[Marxism-Thaxis] Engels is demystifying not denying use

2009-01-15 Thread Charles Brown


Erwin Marquit:
Engels is not arguing that imaginary numbers should not be used.
He is arguing against their mystification.
In my view, the complex plane (real and imaginary axes) has a
one-to-one 
correspondence with a two-dimensional vector space, so their logical 
structure is identical, which is why the complex plane can be used for

mathematical derivations of the properties of physically real systems,

Erwin

^^^
CB:

Exactly ! Demystification came to me this morning as I was thinking
about this The book you have at Marxist Educational Press is _Marx
demystifies calculus_

On Jan 14 2009, Charles Brown wrote:

Erwin,


Do you have any response to the below  ?

Charles

Natural Science and the Spirit World[1]

  



To: a-l...@xxx 
Subject: Re: [A-List] Natural Science and the Spirit World[1] 
From: Jim Farmelant farmela...@ 
Date: Mon, 12 Jan 2009 19:15:50 -0500 

  


ï 
 
 
On Mon, 12 Jan 2009 14:34:47 -0300 Nestor Gorojovsky
nmg...@x
writes:
 Dear friend and comrade Jim Farmelant:
 
 I am afraid that Engels did not poke fun, as you say, at 
 multidimensional spaces or imaginary numbers themselves, but at 
 their 
 usage as a proof that there exists Another World.
 
 In this sense, you are unfair with him.
 
The way I read Engels's essay, he did indeed make
fun of imaginary numbers in the following passage:
 
It is the same with mathematics. The ordinary metaphysical
mathematicians boast with enormous pride of the absolute
irrefutability
of the results of their science. But these results include also
imaginary magnitudes, which thereby acquire a certain reality. When
one
has once become accustomed to ascribe some kind of reality outside of
our minds to v-1, or to the fourth dimension, then it is not a matter
of
much importance if one goes a step further and also accepts the
spirit
world of the mediums. It is as Ketteler said about DÃllinger[7]: âThe
man has defended so much nonsense in his life, he really could have
accepted infallibility into the bargain!â 
 
As I said before, Engels's grasp of mathematics left something
to be desired (Marx, on the other hand, seems to have had
a better handle on that subject including what were then
the latest developments in the foundations of the calculus).
Having said that, Engels did have a very exceptionable
grasp of the natural sciences of his time, such that
the Harvard philosopher of science, Hilary Putnam,
used to call Engels the most learned man of the nineteenth century.
 
 
Certainly, one of the other essays included in *The Dialectics
of Nature*,The Part Played by Labor in the Transition from Ape to
Man,
is deservedly revered as a work of genius, despite the fact that
Engels
cast his reasoning in Lamarckian terms.

Stephen Jay Gould in his book, *Ever Since Darwin*, wrote:
 
Indeed, the nineteenth century produced a brilliant exposà from a
source
that will no doubt surprise most readers - Frederick Engels. (A bit
of
reflection should diminish surprise. Engels had a keen interest in
the
natural sciences and sought to base his general philosophy of
dialectical
materialism upon a 'positive' foundation. He did not live to complete
his
'dialectics of nature', but he included long commentaries on science
in
such treatises as the Anti-DÃhring.) In 1876, Engels wrote an essay
entitled, The Part Played by Labour in the Transition from Ape to
Man.
It
was published posthumously in 1896 and, unfortunately, had no visible
impact upon Western science.
 
Engels considers three essential features of human evolution:
speech,
a
large brain, and upright posture. He argues that the first step must
have
been a descent from the trees with subsequent evolution to upright
posture y our ground-dwelling ancestors. 'These apes when moving 
on level ground began to drop the habit of using their hands and to 
adopt a more and more erect gait. This was the decisive step in the 
transition from ape to man.'

Upright posture freed the hand for using tools (labour, in Engels'
terminology); increased intelligence and speech came later.


 As to his critique of empyricism, I will read HumeÂs essay and 
 answer later.
 
