself as its saviour. These are pre-eminent members of an ignoble club that Uganda's visionary leader is fighting tooth and nail to join! Another fallacious and dishonest argument by the third term crusaders is that since term limits do not apply to other elected political positions, it should not apply to the presidency. This argument is patently flawed because no other elected official wields so much power, especially in a country with weak checks and balances. Presidents in Africa can make or break you. It is as simple as that. And since power corrupts, unlimited power corrupts 'unlimitedly'. The horrors of the de facto limitless and grossly abused presidential powers in Africa punctuate much of its sad post-colonial history. That none of Uganda's several dozens of ministers resigned in protest against the scheme to change the constitutional term limit whose operation has n
ugnet_: Talk to rebels outside Uganda
Talk to rebels outside Uganda By Sev. A Obura Jan 15, 2004 There is logic in the question, is the war in the north a complex political emergency? Your answer, correct or wrong, shall depend on how you see the situation. When journalist Robin White of the BBC recently asked President Yoweri Museveni in Soroti: "I see you in the middle of the war zone and you are surrounded by soldiers everywhere, are things that bad?" Museveni simply laughed it off and answered: "There is no war, really". Yet, I have all along been enjoying a belief that for well over a year, Lord's Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony has been holding Museveni in Gulu as his [Kony's] Prisoner of War (POW), and had transferred him to Soroti, where Robin White found him. International academic institutions have made a careful study of this question to find out how the emergency can be used to reform the economic, social and political welfare of the society affected. Three British Universities jointly made me participate in this study. It is a well-known fact that the war in the North started immediately after Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) came to power in January 1986. Up to now, 18 years later, Museveni has completely failed to defeat the rebels, despite the massive amount of taxpayers' money the Movement has pumped in, some pocketed away and some used to buy junk military equipment. The LRA have traversed the region, from Gulu, Kitgum and Pader (in Acholi), through Apac and Lira (in Lango), to Kaberamaido, Katakwi and Soroti (in Teso). As the rebels comfortably walk about - without the UPDF disrupting their trips - they have committed woe-ful atrocities among the Acholi, the Langi and the Iteso. Thousands of people have been killed, injured, abducted or driven into many internally displaced people's (IDP) camps where they are living an inhuman life -completely dehumanised, leave alone people being forced to sleep on the streets in towns or in the bush, to avoid being attacked in their houses at night. This conflict has shattered all infrastructure available in these areas, and has destroyed the economic assets so much that the people are left with no capacity to do any economic activities to enable them live a modest life expected of them under normal circumstances. Then, after about a decade, another brutal conflict erupted in another part of the country. The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) invaded the Rwenzori region, a stronghold of the Movement, in 1996. The ADF also killed and abducted very many people, and sent thousands into IDPs' camps scattered all over the region. Surprisingly, the UPDF suddenly picked up stamina to fight back, and gave the ADF an undisputable technical knock out (TKO) within a short period. This is what makes the war in the North, which is heavily financed by foreign donors, complex. The core of Uganda being at peace keeps international attention unbelievably silent. This denies Uganda the international community's commitment to redress the situation because the war is seen as a mere process to correct internal political failures in the country. Having observed that the UPDF has noticeably failed to defeat Kony's LRA, every Ugandan, within and abroad, began crying out loud and clear for peace talks to resolve the conflict. Kony showed a willingness to talk peace. Apparently, he took this decision in good faith, and he appeared serious. Unfortunately, the Movement Government mishandled the peace initiative. Reacting in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, President Museveni dictated where and when the talks must be held within Uganda! Suspecting this as a trick to expose and arrest him, Kony quietly laid off the peace talk idea. This widened the gap between the LRA and the government and it has killed off peace talks being prayed for day and night all over the country. I am strongly convinced that peace talks can be successful if held at a neutral venue outside the country. Let me give the following examples to illustrate it:*When in 1985 the late Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa invited Museveni for peace talks, the dialogue was quietly held in Nairobi, Kenya. *After fighting for 20 years, only two years longer than the war in the North, the Sudan Government and the rebel SPLA are now engaged in very fruitful peace talks in Naivasha, Kenya. As I write, the talks are progressing towards a successful end, as agreements are being signed, one after another, in "joyous moods" as reported by the BBC. *The Burundi peace talks, to which President Museveni himself is chairman, have all along been held in Arusha, Tanzania. As of now, the talks are driving to a bright successful end. *Last week, President Museveni went to Nairobi, Kenya, to referee the kick-start of the Somali peace talks, which he left progressing well. The analysis I have gone through leads me to raise the following questions:*The motives behind the donors' generous funding of this war should be questioned. A serious request should
ugnet_: Bidandi says no to referendum
Bidandi says no to referendumBy Carolyne NakazibweJan 16, 2004 KAMPALA Veteran politician Bidandi Ssali is opposed to governments plan to hold a referendum on the return to multipartyism and the scrapping of presidential term limits. The easiest thing a politician can do is to manipulate a population through a referendum. What matters are the repercussions after the referendum, Bidandi said during a morning talk show on Impact FM yesterday. Let government just talk with the opposition as planned. That is breaking the ice, he added. Bidandi is a senior member of the Movement, and was a key figure behind turning the Movement into a political party called the National Resistance Movement Organisation. He said during the show that Uganda does not need to incur the costs of a referendum to change the Constitution to remove the presidential term limits.Ugandans may have to hold a Shs 29 billion referendum to decide whether the term limits should be lifted. My quarrel is not Musevenis coming back in 2006 or not. My quarrel is how does he come back? I am against changing the Constitution and I will continue opposing it, Bidandi said. He said there is no reason to show that the constitutional article limiting the presidential terms to two, each being five years, is bad. These are people who dont know where they will be if Museveni leaves, Bidandi said of those politicians hankering to remove term limits.He said he does not expect Museveni to stand in 2006. He expressed dismay that some Cabinet ministers were behind the Return Museveni campaign when you have many things to accomplish in your ministry. It is no different from the Force Obote Back campaign we had before.All the bloodshed Uganda has had started with Obote changing the 1965 constitution, he said. Obote was twice deposed by the military. He is now in exile in Zambia. Bidandi was one of the first Cabinet ministers to oppose another term for the President through the proposed amendment of the Constitution.He was dropped from Cabinet on May 23 last year, after a long stint as Local Government minister. We have been called undisciplined, but we are all still in the NRM. No one can fire us from there and like human beings we shall always have our misunderstandings, he said. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Museveni fears MPs, misses Ankole shield
