Access strength
I don't disagree with Barnet's comments re the privatization of the inter- net (whatever that actually means) but would note that the ACP network has tonnes of users paying their way and not at Compuserve rates, and that the FreeNets are also doing extremely well. It is true that their gatewayed access makes them more attractive but -unlike real highways- it is always possible to construct a parallel virtual highway if the private sector toll roads are too expensive. This doesn't mean stringing one's own cable, it means -as the left has always done for example- buying the "paper" from the private sector and charging cost-recovery fees. I have just been looking at what allows networks to survive or fail and one strength of PeaceNet IGC/APC etc. is the large volume of volunter time devoted to the posting of good material. Other efforts, with big budgets but no grassroots strength, are having great trouble making inroads to that community market, even when they offer competitive (preditory) prices. This is not definitive but it is food for thought. There is a game to be played here, not simply a horse race to be bet on. Sam Lanfranco . : Prof. Sam Lanfranco | * Distributed Knowledge Project (DKProj) : : CERLAC/240 York Lanes | * York Centre for Health Studies (YCHS) : : York University | * Centre for Resch on Lat. Amer. & Carib. : : 4700 Keele Street |...: : North York, Ontario | email: lanfran at vm1.yorku.ca : : CANADA M3J 1P3| FAX:(416) 736-5737 for CERLAC : : CERLAC (416) 736-5237 | FAX:(416) 736-5103 for ECONOMICS: : ECON (416) 736-5218 | FAX:(416) 736-5986 for YCHS : :...|...:
Access strength
I don't disagree with Barnet's comments re the privatization of the inter- net (whatever that actually means) but would note that the ACP network has tonnes of users paying their way and not at Compuserve rates, and that the FreeNets are also doing extremely well. It is true that their gatewayed access makes them more attractive but -unlike real highways- it is always possible to construct a parallel virtual highway if the private sector toll roads are too expensive. This doesn't mean stringing one's own cable, it means -as the left has always done for example- buying the "paper" from the private sector and charging cost-recovery fees. I have just been looking at what allows networks to survive or fail and one strength of PeaceNet IGC/APC etc. is the large volume of volunter time devoted to the posting of good material. Other efforts, with big budgets but no grassroots strength, are having great trouble making inroads to that community market, even when they offer competitive (preditory) prices. This is not definitive but it is food for thought. There is a game to be played here, not simply a horse race to be bet on. Sam Lanfranco . : Prof. Sam Lanfranco | * Distributed Knowledge Project (DKProj) : : CERLAC/240 York Lanes | * York Centre for Health Studies (YCHS) : : York University | * Centre for Resch on Lat. Amer. & Carib. : : 4700 Keele Street |...: : North York, Ontario | email: lanfran at vm1.yorku.ca : : CANADA M3J 1P3| FAX:(416) 736-5737 for CERLAC : : CERLAC (416) 736-5237 | FAX:(416) 736-5103 for ECONOMICS: : ECON (416) 736-5218 | FAX:(416) 736-5986 for YCHS : :...|...:
Technical change and value
Victor is quite right. It follows from the definition of value as socially necessary labour time that changes in technology that devalue elements of constant capital prevent them from passing on their value to the product. The cheapening of the elements of constant capital, suggested by Marx as an antidote to the falling rate of profit will at least in the short run, aggravate the problem due to depreciation consts. Paul Cockshott ,WPS, PO Box 1125, Glasgow, G44 5UF Phone: 041 637 2927 [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
RE: on urban violence (fwd)
Jipson Art asked for more info on my assertion that NYC has a lower crime rate than suburbs gone wild like Dallas and Atlanta, and that there is no relation between pop density and crime. Here are the details. For more, see the forthcoming LBO #62 as well as my social atlas, The State of the United States, forthcoming from Simon & Schuster this fall. Apologies for the self-promotion, but such are the pressures of commerce. Apologies too for any formatting oddities. Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 250 W 85 St NY NY 10024 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) CRIME: PERCEPTION, REALITY, AND POPULATION DENSITY % seeing violent crimes per population rankings city as 100,000 population - land --- unsafe, -- per sq areaun- violent homi- pop 1990 all homicide mile 1,000s (sq mi) safe crime cide density Atlanta 39%4,041.1 50.9 2,989 394 131.8 9 2 3 2 Boston29%2,066.4 19.712,451 57446.110 81113 Chicago 65%32.912,2542,784 227.2 5 712 Dallas26%2,568.3 48.6 2,9441,008 342.412 4 4 1 Detroit 68%2,727.3 59.3 7,4121,028 138.7 4 3 2 7 Houston 25%1,599.9 36.5 3,0211,631 539.913 10 5 3 Los Angeles 64%2,525.8 28.9 7,4263,485 469.3 6 5 9 8 Miami 76%4,252.0 36.410,084 35935.6 2 1 610 Minneapolis 11%1,577.5 17.1 6,703 36854.915 1112 6 New York 85%2,318.2 29.323,6997,323 309.0 1 7 815 Philadelphia 40%1,408.0 27.611,7391,586 135.1 8 121011 San Diego 28%1,219.9 14.7 3,4291,111 324.011 1413 4 San Francisco 43%1,645.4 12.915,503 72446.7 7 91414 Seattle 16%1,356.3 8.1 6,150 51683.914 1315 5 Washington DC 71%2,452.3 80.6 9,886 60761.4 3 6 1 9 correl with pop dens -0.05 -0.16-0.62 0.03 0.26 sourcescrime: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics 1992 (Washington, DC, BJS, 1993), tables 2.27 and 3.128 population & land area: Statistical Abstract of the US, 1993
RE: on urban violence (fwd)