 EngelsÂs criticism was that without rising to dialectics and what 
 the 
 empyricists consider metaphisical nonsense, it is not possible to

 dismiss paranormal phenomena. Witness, in this sense, the fSU and 
 the 
 permanent resurgence of scientists who tried to grasp that 
 paranormal 
 behavior. This may well be one of the most important pointers to
the

 
 abstract and utilitary  role that Diamat, that is the barbarized 
 and 
 schematic dialectical materialism that was taught there, played
in

 the 
 self-defined Marxist discourse of the USSR.
 
 But canÂt go ahead without reading Hume.
 
 farmela...@ escribiÃ:
  Engels was, course, quite right to debunk belief
  in 

[Marxism-Thaxis] The Obama Generation: How Youth Trumped Race (BS)

2009-01-15 Thread Ralph Dumain
The Obama Generation: How Youth Trumped Race
by Gwen Ifill
The Wall Street Journal, JANUARY 15, 2009.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123197804827983661.html?mod=rss_Politics_And_Policy

adapted from The Breakthrough: Politics and Race in the Age of 
Obama by Gwen Ifill.

Campaign Used Whites to Convince Blacks and the Young to Convince 
Elders That They Should Set Aside Their Skepticism.

The unseen moral of the story is, no matter what color you are, if 
you are a mainstream politician or talking head, you live in a closed 
bourgeois world of self-deception and ideological delusion.

This article also reveals that both the elder generation of black 
politicians of the civil rights era, beholden to Hillary Clinton 
until Obama rocked their world, is ideologically bankrupt, and that 
the younger generation of buppie opportunists is even more 
ideologically bankrupt.  Youth did not trump race; the younger 
generation's Clintonism trumped their elders' Clintonism, and both 
trumped progressive politics and the jettisoned social democratic 
legacy of the New Deal and the civil rights movement. Expanded 
opportunities for buppie Democrats are predicated on the destruction 
of the black working class.

That veterans of the civil rights generation have nothing to say 
about this development, except that they have to give way to a 
younger generation that put a brother in the White House, 
irrespective of what he or they stand for in practice, suggests that 
perhaps the old farts never really understood anything other than 
their own upward mobility.

One can't expect any better from Gwen Ifill, who has bored the shit 
out of us alongside coma-inducing Jim Lehrer for years peddling 
Washington insider pabulum.

A minor tidbit: Cornel West disciple Eddie Glaude, Jr., another 
prophetic pragmatist gasbag, chimes in here as well:

We look different, we sound different, and what's so striking about 
the way in which the old guard responds to us is that they don't know 
what to do with us [. . .] And what's so striking to me as well is, 
we don't quite know what to do with ourselves either.

What a jackass. For my view of Glaude, see:


http://reasonsociety.blogspot.com/2008/12/eddie-glaude-jr-bankruptcy-of-black.htmlEddie
 
Glaude Jr.  the bankruptcy of the black religious intellectual

and

http://autodidactproject.org/blog/culture/index.php/2007/04/tavis-smiley-meets-eddie-glaude-black-pragmatism-in-action/Tavis
 
Smiley meets Eddie Glaude: Black pragmatism in action





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[Marxism-Thaxis] The battle for concession under the Obama Regime

2009-01-15 Thread Waistline2


1). The working class is tied to the capitalist class because  they are 
employed by them. Individuals rise and fall in and out of employment.  Some are 
able improve their wages and standard of living. The tend is an  increasing 
mass 
of underemployed, low wage labor and unemployment.  

The question being posed is: what is the meaning of class  struggle in 
America and how can we win concessions from the capitalists?  
 
2). There is an identity of interest between capital and labor because they  
constitute the meaning of capital. Without this identity of interest 
capitalism  - as a mode of production, could not exist. The dominating feature 
of the  
capital-labor relationship is bonding (unity). It is only at specific moments  
that struggle, or a rupture takes place, carrying the working masses to the  
threshold of political revolution. The struggle within and between these major 
 classes, has been for the past century (in America) to reform the system in  
favor of one or the other. To extract more wages, political liberties,  
desegregate, send kids to better schools and college and then, go back to work. 
 