Cannibali fears MPs, misses Ankole shield By Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda an 14 - 20, 2004 December saw Ugandans retreating to villages to celebrate Christmas and the beginning of New Year. President Yoweri Museveni followed suit but his new year activity and information from western Uganda indicate his motive was different: The head of state, as usual, is ahead of his political opponents in soliciting support for his side. Rwakitura meetOn Jan. 2, the President met with Mbarara district LC-III and sub-county Movement chairpersons. President Museveni-(Self confessed killer )According to sources, Museveni was in lamenting mood, ruing that the laws passed by Parliament kept him out of the Constituent Assembly (CA). He mourned that he only listened to proceedings of the CA through the window and at times, he would be pushed away. That is how provisions that do not favour the presidency were put in the Constitution, he is reported to have said. He lamented that Parliament can overrule him if there is a disagreement between him and the legislature and that the MPs put in provisions that give them power to increase their salaries. He said he wants that supremacy to shift from Parliament to the village LCs even if it means holding a referendum every month. The president addressed meetings in Mbarara town and Ntungamo on the same issue and poverty eradication. Why Ankole?Museveni desires to repeal Article 105(2) that limits any president to two five-year terms. Western Uganda has been Musevenis stronghold in all the elections and he must be disturbed that western Uganda, and Ankole in particular, is leading in opposing him. In Mbarara the majority of MPs are not on Museveni side and unlike in the past, they are ready to tell him to his face. Mbarara has 11 MPs, including the woman MP. Only four support an extension of Musevenis tenure. Those who have spoken out against a third term in Mbarara are: Ms Miria Matembe (Woman MP Mbarara), Ms Winnie Byanyima (Mbarara Municipality), Mr Johnson Nkuuhe (Isingiro South); Mr Nathan Byanyima (Bukanga), Maj. Bright Rwamirama (Isingiro North), Capt. Guma Gumisiriza (Ibanda North); Maj. John Kazoora (Kashari). Mbarara MPs believed to back the life president project are: Mr John Nasasira (Kazo), Ms Mary Mugyenyi (Nyabushozi), Mr Amon Muzoora (Rwampara), and Mr John Byabagambi (Ibanda South). Three of the seven MPs opposed are army men, some very senior. Only Maj. Rwamirama has not become a crusader but he also spoke out during the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum (Pafo) Hotel Africana workshop. Two of the four MPs believed to support the project in Mbarara are ministers, Mr Nasasira and Ms Mugyenyi. And one of the two ministers is reported to be against it but is bound by collective responsibility. The remaining two, Muzoora and Byabagambi are new in Parliament and are unknown entities. MP explains Mr Nkuuhe told The Monitor in a telephone interview January 10 that the President should know that the people are not foolish and know the motive behind his meetings. He said that since the Ankole group is opposed to the third term, the President is trying to hit it hard by creating a rift between MPs and their constituents. We have no problem against him as a person but we are interested in constitutionalism. The Constitution says two terms and for him he has had even four. He is avoiding to meet us on this subject. We would tell him that much as he has done a lot of things for the country, he has run out of ideas and he is interested in self preservation, Nkuuhe said. Nkuuhe said individuals might be good but lasting institutions are the solution to the problems of the country. He said that the president is making a mistake by fuelling in-fighting in government and that it would be a dangerous trend to break the network of leaders from local governments, parliament to the executive. But would the MPs counter Museveni? Yes, and we spend more time in the constituencies compared to Museveni who only visits, he said. We can explain to the same people over and over. BushenyiLeaders from Mbarara are not the only ones that oppose the third term. Bushenyi has been rewarded with three ministerial posts, but leaders there oppose the life presidency. Prof. Ephraim Kamuntu is a renowned opposition Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) leader. Bunyaruguru MP Twarabireho Tungwako is a quiet operator and if he opposes the project, it will not be a surprise. The Womans seat is vacant but the late Bernadette Bigirwa (woman MP Bushenyi) opposed the third term. Significantly, a sizeable group of leaders from each of the traditional Ankole districts oppose the life president project. Former minister Richard Kaijuka and Secretary general for the East African Community Maj. Amanya Mushega are not with Museveni. Maj Gen. Mugisha Muntu, who comes from Ntungamo and Mr Eriya Katageya from Mbarara all oppose the project. Pafo leader, Mr Augustine Ruzindana is from Ntungamo. But the pr
ugnet_: What is Museveni's vision for Uganda?
What is Museveni's vision for Uganda?By Andrew M. Mwenda Jan 18 - 24, 2004 For sometime now, President Yoweri Museveni has been arguing that any discussion of a possible transition from his leadership to his successor should have a "vision" as the central element. Dr Rwanyarare By claiming to have a vision for this country, and accusing his opponents of possessing none, Mr Museveni has set the terms of the debate. Thus, all responses to the president that I have read or heard of carry an underlying theme that Museveni has a vision for Uganda, and should (for his supporters) continue to lead or (for his opponents) let others to organise under political parties in order to generate their own vision. For me however, President Museveni's claim to have a vision just begs the question: what is the president's vision for this country? Where is it articulated? How can one find and read it? The president has referred us to other visionaries like Jesus Christ, Prophet Mohammed, Karl Marx and Adam Smith. Jesus' vision is outlined in the New Testament of the Bible while Mohammed's is in the Koran. Marx's vision is in the three volumes of Capital and in the Communist Manifesto while that of Adam Smith is in the Wealth of Nations. Is President Museveni's vision articulated in the NRM's Ten Point Programme? How much of this is his thinking? Is it in his autobiography, Sowing the Mustard Seed? The book is statement of a personal search for political power. Is it in his series of speeches published under the title What is Africa's Problem? The speeches attempt a diagnosis of a problem and hardly offer a solution. Is the president's vision to be found in the Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP), a policy framework through which government intends to eradicate poverty? That is a product of a process in which the president's input is least. Or is it in a series of speeches, comments, discussions, etc - that he has given at rallies, press conferences and interviews? I have been a keen follower of the president's ideas - expressed in his writings, speeches, interviews etc since my childhood. I harbour a private admiration for the man inspite of my criticism, but frankly it is difficult to discern a clearly articulated vision for Uganda. A vision is an image of one's future. What is President Museveni's image of Uganda's future? He often says that he wants to see Uganda transform from a backward, "pre-industrial" society into an industrialised nation. Well, Milton Obote, Idi Amin, even Mobutu Sese Seko of former Zaire, and Samuel Doe of Liberia said the same. Obote, in the 1960s, said Uganda's problems were poverty, ignorance and disease, and that the solution was socialist development through Import Substitution and Industrialisation to a future of "freedom and prosperity." The reference is the Common Man's Charter. Idi Amin's future of Uganda was a wealthy military super power built around indigenous capital - hence the chasing away of Asians and Europeans. If vision is a mere projection of a future, then even James Rwanyarare and Ken Lukyamuzi - politicians whom I take least seriously - have a vision for Uganda. In this respect, merely stating that he wants an industrialised Uganda does not set Museveni apart from this brand of politicians in Uganda and Africa. If we are to take President Museveni seriously and set him apart from Samuel Doe, Siad Barre, Jean Bokasa, Daniel Arap Moi, etc., then we must critically assess the relationship between his "vision" (i.e. industrialisation), and the institutional and policy framework he has put in place to reach that destination. In other words, we are moving the discussion from mere desire to industrialise (which every politician on the street, every tomato vendor, pick pocket and peasant in a village can and has said about Africa) to crystallise the robustness of a vision backed by a strategy to achieve it. The Ten Point Programme seemed to suggest that Uganda would be transformed through import substitution industrialisation (remember "building an independent, integrated and self sustaining economy"?), a state-led mixed economy, and through barter trade? Unlike Prof. Dan Nabudere who says the president abandoned this vision, I think Museveni got the NRM only to change their strategy. Through influence of the World Bank and the IMF, the president now believes in export promotion industrialisation, through private sector-led growth. Does Uganda's current macro-economic policy framework provide a foundation for export promotion and industrialisation through private sector-led growth? Does Uganda have the requisite institutional structure to support such a process? Do state institutions in Uganda relate to the private sector in ways that promote its competitiveness? Does President Museveni's political management style promote the building of the kind of institutions that can propel Uganda towards industrialisation? We must remember that desire which is