Jipson Art asked for more info on my assertion that NYC has a lower crime rate than suburbs gone wild like Dallas and Atlanta, and that there is no relation between pop density and crime. Here are the details. For more, see the forthcoming LBO #62 as well as my social atlas, The State of the United States, forthcoming from Simon & Schuster this fall. Apologies for the self-promotion, but such are the pressures of commerce. Apologies too for any formatting oddities. Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 250 W 85 St NY NY 10024 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) CRIME: PERCEPTION, REALITY, AND POPULATION DENSITY % seeing violent crimes per population rankings city as 100,000 population - land --- unsafe, -- per sq areaun- violent homi- pop 1990 all homicide mile 1,000s (sq mi) safe crime cide density Atlanta 39%4,041.1 50.9 2,989 394 131.8 9 2 3 2 Boston29%2,066.4 19.712,451 57446.110 81113 Chicago 65%32.912,2542,784 227.2 5 712 Dallas26%2,568.3 48.6 2,9441,008 342.412 4 4 1 Detroit 68%2,727.3 59.3 7,4121,028 138.7 4 3 2 7 Houston 25%1,599.9 36.5 3,0211,631 539.913 10 5 3 Los Angeles 64%2,525.8 28.9 7,4263,485 469.3 6 5 9 8 Miami 76%4,252.0 36.410,084 35935.6 2 1 610 Minneapolis 11%1,577.5 17.1 6,703 36854.915 1112 6 New York 85%2,318.2 29.323,6997,323 309.0 1 7 815 Philadelphia 40%1,408.0 27.611,7391,586 135.1 8 121011 San Diego 28%1,219.9 14.7 3,4291,111 324.011 1413 4 San Francisco 43%1,645.4 12.915,503 72446.7 7 91414 Seattle 16%1,356.3 8.1 6,150 51683.914 1315 5 Washington DC 71%2,452.3 80.6 9,886 60761.4 3 6 1 9 correl with pop dens -0.05 -0.16-0.62 0.03 0.26 sourcescrime: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics 1992 (Washington, DC, BJS, 1993), tables 2.27 and 3.128 population & land area: Statistical Abstract of the US, 1993
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
Perhaps I did not convey my response clearly. My intention is not to conclude that Canada is rich and the Third World is poor, but to explain why that might be the case. The implication: while you are looking at the features (outcomes) I am looking at the long historical process. Focusing on the process makes the discussion of Canada in terms of the Third World quite meaningless. Rest assured, you are correct about the symptoms of underdevelopment in Canada. But is Canada being peripheralized? That is the question. Anthony D'Costa On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > Of course I know that Canada is a rich country, not a Third World one. Do > I have to state the obvious before drawing the parallels between Canada > and the Third World, though? Maybe I'm too fond of economy in expression, > but it didn't really seem necessary. > > Doug > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > Left Business Observer > 212-874-4020 (voice) > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Anthony D'Costa wrote: > > > You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the > > main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that > > Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. > > Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be > > easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because > > of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist > > civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions > > co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the > > greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada > > is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. > > > > Anthony D'Costa > > U of Washington, Tacoma > > > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > > > > > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > > > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > > > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > > > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > > > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > > > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > > > > > Or do I misread Canada? > > > > > > Doug > > > > > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > > > Left Business Observer > > > 212-874-4020 (voice) > > > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > > > > > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > > > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > > > Thanks in advance, > > > > Bob > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
Perhaps I did not convey my response clearly. My intention is not to conclude that Canada is rich and the Third World is poor, but to explain why that might be the case. The implication: while you are looking at the features (outcomes) I am looking at the long historical process. Focusing on the process makes the discussion of Canada in terms of the Third World quite meaningless. Rest assured, you are correct about the symptoms of underdevelopment in Canada. But is Canada being peripheralized? That is the question. Anthony D'Costa On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > Of course I know that Canada is a rich country, not a Third World one. Do > I have to state the obvious before drawing the parallels between Canada > and the Third World, though? Maybe I'm too fond of economy in expression, > but it didn't really seem necessary. > > Doug > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > Left Business Observer > 212-874-4020 (voice) > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Anthony D'Costa wrote: > > > You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the > > main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that > > Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. > > Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be > > easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because > > of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist > > civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions > > co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the > > greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada > > is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. > > > > Anthony D'Costa > > U of Washington, Tacoma > > > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > > > > > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > > > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > > > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > > > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > > > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > > > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > > > > > Or do I misread Canada? > > > > > > Doug > > > > > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > > > Left Business Observer > > > 212-874-4020 (voice) > > > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > > > > > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > > > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > > > Thanks in advance, > > > > Bob > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