3). National health care is the perfect example of a winnable  concession 
because of the identity of interest between workers, capitalist and  
unemployed, 
and everyone else. 
 
A fight inside the UAW has been over the refusal to organize our members to  
demand a national health care system outside the responsibility of the company 
-  employer. The refusal to battle for national health care as mobilization 
of the  ranks is cowardice - fear, of the membership and setting in motion a 
wave of  discontent. Inside the UAW today, at the highest level, the 
individuals 
at the  commanding heights of power are not facing some ideological opponent 
preventing  them from acting. The individuals (as a group process), are 
cowards, ignorant  and some simply do not care. Their Chrysler, Ford, GM 
pension 
plus ten years of  service in the International union, will give them pensions 
of 
a little over  $7,000.000 (seven thousand) a month. 

Yet, winning national health  care is highly probable because it unburdens 
direct expenditure for health care  cost. Rather than protest union leaders 
place the cost burden on the backs of  retired workers and cut backs in 
programs. 

Winning national health  care does not and will not mean that Obama will be 
pushed to the left or right,  or that he is good or bad for that matter. 
Winning national health care means we  have been successful in pinpointing what 
is 
possible based on a reading of class  identity, class alignments, the relative 
strength of contending forces within  classes and so on. An organized fight 
for national health care will put steel in  the backs of th wavering and 
scared. 
A section of capital desperately needs the  government to foot the bill for 
national health care and so does the working  class as a whole. 


4). This identity of interest dynamic apply to housing demands on one  
level and certainly food stamps. A grouping within capital are most certainly  
sending their lobbyists to the heights of constitutional authority screaming  
that the people are hungry and need food. Retail business from Wal Mart to  
Publics and all the supermarket chains are going to impact the body politic  
demanding expanded food production and consumption, aligning themselves with 
the  
masses. Increase my capital, or rather the masses food consumption. The food 
 processing industry wants the people to eat and buy their products.  

Concession can be won and are worth fighting for in the here and  now. 
Winning them does not mean you pushed someone to the left, or made an  
incremental 
step along the path to political power. Nor does it means we have  won an 
increment of socialism. 

What can be won is food.  

The same can be said to a degree concerning extension of  unemployment 
benefits. Unemployment tends to beget more unemployment as a cycle.  The people 
need 
money to buy things and keep the economy functioning. A huge  section of 
capital is clamoring for help, but so are the workers. The points of  
intersection 
of class interest is where communists apply the most force. Not  because we 
can win socialism in increments, but because these issues are the  spontaneous 
program of the workers.  

There is a list of  points of identity. Everyone understands this process on 
one level of another,  but it is never presented as a coherent theory of real 
class collision and  collusion. Instead, one tendency is to look at the 
individual in office  (Roosevelt for instance) and pin ones hope on them being 
the 
image of the Second  coming of Christ. 

Capital is bonded to labor as the foundation of  the system. Capital and 
labor are bonded in such a way that only the individual  can walk out of this 
relationship, but not an entire class. The mutual struggle  within their 
primary 
bonding is what drives classes and society through 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Towards A Left

2009-01-15 Thread Waistline2
The period of the 60's involved huge intersecting layers of interest  between 
the bourgeoisie and the working class via the Negro Peoples struggle.  This 
struggle did reform the system. Today there are no reforms left in the  capital 
relations. Meaning we are more than less on our own; without the huge  
financial network provided by various capital and middle class interest in the  
1960. 
 
I believe we are in a period of history where everyone discovers the  
difference between winning reform of the system and concessions. 

The ballot box socialist believes that reform of the system is possible,  and 
an accumulation of reforms = revolution. Reform is defined as concessions. 
 
The last great reform was the destruction of Jim Crow. That was the reform.  
The concessions buttressing the reform was in legislation like the Voting 
Rights  Act, Fair Housing, expansion of Social Security etc., The reform 
realigned 
the  relations between and within classes. The concessions further 
implemented goals  needed to stabilize the reform. 
 