ugnet_: Museveni should go, says Bidandi
Museveni should go, says BidandiBy Emmanuel N. Mugarura & Mercy NalugoJan 20, 2004 Everyone has a vision KAMPALA A former Cabinet minister has said that President Museveni should retire at the end of his term in 2006. Speaking on CBS radio on Sunday, former Local Government minister Bidandi Ssali said Mr Museveni has done a lot for the country but that there is no reason for him to seek a third term. He literally said that even a good dancer leaves the floor. Even for the simplest tasks there is a stop, Mr Bidandi said, in reference to the fact that Musevenis last term in office runs out in 2006. Those who are asking for Museveni to stay after 2006 are trying to protect their jobs, he added. Most of them have nothing to do after the President has retired. This is the first time Bidandi is expressly saying that his former boss must quit in 2006. The former minister opposed proposals to lift the Constitutional two-term limit on the presidency and said there was unanimous approval of the limits during the Constituent Assembly that wrote the 1995 Constitution. Where were those people who are saying we change the Constitution to remove term limits? Bidandi asked. Is history repeating itself? Bidandi, who was dramatically sacked in the May 2003 Cabinet reshuffle after he began opposing the third term, said it is not the first time government critics are sacked in Uganda. He compared his sacking and that of Cabinet colleagues Miria Matembe and Eriya Kategaya to the 1964 UPC delegates conference in Gulu where those opposed to then President Milton Obotes position were sacked from the party and later jailed. When we came from Kyankwazi, those opposed to the Museveni line were sacked. Kategaya, Miria were all sacked for opposing the so-called official line, Bidandi said. The former minister also pointed out that, like in 1967, when Obote threw out some of his political allies, people who campaigned for Museveni in the 2001 presidential election are being prosecuted and might end up in prison. Everyone knows the role [Brig. Henry] Tumukunde played in the elections, but he is now facing the court martial; is history repeating itself? he asked. Bidandi poured scorn on the new cadres within the Movement who insult its historical members. We in the Movement know that Kategaya is the number two in the Movement; he has never been involved in any scandals. Who are you to abuse him? What is an RDC to Kategaya? he said. He said Museveni and Kategaya are brothers, inseparable and will make up at an appropriate time. View on review reportDuring the same programme, which ran on Sunday night, Bidandi said he is suspicious about the final report from Prof. Fredrick Ssempebwas Constitutional Review Commission. He said there were high chances of manipulating the report after government stopped The Monitor from publishing details of the report through a court injunction late last year. But this kind of blindfold cannot help, Bidandi said, adding that he had no respect for the final report. Who has vision? Bidandi also told the radio listeners that nobody has a monopoly over a vision for the country. As we head for the 2006 elections, we should not talk of vision in terms of a personality but a vision for parties, Bidandi said. We all have a vision. Democratic Party has a vision; Uganda Peoples Congress and the NRM all have visions, he said. In November last year, Museveni said he had not identified anyone with a vision to lead the country. Speaking of Museveni, Bidandi said: My boss has his strong points but he also has weak points. I used to give him 70 percent¼but now I am giving him 65 percent. © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Baker of Teso meets Mumias cane farmer
Ear to The Ground By Charles Onyango-Obbo Baker of Teso meets Mumias cane farmerJan 21, 2004 This is a story about two friends, a bakery, sugar farming peasants, and political food. A good friend has a thing about bread. When he used to visit his old folks in Kumi district, he found that the fresh bread being sold at the nearest trading centre was about two days old. Like an educated man should do, he asked why. He found, to his consternation, that some of the bread being eaten in Kumi came from as far away as Kampala and Kenya! Further exploration revealed that there was no decent bakery between Mbale and Lira. And he was waiting for his scouts to report on whether there was a bakery worth the name between Lira and the Uganda-Sudan border. In fact outside Kampala and Jinja, there is no bakery to write home about. My friend has been linked to an effort that has now opened a small bakery in Kumi. While he doesnt make a big deal of it, my sources tell me that when the first loaves rolled out of the oven recently, some wananchi received the event with the emotion that the American space officials recently awaited the first signals that the Mars lander had touched down on the red planet. So to my second friend. There is a connection between the record setting status of the small bakery in Kumi, and a much bigger establishment further away in Kakamega, western Kenya. No, when you think of it, Kakamega isnt that far away from Kumi.About 50 minutes drive from Kisumu airport is based the giant Mumias Sugar company. Mumias has an annual turn-over in excess of UShs 250bn. And there are very few managers and directors who have to walk on such treacherous political ground like those at Mumias. The members of the local co-operative of cane outgrowers are among the shareholders in Mumias. Its one of the biggest agricultural and certainly among the most militant co-operatives in Africa. Though through buy-outs their numbers have reduced to about 50,000 now, not too long ago they were about 70,000. And these cane out-growers had a reputation for something else they took the annual general meetings seriously. Today, about 40,000 of them will turn out for an AGM. Ominously, they are wont to turn up carrying their rungus (clubs) and machetes. These are peasants, several thousand of them barefoot, who come to hear how much (not if) they will get as dividend. It doesnt require a lot of imagination to figure what 40,000 farmers with pangas and clubs can do if they hear that the KShs 10,000 dividend they were banking on wont be paid. The result is that many of these meetings tend to be massive military operations, with hundreds of heavily armed paramilitary and police officers. The new chief executive officer of Mumias is a friend, Evans Kidero. On the face of it, you could never imagine someone who comes from a very opposite background than the outgrowers of Mumias. Golf-crazy Evans was, among other things, the MD of the giant multinational SmithKlineBeecham in Kenya, then Nigeria. He then became MD of Nation Media Groups Newspaper Division, and moved to Mumias at the end of last year. There is a golf course at Mumias, so that is one problem solved. On the other fronts, Evans had mainly the strategic depth that his past work experience gave him, and a lively adventurous mind to go by. I havent spoken to Evans in recent days, so I dont know how his optimism levels stand. However, he will need all the luck he can get, because Kenya sugar has a bigger problem that cant be solved by Mumias alone. The cost structure of the industry makes it very expensive, and its even being beaten on price by imports from other countries in the COMESA area like Malawi. Malawi has been able to mechanise sugar production. But Kenya cant quickly take the road that Malawi has set out on, and Mauritius took years ago partly because there are 50,000 panga-wielding peasants and possibly millions of their dependants who would go to bed on half-empty stomachs because of the reforms and vote against the Members of Parliament and the government that backs any modernisation. And here is where the paths of the bakery in Kumi and the sugar plantations of Mumias cross paths. In a world where, in some countries, large families have domestic bakeries in their backyards, the lack of a bakery in the north-eastern, northern, and possibly West Nile region is a vivid index of a low standard of life. To change the situation will require a radical shift in government policy; a revolution in how it allocates the countrys resources; and a very enlightened leadership to make it happen. In Uganda today - and in the past - the only time leaders have had the sufficient emotion and commitment to do something of that magnitude for an area is when either its their village, district, or region. The result is most Ugandans (unfortunately) believe that the surest way you can have a bakery in your little town and develop and afford the