Of course I know that Canada is a rich country, not a Third World one. Do I have to state the obvious before drawing the parallels between Canada and the Third World, though? Maybe I'm too fond of economy in expression, but it didn't really seem necessary. Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Anthony D'Costa wrote: > You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the > main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that > Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. > Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be > easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because > of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist > civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions > co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the > greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada > is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. > > Anthony D'Costa > U of Washington, Tacoma > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > > > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > > > Or do I misread Canada? > > > > Doug > > > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > > Left Business Observer > > 212-874-4020 (voice) > > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > > Thanks in advance, > > > Bob > > > > > > > >
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
Of course I know that Canada is a rich country, not a Third World one. Do I have to state the obvious before drawing the parallels between Canada and the Third World, though? Maybe I'm too fond of economy in expression, but it didn't really seem necessary. Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Anthony D'Costa wrote: > You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the > main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that > Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. > Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be > easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because > of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist > civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions > co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the > greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada > is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. > > Anthony D'Costa > U of Washington, Tacoma > > On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > > > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > > > Or do I misread Canada? > > > > Doug > > > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > > Left Business Observer > > 212-874-4020 (voice) > > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > > Thanks in advance, > > > Bob > > > > > > > >
World Bank in India
/* Written 5:51 pm Feb 1, 1994 by [EMAIL PROTECTED] in igc:rainfor.worldb */ /* -- "resettlement rates up six times" -- */ From: Pratap Chatterjee Subject: resettlement rates up six times DEVELOPMENT: Dramatic rise in people forced off lands by World Bank An Inter Press Service Feature By Pratap Chatterjee AMSTERDAM, Jan 24 (IPS) - Four million people are to be forced off their lands under projects of the World Bank currently underway or to be commissioned by 1996, six times as many as ten years ago. A leaked internal draft World Bank report, the third in a series in the past ten years, shows that right now 2 million people are being forced off their lands under 134 Bank projects currently underway and another 2 million will have to move under projects to be approved by 1996. The report was written by the Bank's sociologist Michael Cernea. The report says that one in seven dollars spent by the Bank, goes to projects that are forcibly resettling people. In fact according to the Cernea report there isn't a single project in the world where the resettled people managed to regain their level of income. Worse still, comparisons of the new report with the two previous reports show that the number of people forcibly resettled by Bank funded projects has increased significantly after every time the Bank has reviewed its resettlement record and promised to improve it. A Bank study presented in 1983 showed that Bank projects between 1979 and 1983 forcibly resettled 450,000 people over the four years. Despite promises of remedying this alarmingly high figure, another Bank study presented in 1986 showed that the figure had gone up by another 300,000 in the subsequent two years, a 33% increase in the rate. The new Cernea figures that say the Bank will increase resettlement by 2 million between 1994 and 1996, are an astonishing rate of six times as many as the average resettled between 1979 and 1983. The final version of this report will be circulated to the Bank's executive directors in a month's time and a meeting to decide what should be done about this has been scheduled for April 15th. ''The thrust of Bank management response to the abuses that will be identified will be to admit there are problems in old projects but that now everything is improving and under control - 'that was then, and this is now','' says Bruce Rich, an activist from the US based Environmental Defense Fund. ''This is a typical response - the Bank presents itself as a moving target, admits there are some problems with the past, but maintains that the criticisms are no longer valid since the problems are being taken care of,'' he adds. People are forcibly resettled to make way for many different kinds of projects, from dam reservoirs that flood