One thing for sure, Obama is not on the left. Not one single reform shall  
we receive. Nada. 
 
The concept of the left needs to be filled with a new content. 
 
 
WL. 
 
 
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[Marxism-Thaxis] Realm of Necessity

2009-01-15 Thread Charles Brown
On Materialism ( speaking of Mao),
 there are two levels of
 the relationship between 
thought and being: 
economics and physics. 
While society remains in 
the Realm of Necessity ,
 ruling classes control 
masses by conditioning 
fulfillment of the _material_
needs of the exploited 
classes on the exploited 
classes ' producing surpluses
 for the ruling , exploiting 
classes. The materialism
 (determinism by the material)
 at this level derives from
 the coercive use of conditional
 provision of material needs. 
In all societies, including 
those in the Realm of Freedom
 ( socialist, communist future
 and ancient) , all people 
must , of course, obey 
the laws of physics, 
chemistry, biology, 
physiology, objective 
reality etc. physics, in 
the general sense. 
How do Foucault, Butler, 
and other Post-moderns 
differ with these materialist principles ? 

Charles




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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] the battle for concession under the Obama Regime

2009-01-15 Thread CeJ
3). National health care is the perfect example of a winnable  concession
because of the identity of interest between workers, capitalist and  unemployed,
and everyone else.

Yeah, right, it's just around the corner, like the withdrawal from Iraq is.

CJ

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Motown turns 50/James Brown

2009-01-15 Thread Waistline2
Every so often in a field or endeavor, someone comes along and  
revolutionizes standards or reshape the rules of the game. Such people are  
considered 
innovators and revolutionary. Then you have a chance element that  defies 
convention and requires new language be created to encapsulate new shapes  and 
new 
boundaries. 
 
James Brown is the chance element in American music that defies  description. 
 
Consequently, what James Brown contributed to American music is the James  
Brown. James singing and stage show defied convention to a degree that 
everyone  agrees that what he was doing is The James Brown. 
 
James Brown changed the way American music was played and understood. 
 
II
 
Michael Jackson is the premier singer entertainer of the 20th Century. Mr.  
Jackson does not defy description, and to this very day one can chart the  
evolution of his sound from his Motown experience. Van Halen's screaming  
guitar 
on Beat It, has its expression in the Jackson Five's I Am Love. Mr.  
Jackson's dance form - minstrel show if you will, mirrors such artists  as Gene 
Kelly and Bob Fosse. 
 
James Brown performances were snatched from the ether of history and made  
flesh. 
 
To witness Brown’s performance is to spend moments with ones mouth open.  
James Brown did what he felt and was never content to do only what he or anyone 
 
else understood. James altered our sensory perception and collective 
experience  with the space time continuum. James Brown made the world dance 
different. 
 
Where Motown was male masculinity recreating the male barroom singers in  the 
Sinartra mode, and a certain Northern snobbiness, James Brown was raw male  
sexuality cutting across national boundaries and national cultures. James 
Brown  wore tight pants in a period where no self respecting Yankee (Motown) 
would have  ever, been caught in public without their Northern gloss. James 
apologized  profusely about his impact on other cultures, seeking only to 
uplift the 
human  spirit. 
 
James was a mans man! 
James Brown fought the police. 
James Brown never sold out. 
James was too big for Motown. 
 
James Brown was a balladeer extraordinary. 
 
His performance of This is a Man’s World at the London Palladium in the  
mid 1980’s (offered on video by Sony and on U Tube) is a tour de  force. His 
words are replaced by vocal notes/pitches and moans, only  for one to collapse 
unto and into the other. 
 
