Re: Argentina, Australia and Canada (and US foreign investment)

2002-04-20 Thread Bill Rosenberg

Charles Brown wrote:

> Profits aside, two features of FDI which seem to clearly differentiate developed
> and developing countries (in the context of the US foreign investment thread,
> imperial vs neo-colonies) appear to be the balance between inward and outward
> investment stock (biased towards outward for developed countries; overwhelmingly
> inward for developing
> 
> 
> 
> CB: Might this be termed "export of capital "  ?

It could be expressed as net export of capital, but that would cover up the fact
that most capital exports are from one developed country to another.

Bill




Argentina, Australia and Canada (and US foreign investment)

2002-04-19 Thread Charles Brown

 Argentina, Australia and Canada (and US foreign investment)
by Bill Rosenberg

-clip-

Nice synthesis of these threads, Bill.


Profits aside, two features of FDI which seem to clearly differentiate developed
and developing countries (in the context of the US foreign investment thread,
imperial vs neo-colonies) appear to be the balance between inward and outward
investment stock (biased towards outward for developed countries; overwhelmingly
inward for developing



CB: Might this be termed "export of capital "  ?




US foreign investment

2002-04-19 Thread Charles Brown

 US foreign investment
by Doug Henwood
18 April 2002 19:43 UTC 


Doug:
It's widely believed that foreign investment is largely about chasing 
low wages. But most FDI is targeted at high-income countries. It's 
also widely believed that imperial investment is the source of 
superprofits that power the whole system; that doesn't seem to be 
borne out by the data either.

^^^

CB: Some uses of the term "superprofits" do not confine it to those derived from 
foreign investment. It may also refer to extra profits derived from racist 
discrimination within the U.S. , as well as monopoly profits of all types , whether 
foreignly or domestically derived.

However, I agree that superprofits from superexploitation of lower waged workers is 
also alleged. 

 I am not clear on whether the fact is only that the great bulk of foreign direct 
investment is in relatively high wage countries or whether the rate of profit is 
higher from domestic investments than investments in lower income countries as well.  





Re: Re: Re: Argentina, Australia and Canada (and US foreign investment)

2002-04-19 Thread Louis Proyect

On Sat, 20 Apr 2002 00:37:28 +1200, Bill Rosenberg wrote:
>
>It's difficult to say what profit figures would
>show. The ability of TNCs to transfer their
>profits from one country another for tax,
>political or internal reasons must make the
>profit attributed to their operations in any one
>country arbitrary to a degree.

It is absolutely necessary to dispense with the idea that imperialism 
is identical to multinationals seeking out countries where labor is 
cheap and profits are high. Imperialism is operative even when there 
is not a single US corporation or subsidiary on foreign soil.

Take the petroleum industry, for example, an essential piece in the 
jigsaw puzzle of imperialism. Saudi Arabian and Venezuelan oil wells 
are owned by the government, but are forced to deal with 
Anglo-American corporations that market the finished product. With 
pliant governments, the US can continue to bleed these countries dry 
even if it is not operating on foreign soil.

This is also true of agro-export. For example, Colombia capitalists 
own all of the plantations but are forced to deal with much bigger 
and more powerful US marketing operations that buy and process the 
raw beans. In general, third world cartels for products like coffee 
beans, etc. are at a much bigger disadvantage than oil exporters, who 
can at least cause shocks to the world system if they cut back on 
production. Higher coffee prices might cause grumbling at Starbucks, 
but they won't bring the advanced countries' economy crashing down.

Finally, many maquilas are typically not owned directly by US 
corporations or subsidiaries. Nike would prefer to line up local 
subcontractors who it can then blame for abuses to the work-force.

This, of course, is not to say that North American auto production in 
places like Mexico is driven by the need to compete with Korea and 
Japan. There is a drive to the bottom. However, to fully understand 
the operations of imperialism, you have to look at the full 
constellation of class relations not just multinational behavior.


-- 
Louis Proyect, [EMAIL PROTECTED] on 04/19/2002

Marxism list: http://www.marxmail.org




Re: Re: Argentina, Australia and Canada (and US foreign investment)

2002-04-19 Thread Bill Rosenberg

Ratios of inward and outward FDI stock to GDP, and FDI flows to gross fixed
capital formation are tabulated for most countries in the various World
Investment Reports of UNCTAD. They also calculate a "transnationality index" of
FDI host countries, which averages the four shares: FDI flows (as a percentage
of GFCF), FDI inward stocks as a percentage of GDP, value added of foreign
affiliates as a percentage of GDP, and employment of foreign affiliates as a
precentage of total employment. The developed countries which the 2000 report
tabulates (with New Zealand at the top!) average around 13%, and the tabulated
developing countries 14%.