productive lands, canals, road projects, mines - especially open-cast mines - industrial parks, forestry "management" projects, reforestation, wildlife parks and sanctuaries. Apart from this, funders like the Bank have even paid for projects whose sole purpose is to move people to less populated areas, such as its infamous transmigration projects in Indonesia. Under the Bank's own directives, resettlement can only be conducted if it results in maintaining or raising the income of the resettled people. Yet because productive lands are either too expensive or non-existent, people have to be relocated in communities where they may not be welcome. What's more Kate de Selincourt, author of ''Forced to Move,'' a report on resettlement published by the Panos Institute in London, says that those hurt most "are those already disadvantagedand relatively powerless: women, ethnic minorities, the poor and the landless.'' Resettlement rarely takes account of people that have no land, such as priests, teachers or hawkers, some of whom don't even have fixed homes or shops. If their customers are scattered over several villages, they may not be able to find work or they may have to compete with their hosts. The previous resettlement reviews even warned of problems with specific future projects. For example in the 1983 report, the Bank's staff pointed out that the country that was worst affected by forcible resettlement was India, and it warned of the huge resettlement that would be required by a planned new project to dam the Narmada river, estimating that 70,000 people would be displaced. Yet two years later the Bank sanctioned a US$450 million loan for this dam. In 1992 an independent review team appointed by the Bank found that not only were twice as many people to be affected, the project implementors had blatantly ignored the Bank's directives on resettlement. A part of this loan was cancelled in 1993, ten years after the first Bank review on resettlement, when the Indian government and the Bank decided that the project was drawing too much international attention. Yet its record on resettlement in India has not changed. Eve
World Bank in India
/* Written 5:51 pm Feb 1, 1994 by [EMAIL PROTECTED] in igc:rainfor.worldb */ /* -- "resettlement rates up six times" -- */ From: Pratap Chatterjee Subject: resettlement rates up six times DEVELOPMENT: Dramatic rise in people forced off lands by World Bank An Inter Press Service Feature By Pratap Chatterjee AMSTERDAM, Jan 24 (IPS) - Four million people are to be forced off their lands under projects of the World Bank currently underway or to be commissioned by 1996, six times as many as ten years ago. A leaked internal draft World Bank report, the third in a series in the past ten years, shows that right now 2 million people are being forced off their lands under 134 Bank projects currently underway and another 2 million will have to move under projects to be approved by 1996. The report was written by the Bank's sociologist Michael Cernea. The report says that one in seven dollars spent by the Bank, goes to projects that are forcibly resettling people. In fact according to the Cernea report there isn't a single project in the world where the resettled people managed to regain their level of income. Worse still, comparisons of the new report with the two previous reports show that the number of people forcibly resettled by Bank funded projects has increased significantly after every time the Bank has reviewed its resettlement record and promised to improve it. A Bank study presented in 1983 showed that Bank projects between 1979 and 1983 forcibly resettled 450,000 people over the four years. Despite promises of remedying this alarmingly high figure, another Bank study presented in 1986 showed that the figure had gone up by another 300,000 in the subsequent two years, a 33% increase in the rate. The new Cernea figures that say the Bank will increase resettlement by 2 million between 1994 and 1996, are an astonishing rate of six times as many as the average resettled between 1979 and 1983. The final version of this report will be circulated to the Bank's executive directors in a month's time and a meeting to decide what should be done about this has been scheduled for April 15th. ''The thrust of Bank management response to the abuses that will be identified will be to admit there are problems in old projects but that now everything is improving and under control - 'that was then, and this is now','' says Bruce Rich, an activist from the US based Environmental Defense Fund. ''This is a typical response - the Bank presents itself as a moving target, admits there are some problems with the past, but maintains that the criticisms are no longer valid since the problems are being taken care of,'' he adds. People are forcibly resettled to make way for many different kinds of projects, from dam reservoirs that flood productive lands, canals, road projects, mines - especially open-cast mines - industrial parks, forestry "management" projects, reforestation, wildlife parks and sanctuaries. Apart from this, funders like the Bank have even paid for projects whose sole purpose is to move people to less populated areas, such as its infamous transmigration projects in Indonesia. Under the Bank's own directives, resettlement can only be conducted if it results in maintaining or raising the income of the resettled people. Yet because productive lands are either too expensive or non-existent, people have to be relocated in communities where they may not be welcome. What's more Kate de Selincourt, author of ''Forced to Move,'' a report on resettlement published by the Panos Institute in London, says that those hurt most "are those already disadvantagedand relatively powerless: women, ethnic minorities, the poor and the landless.'' Resettlement rarely takes account of people that have no land, such as priests, teachers or hawkers, some of whom don't even have fixed homes or shops. If their customers are scattered over several villages, they may not be able to find