Defying history James Brown leaped outside every musical convention that  
constituted American music. Most would agree that American music is defined as 
a  
peculiar mixture of European harmonic structure and African Rhythm gestation 
in  the bowels of American slavery. Gordy amplified European harmonic 
structure and  stabilized African rhythm as a time keeping mechanism, while 
demanding the  guitar also keep time. Your Precious Love by Marvin Gaye 
and Tammy 
Terrell,  witness the time keeping role of the guitar as well as the 
Miracles. I Like It  Like That.  Motown made one clap their hands and pat 
yo feet. 
 
James Brown did the impossible. 
 
James Brown forces harmonic structure within and into rhythm,  forever 
altering convention.  
 
To carry out this bold act, American music’s time frame (reference) had to  
be changed. James knew what he was doing. 
 
Night train conforms to traditional American music. It has a one, two,  
three, stop, repeat beat. 
 
James Brown did . . . . and it is mind boggling,  . . . He . . . .  changed 
the time frame and shifted our bodily relations in the space time  continuum.  
 
The transitional song indicating a radical shift in space/time was Outta  
Sight. Papas Got A Brand New Bag was proof positive of a new musical form 
and 
 essence that was timed to a one, two, three, four, stop, repeat beat. 
 
James Brown record label refused to put and distribute Outta Sight,  
stating that the music made no sense. Several versions of Papa Got A Brand New 
 
Bag exist with the early version in mono, rather than stereo. The owners of 
the  
record label did not understand the music and James had to personally put his 
 music on the market. 
 
This new articulation of European harmonic structure and African Rhythm was  
birthed with no name. Having no name has a hideous connotation in 
American/Negro  culture. One should consult James Baldwin on this matter. 
 
When asked what he called his music James would say, it sho (sure) is  
funky. 
 
The music was being defined by a different sense perception organ - smell,  
rather than hearing. James Brown created funk, in the same way another  
generation would create phat (fat) and New Jack swing. The Brown revolution  
split the ranks of The Detroit Sound, now re-mastered as the Motown  Sound. 
  
Leading the rebellion was the Parliaments, a Temptation  clone quintet.  The 
Parliaments morphed into the Funkadelics and I Want To  Testify (their 
early hit) shifted to Good Old Funky Music. 
 
A decade later the Isley Brothers would emerge as a 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] the battle for concession under the Obama Regime

2009-01-15 Thread Waistline2
3). National health care is the perfect example of a winnable   concession
because of the identity of interest between workers, capitalist  and  
unemployed,
and everyone else.
 
Yeah, right, it's just around the corner, like the withdrawal from Iraq  is.
 
CJ

Iraq is different from the issue of health care. 
 
Lets see what happens
 
 
WL
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] the battle for concession under the Obama Regime

2009-01-15 Thread Waistline2
Why does our working class behaves the way it does? 
What is the prospect for political revolution? 
What does revolution in the mode of production means for us in real time.? 
Why is it possible to win some concessions something, but nothing at other  
times? 
What is the meaning of reform? 
Why has no industrially advance country gone into political revolution? 
What does social relations of production mean? 
What does it mean for us? 
What is class in theory and for us in reality? 
Can socialism - meaning changes in the property relations, be won  
incrementally? 
How does one determine what is a winnable fight? 
What determines a winnable reform or concession? 
 
On and off I have thought about questions like these for 40 years. Only in  
the last 15 years has American history begun to make sense to me. Communists  
fight better and harder when things makes sense or when they can gain more  
clarity into history and events. Marx and Engels are fine. Lenin and Mao are  
cool and Stalin logic contains its own rationale. 
 
None of them can help us at the end of the day. 
 
At the end of the day one has to sift through their own history. 
 
WL. 



In a message dated 1/15/2009 10:29:55 P.M. Eastern  Standard Time, 
waistli...@aol.com writes:
3). National health care is  the perfect example of a winnable   concession
because of the  identity of interest between workers, capitalist  and   
unemployed,
and everyone else.

Yeah, right, it's just  around the corner, like the withdrawal from Iraq  is.

CJ

Iraq  is different from the issue of health care. 

Lets see what  happens


WL
 
**A Good Credit Score is 700 or Above. See yours in just 2 easy 
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