ugnet_: Let Museveni keep ruling, say Ministers
Let Museveni keep ruling, say Ministers THIRD TERM: energy minister Syda Bumba dancing at ssembabule on Saturday By Eddie Ssejjoba, In Ssembabule Four Cabinet ministers and about 28 MPs danced and chanted slogans supporting the third term at a rally in Sembabule on Saturday. They said President Yoweri Museveni should copy other African leaders and reign for life. Energy minister Saida Bbumba said former Tanzania president Julius Nyerere ruled for 41 years, Nelson Mandela of South Africa retired at 90 while arap Moi of Kenya ruled for over 47 years and left power at 82. I support Museveni to copy from Moi, consider leaders like Omar Bongo of Gabon who has been in power for over 37 years, Fidel Castro of Cuba, and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya who began a revolution and even now nobody wants to remove him from power. We should copy Gaddafi because even ours is a revolution, those opposing the third term want us to lose the future development Museveni wants to fulfill, Bbumba said. Others said at the age of 59 Museveni was too young to retire. They included members of the Uganda Young Movementists under a programme codenamed Operation to return Museveni and The Movement Voice headed by Moses Byaruhanga. Others called on everybody to support Museveni to chase away the Malwa (anti-third term) group. They directed all those who introduced themselves to clarify their stand on the third term. Bbumba was launching the sh2b Ssembabule electricity scheme. State minister for investment Sam Kutesa (right) mobilised about 32 MPs to show support for the third term. Bumba said the power programme had just begun and Museveni was still lobbying for more support from donors. We have a 10-year programme to take electricity to all parts of Uganda, please do not disturb this programme because Museveni is the only one whose language is heard in Washington where we get funds to do this work, she said. She said 144 projects would be launched in the next four months. She said Uganda should not go by the United States pace on democracy because they have been independent for over 500 years yet Uganda had clocked just 41 years since independence. She attacked the Malwa group for reportedly fighting development. Museveni has turned this wilderness (Ssembabule) into a town by installing power here, he lobbies for money from donors. Without him nothing can be achieved because all the development is attributed to him, she said. MPs from different parts of the country spoke on the slogan, Ekisanja (third term) compliance. They said Museveni should rule for life or until he is too old to continue. Sam Kutesa said, presidential term limits were undemocratic because many developed democratic countries do not have them. He said the Malwa group had been in power with Museveni for 17 years and were now abusing him. I was not a minister for five years and I survived. But those shouting now have been with him for 17 years, they retired from Par liament but not from ministerial posts. Why do some people fear to change the Constitution on only one issue of the presidential term, yet they want it changed on issues like federo and political pluralism? he said. Samuel Abura, from Matheniko said We are ready to escort Museveni to Rwakitura after clocking 82 years, he said. Mike Ssebalu from Busiro East said he wanted to take the third term issue to the African Parliament so that no leader is given a limit. Others said Museveni was their milk-producing cow that should not be slaughtered now. Rwemiyaga MP Theodore Ssekikubo was irked by pressure from other MPs and other Movement fans who wanted him to pronounce his stand on the third term. He refused to comply. Published on: Tuesday, 20th January, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Help STOP spam with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
RE: ugnet_: Remember what happened before when Uganda's Constitution was Changed by Obote? 2
And some people tell us these things where never discussed? That there was no democracy then? What then is this? Ssemakula, thank you for exposing the lies of such people! Rgds Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*.--- Begin Message --- From Ugandanet Archives: Excerpts of Kasfirs article The 1967 Uganda Constituent Assembly Debate in Transition 33 - Increasing Presidential Powers: Turning to civil liberties, our rights could be suspended summarily under the proposals and there was no recourse to the courts to find out why they had been suspended. This was the biggest indication of autocracy. The members were giving the president powers to appoint everybody, dismiss everybody, nominate one-third of the Parliament and detain them in the bargain Mr. Nekyon said the proposals provided for an autocracy or an African democracy. Which prevailed would depend on the person in the office of the President. The concentration of power in one person was not completely justified. Some of the powers given to the president were excessive. There should be a balance between the office of the President and the judiciary, and the system of Parliament. A.A. Nekyon (UPC Lango S.E), Uganda Argus 30th, June 1967. - I love the president. He knows me thoroughly and I know him intimately. He was not a machine, even machines have limitations. Mr. Obwangor said that in his opinion it would be unfair to impose all the powers of the State on him. The essential factor in a modern state was balance of power. It would be ridiculous if the Constituent Assembly vested all the powers in one man. He strongly felt that the office of Prime Minister should be created. He should be the head of government to assist the President. The creation of such an office would relieve the president and would leave him with the work pertaining to such an important office. Mr. Obwangor suggested that the principle of collective responsibility between the Cabinet Ministers and the President should b e held to. Cuthbert Obwangor (Min. of Plan. & Econ. Dev.) Uganda Argus 11th, July - NOMINATED MPs: It was not democracy for the president to nominate 30 members of the House. It would be better for him to nominate all MPs so that the country would clearly know that it was a dictatorship. If a man was nominated he was bound to be a yes man. This was a step back to the dark days. H.M. Luande (Independent, Kampala E) Uganda Argus 29th June Mr. Obwangor disapproved of the section which provided for nominated members whom he described as political failures. If someone fails at the vote, let him not poke his nose in this noble House, Mr. Obwangor said amid cheers from both sides of the House. C. Obwangor (Min. Plan. & Econ. Dev.) Uganda Argus 8th July - PREVENTIVE DETENTION: When the detention act came into being, it was not pick and choose, one did not know who would come first. It is like death. E.M.K. Mulira (UPC, Mengo N.) Uganda Argus 30th June Preventive detention was a double-edged sword. It prevented a crime that was feared if it was used properly, but it could also create the commission of that offense if it was wrongly used. If a man were detained because he was trying to subvert the country, it was proper that he should be brought to trial, but if he was going to be kept indefinitely, then Mr. Nekyon thought that what Uganda was trying to prevent would instead be caused by other people who thought they might be detained as well. Preventive detention, unless used correctly, would spread discontent. To detain one man meant to detain six, because his friends and family would become discontented. To go on detaining more and more people would mean a spread to the point where preventive detention could no longer be effective because one had detained three million out of seven and half already. At this point the Constitution would be changed by force. This was natures pr ovision human rights human nature. He believed the President and Police were being given power to eliminate serious political opponents systematically, and he did not think this was the answer, even when power is wanted. A.A. Nekyon (UPC, Lango SE) Uganda Argus 30th June Turning to the section which deals with the protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Individual, Mr. Mayanja said that as a veteran nationalist one of the most serious indictments against the colonialists was the deprivation of some of the fundamental rights and freedom of the individual. But still there were some rights which the colonialists guaranteed , and added that it was disappointing that even those right and freedoms which were enjoyed during the colonial times were going to be taken away by the present proposals. He described the move as a shame. A. Mayanja (UPC, Kyaggwe NE) Uganda Argus 6th July What a s
ugnet_: A Pillar of UPC passes away BUT the spirit lives on!