work or they may have to compete with their hosts. The previous resettlement reviews even warned of problems with specific future projects. For example in the 1983 report, the Bank's staff pointed out that the country that was worst affected by forcible resettlement was India, and it warned of the huge resettlement that would be required by a planned new project to dam the Narmada river, estimating that 70,000 people would be displaced. Yet two years later the Bank sanctioned a US$450 million loan for this dam. In 1992 an independent review team appointed by the Bank found that not only were twice as many people to be affected, the project implementors had blatantly ignored the Bank's directives on resettlement. A part of this loan was cancelled in 1993, ten years after the first Bank review on resettlement, when the Indian government and the Bank decided that the project was drawing too much international attention. Yet its record on resettlement in India has not changed. Eve
Re: housing at the EEA meetings
Thanks to everybody who responded to my request for info on the EEA meetings. It turns out I am still on the program, so that raises another issue. Since I am attending from the "wilderness," (I.e., west of the Hudson river!), I will be coming alone. Due to massive budget cuts, our administration is putting the squeeze on travel money, especially hotel expenses. As a result, I am interested to find out if anyone else out there is in need of sharing a double room at the meetings. If so, please let me know. Again, thanks in advance, Doug Orr [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Re: housing at the EEA meetings
Thanks to everybody who responded to my request for info on the EEA meetings. It turns out I am still on the program, so that raises another issue. Since I am attending from the "wilderness," (I.e., west of the Hudson river!), I will be coming alone. Due to massive budget cuts, our administration is putting the squeeze on travel money, especially hotel expenses. As a result, I am interested to find out if anyone else out there is in need of sharing a double room at the meetings. If so, please let me know. Again, thanks in advance, Doug Orr [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Doug Henwood's Characterization of Canada
Last week I had the opportunity of teaching in Trinidad for a week and I ended up writing in my column how much I saw of a similarity between the economy of Canada and the economy of Trinidad - high government debt, dependence on raw resources, high unemployment amongst 16-30 year olds, high crime rates, doctors going on a "sick-out" as they called it in Trinidad because of a regionalization of the health care system (something that Ontario is planning to do too). Doug has mentioned some other things. I would however suggest that Doug is incorrect when he thinks the depth of the problems in CAnada are the same as those of a third worl country. Canada is much more of a world player and thus can participate without the US if it wishes (although I suspect does not wish) and is more affected by changes in the US economy than most countries are affected by another's economy. By the way, the recession which seems to be over in the US does not seem to be over in CAnada so some people are beginning to say that the Canadian economy has broken free of that - broken free in the wrong direction.
Doug Henwood's Characterization of Canada
Last week I had the opportunity of teaching in Trinidad for a week and I ended up writing in my column how much I saw of a similarity between the economy of Canada and the economy of Trinidad - high government debt, dependence on raw resources, high unemployment amongst 16-30 year olds, high crime rates, doctors going on a "sick-out" as they called it in Trinidad because of a regionalization of the health care system (something that Ontario is planning to do too). Doug has mentioned some other things. I would however suggest that Doug is incorrect when he thinks the depth of the problems in CAnada are the same as those of a third worl country. Canada is much more of a world player and thus can participate without the US if it wishes (although I suspect does not wish) and is more affected by changes in the US economy than most countries are affected by another's economy. By the way, the recession which seems to be over in the US does not seem to be over in CAnada so some people are beginning to say that the Canadian economy has broken free of that - broken free in the wrong direction.
Re: Doug Orr's Internet Comment's
The Net's popularity and success (in linking many people and distributing information) resulted from the fact that it was paid for by the government, and made available to academics essentially for free. It is NOT at all obvious that a 'for-profit' network would be as widely used. Existing private sector networks are to expensive for many people; even Compuserve has an hourly rate that I find prohibitive. One danger in the commericalization of the Internet is that pricing may effectively restrict its use to businesses and the well-funded elite of researchers. That certainly has been the case with other private information services. A computer network is characterized by almost unimaginable economies of scale. Futhermore, the utility of the Internet depends, in large part, on having a large number of people using it on a regular basis. In other words, there are very good reasons to treat the Net as a public good, and to keep its provision and funding in the hands of the government. I'm sick of the "information superhighway" metaphor, but in this situation it it apt. Privatizing our system of roads and highways would be a disaster; privatizing the Net would be a disaster as well. Barney Wagman Stockton College Pomona, NJ
Re: Doug Orr's Internet Comment's
The Net's popularity and success (in linking many people and distributing information) resulted from the fact that it was paid for by the government, and made available to academics essentially for free. It is NOT at all obvious that a 'for-profit' network would be as widely used. Existing private sector networks are to expensive for many people; even Compuserve has an hourly rate that I find prohibitive. One danger in the commericalization of the Internet is that pricing may effectively restrict its use to businesses and the well-funded elite of researchers. That certainly has been the case with other private information services. A computer network is characterized by almost unimaginable economies of scale. Futhermore, the utility of the Internet depends, in large part, on having a large number of people using it on a regular basis. In other words, there are very good reasons to treat the Net as a public good, and to keep its provision and funding in the hands of the government. I'm sick of the "information superhighway" metaphor, but in this situation it it apt. Privatizing our system of roads and highways would be a disaster; privatizing the Net would be a disaster as well. Barney Wagman Stockton College Pomona, NJ
Re: on urban violence (fwd)
The US is one of the least densely populated countries in the world, yet it's one of the most violent. NYC is our most densely populated city but its violent crime rate is lower than the overgrown suburbs called Dallas and Atlanta. Can't be density, can it? Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Fri, 11 Feb 1994, Jim Devine wrote: > There might be a better spin on the "hyperactive monkeys" analogy > about urban youth (though I hate any animal analogies about people > especially about minorities). Awhile back they did experiments on > normally calm rats (and also monkeys, I believe). Crowding them > together led to a dramatic rise in anti-social behavior. So one > might conclude that the problem is not the rats or the monkeys but > their environment. > > Unfortunately, the political & intellectual establishments, including > Mr. Bill, don't follow that interpretation. But it's a point against > them. > > in pen-l solidarity, > > Jim Devine BITNET: jndf@lmuacad. INTERNET: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ., Los Angeles, CA 90045-2699 USA > 310/338-2948 (off); 310/202-6546 (hm); FAX: 310/338-1950
Re: on urban violence (fwd)
The US is one of the least densely populated countries in the world, yet it's one of the most violent. NYC is our most densely populated city but its violent crime rate is lower than the overgrown suburbs called Dallas and Atlanta. Can't be density, can it? Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Fri, 11 Feb 1994, Jim Devine wrote: > There might be a better spin on the "hyperactive monkeys" analogy > about urban youth (though I hate any animal analogies about people > especially about minorities). Awhile back they did experiments on > normally calm rats (and also monkeys, I believe). Crowding them > together led to a dramatic rise in anti-social behavior. So one > might conclude that the problem is not the rats or the monkeys but > their environment. > > Unfortunately, the political & intellectual establishments, including > Mr. Bill, don't follow that interpretation. But it's a point against > them. > > in pen-l solidarity, > > Jim Devine BITNET: jndf@lmuacad. INTERNET: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ., Los Angeles, CA 90045-2699 USA > 310/338-2948 (off); 310/202-6546 (hm); FAX: 310/338-1950
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. Or do I misread Canada? Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > Thanks in advance, > Bob
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. Or do I misread Canada? Doug Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Left Business Observer 212-874-4020 (voice) 212-874-3137 (fax) On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > Thanks in advance, > Bob
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. Anthony D'Costa U of Washington, Tacoma On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > Or do I misread Canada? > > Doug > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > Left Business Observer > 212-874-4020 (voice) > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > Thanks in advance, > > Bob > > > >
Re: query re: Cdn. foreign debt
You are correct as far as the so-called Third World features go. But the main difference between Canada and the Third World at large is that Canada is white settler colony, having eliminated indigenous population. Therefore, new institutions geared toward capital accumulation could be easily created. The Third World on the hand is not white-settled because of old established, sophisticated, and settled non-capitalist civilizations. Therefore, in the Third World old and new institutions co-exist, not to mention, hybrid ones. In fact this is perhaps the greatest structural problem for the Third World. Thus while Canada is wealthy by any standard, the Third World is not. Anthony D'Costa U of Washington, Tacoma On Tue, 15 Feb 1994, Doug Henwood wrote: > It seems to me that Canada shares some of the problems of a Third World > country - dependence on foreign investment, resulting in export of profits > and a lessening of the internal surplus available for re-investment; > dependence on foreign technology and R&D; high reliance on primary > commodities; internal ethnic divisions; an elite that feels more > allegiance to the US than to Canadian; etc. > > Or do I misread Canada? > > Doug > > Doug Henwood [[EMAIL PROTECTED]] > Left Business Observer > 212-874-4020 (voice) > 212-874-3137 (fax) > > > On Thu, 10 Feb 1994, bob ages wrote: > > > I am writing a short piece on Canada's present foreign debt, particularly its c > > auses, comparing these with the sources of third world, in particular Mexico's > > foreign debt crisis. The issue is whether Canada, as a developed if somewhat di > > storted economy, did not face the same unavoidable problems that led to third w > > orld debt, ie. our problem is essentially self-inflicted. I would appreciate an > > y comments, observations, or suggested sources. > > Thanks in advance, > > Bob > > > >
Re: Query: OMB Health Care Study?