Matembe attacks Otafiire at funeralBy Otushabire TibyangyeJan 22, 2004 MBARARA - Ms Miria Matembe on Monday clashed with Col. Kahinda Otafiire at a burial. The two politicians were attending the burial of Mr Kesi Kabakyenga, a prominent elder in Mbarara. Trouble began when Otafiire, who was representing President Museveni, denied reports in the press that quoted him saying leaders should leave power when their time comes. You said it; you said it, Matembe kept interupting the ministers speech. Otafiire did not respond to Matembe, who pinned him in front of a huge crowd that included six area bishops and other prominent elders, including, Mr Amanya Mushega, the General Secteray of the East African Community, Mr Richard Kaijuka, a former minister, UPC stalwarts, Mr Yona Kanyomozi and Prof. Adonia Tiberondwa and Ugandas ambassador to Washington, Francis Butagira. Matembe then took the microphone after the ministers speech although Otafiire was supposed to be the last speaker. Otafiire, who is the Minister of Lands, Water and Environment was earlier this month reported to have said leaders should come and go. But he called a press conference to deny he said that during the burial of the late Woman MP for Bushenyi, Bernadette Bigirwa. But as Otafiire repeated his denial on Monday, Matembe, a former minister for ethics and an MP representing Mbarara (women) kept on interrupting the ministers speech. Matembe was sacked from Cabinet in May last year after she publicly stated that she was opposed to a move to lift the constitutional presidential term limits. The move is seen to favour president Museveni to run for a third term after his last ends in 2006. Matende also criticised Otafiire for claiming that he could fit into Kabakyengas shoes. You have not died in vain. You have left people like me who can fit in your shoes, Otafiire had said. He used a Kinyankole proverb, Engiri ezaire teribwa mbwa, which means that dogs cannot eat a warthog that has produced offsprings. How can you fit in Kabakyengas shoes and build a co-operative movement when you have failed to unite the people politically? Matembe asked, drawing applause from the mourners. She said Kabakyenga welcomed all people regardless of politics, religion and gender. She praised the late elder for advocating for womens emancipation. He gave us cows even before the Movement government came to power, she said. Kabakyenga was one of the founders of the defunct Banyankole Kweterana Co-operative Society. He died on Saturday after a long battle with cancer and was buried on Monday at his home in Biharwe, near Mbarara town. He was a supporter of the Uganda Peoples Congress party and brought UPC president Dr. Milton Obote to Bushenyi from exile in Tanzania on May 27, 1980. Additional reporting by Alex B. Atuhaire © 2004 The Monitor PublicationsMay Kabakyengas soul rest in peace! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Protect your PC - Click here for McAfee.com VirusScan Online This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
Re: ugnet_: Kabaka to Meet Sudan Elders Over LRA Rebels
Vukoni, I agree with you here, but yet again you should have been in Luwero when him and Mu7 went about preaching about the new change they would usher and the methods they would use to bring about that change. They, him and M7, hade clearly identified whom their enemies were. Hoes, pangas and rungus where used to kill off all those perceived enemies. A lot of people including my dear old uncle lost their lives in Luwero, and later in the rest of Buganda simply because they were "Bipingamingi" -read Non Gandas! When they got to Kla, you must have seen how they went about torching any "dark" skinned person they met. In the process i again lost a very dear friend, Mutebi,. His crime? his skin complexion was dark! As they later found out they had actually torched a royal! The method? They tied a tire around his neck and torched it! Chief, it is one of the most painful and inhuman way of dying! To this day i still have night mares! Will it ever end? Shall i ever forget the things that happened to my people in Luwero and in Kla? To this day these people, those who were lucky to survive , have not got their land and other property back! Now, you tell me what the Kabaka has done to compensate these innocent Ugandans right in his kingdom. let him first settle the problem of Luwero before he can go talk to the people in Sudan.In Luwero i know he has some powers. He can order for those properties to be handed back to their rightful owners and probably also apologize for the role he played in their being treated like they were not his subjects! Failure to do this will make me see all his later attempts as nothing but cheap politicking! Rgds Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: Vukoni Lupa-Lasaga <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: Re: ugnet_: Kabaka to Meet Sudan Elders Over LRA Rebels Date: Fri, 23 Jan 2004 09:33:25 -0600 I'm not a monarchist but if truth be told, this Kabaka has displayed remarkable statesmanship in expressing solidarity with Ugandans and other Africans within our borders who continue to bear the brunt of the NRM's failed militarist approach to solving every problem. --- Outgoing mail is certified Virus Free. Checked by AVG anti-virus system (http://www.grisoft.com). Version: 6.0.563 / Virus Database: 355 - Release Date: 1/17/2004 Add photos to your e-mail with MSN 8. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Assessing the revolution through Nakiryowa, Museveni's cook :- Serves her right?
Assessing the revolution through Nakiryowa, Museveni's cook By David Kibirige Jan 25 - 31, 2004 They fought and conquered. They proudly marched to Kampala. We are talking about the National Resistance Army (NRA) fighters led by President Yoweri Museveni, who captured power in 1986 after a five-year bush war. Among these was a young lady Sergeant, Christine Nakiryowa. At the age of 12, Nakiryowa abandoned studies at Kapeka Primary School in Primary Seven and joined NRA rebels in 1981. Stephen Kashaka, now a Brig, recruited her into the rebel ranks. Her father, Mr Charles Muzanganda encouraged his daughter to join the NRA. UNLA soldiers later killed him. However, Nakiryowa's mother, Ms Edisa Nakazzi still lives in Luwero. Nakiryowa says she was the first woman to join the NRA. Her number is RA 0185. Museveni's is RA 001 while Honorary Brigadier Eriya Kategaya's (former deputy premier) is RA 002. Nakiryowa was in the Mandriana Unit. The unit comprised senior members of the High Command. The original members were Museveni, Kategaya, Jim Katugugu Muhwezi (now a Brig), Sam Katabarwa (RIP), Salim Saleh (Lt. Gen), Elly Tumwine (Lt. Gen) and later Olive Zizinga (Capt), Joe Mirembe and Gertrude Njuba (Capt). Together with Lt. Night Nabunya (RIP), Nakiryowa was in charge of cooking for Museveni. He really loved eating chicken, prepared in a bokisi," (tiny saucepan with a cover) she told Sunday Monitor in a recent interview. "We also cooked for the other members of the High Command. If there was no chicken and we failed to get beef, we would cook whatever was available," "He trusted us. There was no way we could poison him. After cooking, we would give it to a boy called Kambarage who would serve mzee," Nakiryowa proudly reminisces. During the 2001June parliamentary elections, Museveni introduced Nakiryowa to the electorate. "This was our first woman in the bush. She used to cook for me," Museveni said then. She says cooking was not her only job. She also fought to defend captured territory. She however does not want to discuss much of what happened in the bush. Nakiryowa remembers with sadness how UNLA troops drove them out of the fertile areas of Luwero. "We retreated to the semi arid areas in Nsakaziragula and Nakasongola. We used to eat the bark of trees when we failed to get anything to eat. It was here that many of our colleagues died. Not of bullets but of hunger and illness," Nakiryowa says. She remembers that the NRA bush director of finance, (later Col.) Frank Guma (RIP) had lots of money and would buy for them what to eat. "I think he left Obote's army with a lot of money. He helped us a lot," says Nakiryowa. After the capture of Kampala, Nakiryowa got a man and produced children. This was the turning point in her life. "A jealous person said I was over producing children and so my name was mysteriously struck off the army payroll," she says.Today Nakiryowa has ten children and has even changed her name from Christine to Aisha. "I am now a Muslim. I am no llonger a Christian," she says. A letter dated November 5, 2002 by the then UPDF director of records, Col. Mark Kodili to Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine confirms the mystery about striking Nakiryowa's name off the payroll. She started vending charcoal after her sad exit from the army. However, like the Biblical Job, law enforcement officers impounded her charcoal. She turned to her former comrades for help, but all her attempts hit a dead end. During last year's Tarehe Sita (February 8) celebrations at Bombo Army Headquarters, Nakiryowa masqueraded as a journalist and attended the function. When Museveni saw her in the company of Maj. Gen. Katumba Wamala, Brig. Stephen Kashaka, Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine and Col. Elly Kayanja, he called her. He asked her what she was doing. "I told him I was unemployed but was still staying at Kawaala. He told Joan Rukalema Magezi, his secretary, to make an appointment for me to meet him. "However, Magezi and Ezra Mwanje kept on tossing me". They asked me to explain what I wanted. Mzee should not tell me to explain why I want to talk to him because I think I know him better than those who now pretend," she says bitterly. She says she keeps on wondering how some people attained high ranks when the original fighters are still sergeants or Captains. "They say I am not educated; that is why I was just a sergeant. But I know some Colonels who are not highly educated," she says. Nakiryowa says she is not a bitter person but her only regret is that she has become a laughing stock. "I am not bitter but at least mzee should meet me, just to say thank you," she says. Too sad! But perhaps Nakiryowa like all revolutionaries might one day realise how revolutions eat up their own. And President Museveni might want to look out for the lay participants in the revolution; cooks, porters and messengers © 2004 The Monitor Publications Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."-
RE: ugnet_: Kabaka to Meet Sudan Elders Over LRA Rebels
You are right on Mulindwa! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X Original Message Follows From: "Mulindwa Edward" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>CC: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: ugnet_: Kabaka to Meet Sudan Elders Over LRA Rebels Date: Sun, 25 Jan 2004 21:05:47 -0500 You know a good bunch of postings in this forum are not worth the time to respond, but this one surely deserves a second. You see it is such uncritical thinking and reasoning that Museveni feeds on. For example what makes one think that Uganda Districts are at war between each other? is Bunyoro's problem today Busoga? Is West Nile in confrontation with Lango? You can not put districts on a round table unless they are at log-heads. And Uganda districts are not. (Democratic and Cultural) What does that exactly mean? Is Buganda at war with West Nile for West Nile girls do not kneel down when they are greeting people yet Baganda girls do? So you want to put these two districts at a round ta ble to discuss their differences? Red this one " Political parties should contest in regional politics (democratic) and traditional / cultural posts should be left to be set through traditional customs and norms. The separation of democratic politics from cultural politics should emphasized even if both kinds of politics will at one point or the other get intertwined, They'll have to be separated, written in the law of the land." What exactly does that sentence mean? sounds like "We have allot of unknowns that we know we do not know whether we know them, but when we know what we do not know we will tell you when we know what we do not know" Huh? How can you get an entity in Uganda which runs the political arena and the cultural arena at the same time? Look "Separation of democratic politics from cultural politics should be emphasized even if both kinds of politics will at one point or the other get intertwined" So am I to understand that the intertwining of Buganda c ultural and political matters have tought us nothing so far, or it is me on dope? And how do you separate regional and national politics by law, "By law" yet at times it will be intertwined? Are we talking about federalism here or feudalism? It is such nonsense that has become Museveni's daily food bank, for on such suggestions he plans a round table to make Districts make a workable setting. It is these same brains that are today jumping with hoofs for Museveni wants to discuss the opening up of party politics. When will you ever learn Ugandans? For the record districts sit on a table to discuss how to use their resources if Federalism is introduced. Uganda's districts have no resources what so ever, everything has been grandly looted to the extent that even Kilembe mines has been closed. The entire north has been shut down for ages. More than half of Buganda's land has been sold to the Boers. What is it that is going to be put on the table to negoti ate with? What we need in uganda is leadership, we need a government, we need to start, we need to put our people back in homes. And Zakoomu is a classic example of how much Federalists hate Northern Uganda and Northerners, for there is no way any body with a brain of a pea size, can decide to make Northern Uganda a federal State today. These are people who have been destroyed by their government, it has been a government policy to destroy the North, these people have not slept in homes for 20 years, and the only way North can get on their feet both financially and psychologically is by being up lifted by the rest of the entire nation. it is sad that the federalists want to abandon Northern Uganda to its own. But hey what do you expect from a bunch of people who have a philosophy based on miss information and disinformation, being fade on a society of the Zakoomu's who are un critical thinkers? It sucks trust me. And we might be quite but we are watching, be ware. Em The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" - Original Message - From: Rehema Mukooza To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sent: Sunday, January 25, 2004 7:07 PM Subject: Re: ugnet_: Kabaka to Meet Sudan Elders Over LRA Rebels Lupa-Lasaga: You've got a nice point here with your question: What is the best strategy for bringing about federalism in Uganda? Below are my contributions towards an answer. 1st. getting all districts under "regions" together at the round table and discuss their union and how they are going to make things work in their union. 2nd. getting regions (Busoga, Bunyoro, Acholi, Lango, W.Nile, Ankole, Tooro, Kigezi, etc) to form workable settings of their governing administrations (democratic & cultural) within and around. 3rd. getting all r egions together on the national table to discuss key issues of the federation. I re