On Mon, 14 Feb 1994, Barnet Wagman wrote: > I've heard that some government agency, possibly the OMB, did a study of > health care alternatives that was very favorable to a Canadian style > single payer system. If you've heard of it and have a citation, please > let me know. > > Thanks, > Barney Wagman > Yes.. In fact I have the text in front of me.. It is called "Canadian Health Insurance: Lessons for the United States." Published by Government Accounting Office it is from June 1991, GAO/HRD-91-90. Orders may be made by calling 202-275-6241 and the first 5 copies are free.. For those pushing for a Canadian-Style health care program, I highly reccommend this booklet. It is surprising positive with very little negative observations.. It evaluates whether Canadians cross the border to use American hospitals, "Both groups (The AMA and the Pepper Commission) concluded that few Canadians seek care at American medical centers." In addition we find this statement.. "If the universal coverage and single-payer features of the Canadian system were applied in the United States, the saving in administrative costs alone would be more than enough to finance insurance coverage for the millions of Americans who are currently underinsured.." The paper concludes that some elements of the Canadian system should be considered for a reformed U.S. system (universal access, uniform payment system, expenditure controls), but that unique existing conditions within the American medical "structure" offer sufficient reasons to want to avoid a wholesale adoption and to 'build on the strengths" of our current system. These important distinguishing features include "the expansion of the private health insurance industry, the diffusion of medical technology, and the development of alternative service delivery arrangements." I hope this answers some questions.. John Monnier Berkeley
Re: Query: OMB Health Care Study?
On Mon, 14 Feb 1994, Barnet Wagman wrote: > I've heard that some government agency, possibly the OMB, did a study of > health care alternatives that was very favorable to a Canadian style > single payer system. If you've heard of it and have a citation, please > let me know. > > Thanks, > Barney Wagman > Yes.. In fact I have the text in front of me.. It is called "Canadian Health Insurance: Lessons for the United States." Published by Government Accounting Office it is from June 1991, GAO/HRD-91-90. Orders may be made by calling 202-275-6241 and the first 5 copies are free.. For those pushing for a Canadian-Style health care program, I highly reccommend this booklet. It is surprising positive with very little negative observations.. It evaluates whether Canadians cross the border to use American hospitals, "Both groups (The AMA and the Pepper Commission) concluded that few Canadians seek care at American medical centers." In addition we find this statement.. "If the universal coverage and single-payer features of the Canadian system were applied in the United States, the saving in administrative costs alone would be more than enough to finance insurance coverage for the millions of Americans who are currently underinsured.." The paper concludes that some elements of the Canadian system should be considered for a reformed U.S. system (universal access, uniform payment system, expenditure controls), but that unique existing conditions within the American medical "structure" offer sufficient reasons to want to avoid a wholesale adoption and to 'build on the strengths" of our current system. These important distinguishing features include "the expansion of the private health insurance industry, the diffusion of medical technology, and the development of alternative service delivery arrangements." I hope this answers some questions.. John Monnier Berkeley
Paul's and Ajit's constant capital
These were some of my earlier thoughts on this issue. I have not followed the discussion in detail. Ajit Sinha asks what problem I was trying to solve in my posting on the nature of the value metric. It is not so much what problem am I trying to solve, but what problem am I able to discover. What I am asking is whether there is a theoretical problem here in the nature of the value metric. The background is that over the last few years Allin Cottrel and I have been trying to rehabilitate labour values as a tool for economic planning. In the course of a conference in Lausanne last year at the Walras institute is became clear to us that the level of scepticism felt by many left wing economists to the labour theory of value required us to carry out a more thorough going defence of that theory. One step has been to replicate Shaiks results for the US and Italian economies with the British data on the empirical validity of labour values. Another thing we have been doing is to look again at the theoretical arguments for labour values. We looked at whether labour values correspond to some naturalist fallacy by comparing them to other possible 'natural' standards of value like energy, and found that one can not construct a convergent series of production equations that give non-null energy values. The stuff on the value metric is concerned with a re-examination of the argument about the form of value in Capital I.i. I don't think I understand everything you say. But this does not mean that you should change your language; I don't mind groping. In anycase, as far as the empirical works are concerned, they may have some merits of their own but they cannot be used as a defence of 'labor theory of value'. The arguments put forward against 'labor theory of value' are of logical nature and not empirical nature. Even if prices coincided with labor-values 100%, it cannot be taken a justification of labor-values since labor theory of value gives rise to an internal theoretical problem, which has nothing to do with what "really" happens to be prices of commodities. And Ricardo's 93% 'labor theory of value' is logically invalid is well known. Some neo-Classicals had tried a defence against Sraffa's reswitching argument on the similar line that empirically reswitching did not take place. The Sraffians pointed out that no-reswitching was a logical deduction from their theoretical assumptions and not an induction from empirical realities. On the other point, the idea of conservation of value in your procedure seems to me to be an imposed condition rather than a result. If it is a result, then it is highly interesting. But if is not then there is no