ugnet_: Uganda's "Benevolent" Dictatorship -J.OLOKA-ONYANGO
Uganda's "Benevolent" Dictatorship J. OLOKA-ONYANGO J. OLOKA-ONYANGO teaches at Makerere University in Uganda and was recently a visiting professor at Harvard Law School. His latest book is The Dynamics of Constitutional Politics in Uganda (Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA, 1997). Few contemporary political and socioeconomic transitions on the African continent have been as dramatic or contradictory as Uganda's. Just over a decade ago, the National Resistance Movement-Army (NRM-A) became the second guerrilla organization to assume power in independent Africa (the first happened in Chad). After being sworn in as president of Uganda in January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni proclaimed the era he was ushering in was more than the usual "changing of the guard" to which the people of Uganda had become accustomed. It was, he declared, nothing short of "Fundamental Change!" Many who heard Museveni hoped his words were true, having experienced a series of violent political shifts since independence from Britain in October 1962 Against the backdrop of vicious military dictatorships such as that led by the cantankerous Field Marshal Idi Amin throughout the 1970s, civilian autocracy under Apollo Milton Obote in the early to mid-1980s, and a period of anarchy instituted by the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) intermediately preceding the NRM-A takeover, Ugandans had grown weary of conflict and incessant, extraconstitutional changes in government. FROM BREADBASKET TO BASKET CASE The turmoil in Uganda in the 1970s and 1980s yielded human rights violations on a scale nearly unmatched in postcolonial Africa: moreover, civil war and social strife left orphans and widows in their wake, and economic dislocation removed essentials like sugar, soap, and wheat flour from the market stalls. Uganda became an economic basket case. Smuggling and magendo (black marketeering) replaced normal trade, and inflation soared into the triple digits. Given the people's experience Of marauding government armies that were more likely to loot, rape, and intimidate the local populace than to engage "the enemy," reports of Museveni's disciplined guerrilla band heightened hopes that the change he promised would indeed he genuine and fundamental. The NRM-A was created following elections in December 1980 that were widely believed to have been rigged by Obote's Uganda People's Congress (UPC). Museveni decided to take the fight against the electoral fraud to the bush, where he crafted the guiding philosophy of the NRM-A into a 10-point program that emphasized participatory democracy, the elimination of sectarianism , and respect for human rights. Beginning with only a handful of supporters, the insurgency grew until it came to occupy the Luwero Triangle, a wide swath of territory in the central region of Buganda. A combination of internal wrangling and battle fatigue eventually led the UNLA to turn against Obote in a military coup, paving the way for NRM-A victory in the war in l986 and Museveni's accession to power. Today Museveni's slogan has become "No Change!" a campaign chant employed by the NRM to great effect in the May 1996 presidential elections. The elections marked the coming of age for the NRM and the Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF), the renamed military wing of the NRM. "No Change!" was used as a battle cry for the continued endorsement of the NRM regime, which, according to Museveni, had achieved its goal of fundamental change by in introducing a lasting sense of peace and security. In the event that some might have forgotten this, the NRM used the image of sculls from the Luwero Triangle and the sound of gunshots in its electoral campaign advertising. The message was simple: a vote against Museveni was a vote for a reversion to the chaos of the past. No PARTY, NO CHANGE The 1996 elections were significant for a variety of other reasons. Not only were they Uganda's first direct presidential elections, they were also a test of the various experiments in governance that had been introduced by the NRM since 1986. Among the most Significant of these experiments is the "noparty" or movement system of government Against the return of multiparty political systems that has swept the continent since the late 1980s, the NRM has held out the alternative of a no-party system Arguing that political parties are divisive, sectarian, and unsuited for "preindustrial societies such as Uganda, the NRM has prevented opposition political parties from effectively operating or challenging the hegemony of the movement system. This view of politics was endorsed in the 1995 constitution. While the new constitution has several progressive provisions, such as those mandating affirmative action for women, its basic intent is to place political parties in suspended animation. Parties are permitted only to issue statements to the press. Organizing party congresses, holding public rallies, and openly
ugnet_: 'Tri-Star boss incompetent'-Not M7?
'Tri-Star boss incompetent' By Emma Mutaizibwa Jan 28, 2004 KAMPALA - The Managing Director of Tri-Star Apparels, Mr Vellupillai Kananathan, is not fit to run the firm, a senior presidential adviser has said. Tri-Star Apparels exports garments to the United States under the African Growth and Opportunity Act. Agoa allows selected African countries to export apparels quota and duty-free to the United States. Mr Onegi-Obel with Ms Muhwezi appearing before Parliament's Finance committee yesterday (Photo by John Nsimbe). "I am on record as having said that this gentleman [Kananathan] running this company is incompetent," Mr Onegi-Obel, the senior presidential adviser on Agoa, told MPs on Parliament's Finance Committee yesterday. Kananathan received a loan of $6 million from government through the Uganda Development Bank to run the firm - but did not provide collateral. Onegi and Ms Suzan Muhwezi, who is the presidential assistant on Agoa, appeared before the committee yesterday to answer several queries about the firm. Mr Bright Rwamirama (Isingiro North) chairs the committee. The firm came under the spotlight last October after 298 of its female employees went on strike protesting the poor working conditions. Kananathan fired nearly all the girls whom he considered troublemakers. Onegi said he wrote President Museveni in February 2003 about Kananathan's incompetence. He said that government is trying to acquire shares in the firm as a risk management intervention measure. "I have triggered off a damage control. Government is carrying out negotiations to acquire equity in the firm," he said. But the MPs were angered by Onegi's news. They wondered why Kananathan, who is a senior four dropout, is still in charge of the firm. They also queried Kananathan's hefty salary. Mr James Mwandha (PWD Eastern) wondered how government would legally become a shareholder in the company. "How does government intervene in the operations of a private company? Isn't that exercise of acquiring shares [in Tri-Star] in futility?" Mr Ephraim Kamuntu (Sheema South) said that acquiring equity in the firm would not resolve the problems of the firm. "If you convert the loan into equity, don't you think that you will be compounding the problem? If Tri- Star Apparels or Uganda Development Bank collapses it is government that will feel the effect," Kamuntu said. Onegi said that the mess at Tri-Star was caused by weaknesses within the team that negotiated the Tri-Star deal on behalf of government. Onegi told the MPs that he only signed the memorandum of understanding on behalf of government. "Onegi you should resign," Mwandha said. The MPs also asked Onegi why Tri-Star Sri Lanka, which was originally hired to do the work was replaced by Tri-Star Uganda. ... I think its M7 who is terribly incompetent! This is his baby. He should , together with his fellow con-man Kananathan, resign! Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X MSN 8 helps ELIMINATE E-MAIL VIRUSES. Get 2 months FREE*. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Onegi-Obel wants Govt to take over Tristar-M7's vision for Uganda?