news here. One thing we should keep in mind when talking about embodied values. A portion of every commodity value is IMPUTED rather than EMBODIED. The value of constant capital is imputed by "how much labor it will cost to reproduce the constant capital commodity". And thus the whole question of legitimacy of REDUCING commodities to labor-time has to be dealt with. Cheers, Ajit Sinha I would like to add something to Ajit's comment. It is supplementary. How much labor it costs to reproduce the constant capital under the current conditions of production will be an over estimate of the actual labor used in the fixed constant capital that constantly transfers some its value to the commodity in each produciotn cycle. For new fixed constant capital, that is capital produced under the latest conditions the embodiement concept, I believe fits. The value of a commodity in the Marxist framework deals with the labor value under the current conditions of production (which includes among other things technology) My interpretation is that social necessary labor embodiment meant the use of this labor under the current conditions of production (which includes social development, capital stock, training, experience etc.) I assume that you mean that what happens to the labor that was embodied but no longer appears because in is no longer relevant to current conditions. I have to go over Paul's material to understand your comment better Ajit. In this sense a dynmanic system would never preserve the labor power involved on an absolute standard. But the socially necessary abstract labor embodied in a commodity will be in constant flux depending on changing social relations, technology, investment, cultural changes. Socially nessary abstract labor will be embodied but not some constant notion of absolute labor time. But socially necessary abstracy labor will be very dynamic. Cheers, Victor
Paul's and Ajit's constant capital
These were some of my earlier thoughts on this issue. I have not followed the discussion in detail. Ajit Sinha asks what problem I was trying to solve in my posting on the nature of the value metric. It is not so much what problem am I trying to solve, but what problem am I able to discover. What I am asking is whether there is a theoretical problem here in the nature of the value metric. The background is that over the last few years Allin Cottrel and I have been trying to rehabilitate labour values as a tool for economic planning. In the course of a conference in Lausanne last year at the Walras institute is became clear to us that the level of scepticism felt by many left wing economists to the labour theory of value required us to carry out a more thorough going defence of that theory. One step has been to replicate Shaiks results for the US and Italian economies with the British data on the empirical validity of labour values. Another thing we have been doing is to look again at the theoretical arguments for labour values. We looked at whether labour values correspond to some naturalist fallacy by comparing them to other possible 'natural' standards of value like energy, and found that one can not construct a convergent series of production equations that give non-null energy values. The stuff on the value metric is concerned with a re-examination of the argument about the form of value in Capital I.i. I don't think I understand everything you say. But this does not mean that you should change your language; I don't mind groping. In anycase, as far as the empirical works are concerned, they may have some merits of their own but they cannot be used as a defence of 'labor theory of value'. The arguments put forward against 'labor theory of value' are of logical nature and not empirical nature. Even if prices coincided with labor-values 100%, it cannot be taken a justification of labor-values since labor theory of value gives rise to an internal theoretical problem, which has nothing to do with what "really" happens to be prices of commodities. And Ricardo's 93% 'labor theory of value' is logically invalid is well known. Some neo-Classicals had tried a defence against Sraffa's reswitching argument on the similar line that empirically reswitching did not take place. The Sraffians pointed out that no-reswitching was a logical deduction from their theoretical assumptions and not an induction from empirical realities. On the other point, the idea of conservation of value in your procedure seems to me to be an imposed condition rather than a result. If it is a result, then it is highly interesting. But if is not then there is no news here. One thing we should keep in mind when talking about embodied values. A portion of every commodity value is IMPUTED rather than EMBODIED. The value of constant capital is imputed by "how much labor it will cost to reproduce the constant capital commodity". And thus the whole question of legitimacy of REDUCING commodities to labor-time has to be dealt with. Cheers, Ajit Sinha I would like to add something to Ajit's comment. It is supplementary. How much labor it costs to reproduce the constant capital under the current conditions of production will be an over estimate of the actual labor used in the fixed constant capital that constantly transfers some its value to the commodity in each produciotn cycle. For new fixed constant capital, that is capital produced under the latest conditions the embodiement concept, I believe fits. The value of a commodity in the Marxist framework deals with the labor value under the current conditions of production (which includes among other things technology) My interpretation is that social necessary labor embodiment meant the use of this labor under the current conditions of production (which includes social development, capital stock, training, experience etc.) I assume that you mean that what happens to the labor that was embodied but no longer appears because in is no longer relevant to current conditions. I have to go over Paul's material to understand your comment better Ajit. In this sense a dynmanic system would never preserve the labor power involved on an absolute standard. But the socially necessary abstract labor embodied in a commodity will be in constant flux depending on changing social relations, technology, investment, cultural changes. Socially nessary abstract labor will be embodied but not some constant notion of absolute labor time. But socially necessary abstracy labor will be very dynamic. Cheers, Victor