Onegi-Obel wants Govt to take over Tristar By Irene Nabusoba and Mary Karugaba THE Government was advised last year to acquire a stake in Apparels Tristar to save it from collapsing. Senior presidential advisor on AGOA Jeff Onegi-Obel told a parliamentary committee yesterday that he advised President Yoweri Museveni to nominate a Government representative to the Tristar board. Onegi-Obel told the finance, planning and economic development committee that Museveni subsequently sent a directive to the Ministry of Finance on May 15, 2003. Onegi-Obel said the advisory was based on fear that the factory could collapse. He said the President has since issued a directive to convert enterprises with big loans from Government like Tristar into public equities to save them from going into liquidation. A debt can be turned into equity and that is what we are recommending. This is the least cost measure we can think of, Onegi-Obel said. He described the factory ma nagement as very incompetent and inexperienced in garment production. He said the managing director of the Bugolobi-based garment factory, Vellupillai Kananathan, is incompetent and has no experience in garment production. The gentleman you are referring to (Kananathan) is incompetent. I am saying that on record publicly. It is true that even the 56 experts from Sri-Lanka have no qualifications whatsoever. But that is the model from Sri-Lanka. They were picked from the poorest of the poor households and have even never gone to school, Onegi-Obel said. He said the finance ministry was yet to nominate a representative to the board. His remarks, however, triggered a hot debate that dragged the committee chaired by Major Bright Rwamirama into a four-hour debate, with Onegi-Obel frequently asking for protection from angry MPs. James Mwandha (PWD) asked him to resign when he contradicted himself by saying he was one of those people who b elieve that government should not risk taking a stake in enterprises with such structural ties. Fred Omach Jocham (Jonam), Prof. Ephraim Kamuntu (Shema South) and James Kakoza (Kabula) put him to task to explain why government decided to invest $6m in a company with no board representation. They also queried why government decided to deal with a foreign company when it seemed cheaper and less risky with local textile companies. Onegi-Obel was accompanied by the special presidential assistant on AGOA and trade, Susan Muhwezi. Published on: Wednesday, 28th January, 2004 Email this article to a friend. Gook "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom."- Malcom X STOP MORE SPAM with the new MSN 8 and get 2 months FREE* This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
ugnet_: Shock, surprise, as Americans,Ugandans chat
No-Holds-Barred By Peter G. Mwesige Shock, surprise, as Americans,Ugandans chat Jan 29, 2004 BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA-Last Saturday, a Ugandan colleague and I went out with two American women who have recently returned from Uganda. Our conversation turned out to be one of the most riveting I have had in recent times. Suffering children of northern Uganda. Does the middle class care? (File photo).Both women have done some work in northern Uganda, and they are very familiar with the country's sociopolitical environment. Their knowledge of Uganda is far from the "touristic expertise" that President Museveni decried during his speech at the NRM celebrations on Monday. Museveni rightly attacked those know-it-all parachute experts. "Someone comes here and after two days he calls himself an expert on Ugandan affairs," he said. "We shall not accept it" (Problem is "we" have in fact accepted it). Our company (I'll call them J and G) had a far more commanding knowledge of Uganda. In fact, I thought their outsider position gave them an extra edge over many Ugandans. It enabled them to capture little details that many of us take for granted. Likewise, our outsider status in the United States allowed us to capture aspects of social relations here that our American friends never pay attention to. At some point, J asked us what the biggest surprise of our experience in the US has been. Much to their amusement, I told them that reports of American women being "loose" around African men were exaggerated. Of course since I met my fine Ugandan wife in my early days here, I never had much time to prove those reports. Or is something wrong with me? That was a question that again sent all of us cracking. The other Ugandan, who had earlier spent time in California, said it was shocking to see beggars on the streets of Hollywood. To that I added the story of the neighbour who came to our apartment to ask for sugar and tea leaves on a couple of occasions. She was a white single mother who had never exchanged a word with us until the first time when we answered the door at her hour of need. In many Ugandan communities, this is a common practice (perhaps tradition). However, for me it does not speak as much about poverty as it does about our enduring communitarian spirit. All the stories about the individualism that goes with American capitalism had not prepared us for the same kind of sharing in the United States. My Ugandan friend also talked about occasions when his car broke down on the road and Americans stopped to offer help. Yes, after all the tales of individualism and racism, it was a surprise that White Americans could stop to offer help to black strangers. But he also added that on several occasions, he thought White people were more "relieved" when they discovered they were dealing with a Black African, not an African American. Well, what surprised you about Uganda, I asked our American friends. J said she had not expected to find an upper middle class in Uganda. "Well, as you know we grew up with images of the famine in Somalia, starving children, poverty, you know..." When she first came to Uganda, she had thought there was poverty all over the place. "That was a good surprise," she said. However, the growing gap between Uganda's rich and the poor majority disturbed her. J was also surprised by the hospitality of Ugandans. You visit somebody who is so poor but they welcome you with a warm heart and share with you whatever little they have, she said. She also talked about the mess on Kampala's roads, saying that when she first arrived, she thought it was "chaos." But as you start driving, "you discover that there is some order to it," she said. All the drivers know how to go about it. On that we disagreed. "It's chaos," I insisted, "but many drivers know how to negotiate the chaos." For her part, G was surprised by the pushing and shoving in the queues at the main post office. Given that "survival for the fittest" has long been a feature of capitalism, she said, one would have expected more shoving in America than in Uganda. Like her friend, G was also surprised by both the hospitality of Ugandans and the existence of an upper middle class. However, as she lived longer in Uganda, working with an NGO in the war-torn northern parts of the country, she began to develop "a resentment" toward the Ugandan middle class. Her major qualm? The Kampala-based middle class is ambivalent about the war in the north, which as she reminded me later is, "the world's biggest, neglected, ignored" humanitarian crisis according to the United Nations. I had earlier argued that in the first years of the NRM, many Ugandans south of the Nile did not care about or pay particular attention to the war in the north and the concomitant human suffering there. In more recent years, however, the rest of the country appears to have recognised the so-called northern war for what it really is-a national problem that has not only