Unfortunately they don't seem interested in tabulating profits!

It's difficult to say what profit figures would show. The ability of TNCs to
transfer their profits from one country another for tax, political or internal
reasons must make the profit attributed to their operations in any one country
arbitrary to a degree.

Even without deliberate transfer pricing, it is conceivable that (say) Nike
would put up with lower rates of profit in Indonesia because the manufacture of
its shoes is such a small part of the cost. Most of the profits may well be made
elsewhere in the chain of distribution and sale. I'm not saying that it
necessarily happens like that, but it is quite conceivable.

To say TNCs chase cheap labour is to oversimplify. Certainly that is an
important part of their motivation, but since around 76% of FDI was to developed
countries (in 1999) - and 90% of mergers and acquisitions - it isn't the whole
story. Other motivations include domination of their selected markets,
increasing scale for competitive reasons, and security of investment.

Profits aside, two features of FDI which seem to clearly differentiate developed
and developing countries (in the context of the US foreign investment thread,
imperial vs neo-colonies) appear to be the balance between inward and outward
investment stock (biased towards outward for developed countries; overwhelmingly
inward for developing); and greenfield vs mergers/acquisition investment (over
80% of FDI was M&As for all countries in 1999; but about one third of FDI to
developing countries).

Grant Lee remarks below that Singapore's "inward FDI is still  well above
outward FDI in this city-state where annual trade is also 160%  !!!  of GDP".
Singapore has unusually high FDI, but its high level of trade is no mystery.
Like Hong Kong, it has a huge entrepot function, with high levels of
"re-exports" - importing for the purpose of re-exporting with little or no work
done on the goods on the way through. In 1999 Hong Kong (popn about 6 million)
had the world's 10th largest international trading volume (mainland China was
9th). In 2000 88.5% of its exports were re-exports, a third of these to mainland
China. Its foreign investment is even more remarkable (and
statistics-distorting!): with the exceptions of China and its former colonial
master, the U.K., the top-ranked sources and destinations of Hong Kong
investment are the tax havens of the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands,
and Bermuda (1998 figures). The ownership of this investment is certainly
elsewhere, including the U.S., Europe, Hong Kong itself, and China.

Bill


Grant Lee wrote:
> 
> Bill Burgess <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> 
> > country inward FDI stock/GDPoutward FDI stock/GDP
> > Canada  23.9%   26.9%
> > Australia   28.117.1
> > UK  23.335.9
> > France  11.715.9
> > Singapore   85.856.1
> > Malaysia67.022.7
> > Indonesia   73.32.4
> > Argentina   13.95.4
> > Brazil  17.11.4
> 
> Interesting figures. I haven't had time to look at the comparable figures
> for other countries. In any case they don't prove a permanent/structural
> exclusion from "imperial" activity. For example, what about Hong Kong
> (pre-1997, not that it is yet a homogenous part of China)? The last I heard
> there was hardly any manufacturing left in Hong Kong because proprietors had
> shifted operations to the mainland. South Africa? Saudi Arabia?
> 
> > Note the
> > obvious difference in rates of outward FDI, plus the fact that most FDI by
> > Canada, France, etc. is in other imperialist countries while most FDI by
> > Indonesia, Argentina, etc. is in fellow semi-colonies.
> 
> Every bourgeoisie has to start somewhere. For example --- and I'm not going
> to revisit the complexities and vitriol of the "Kenya Debate" --- but I just
> came across this on the web:
> 
> Andrea Goldstein and Njuguna S. Ndung'u, OECD Develo

Re: US foreign investment / tactics in Venezuela

2002-04-18 Thread ALI KADRI

SEE
   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
 
 Year 7, Nº 15 / Monday, April 15, 2002 
 
 
   
  International trade missions, trade shows and forums
on promoting business opportunities and investment,
continue to be viable official policy options for
conveying relevant data to economic players, with a
view to trying business schemes in any country. Such
activities facilitate the decision making process in
connection with the development of private efforts, as
they bring investors and policymakers, trade financing
entities and country experts, closer together. These
efforts basically reflect the features of the
"investor targeting" technique as pertains to the
investment promotion element. This technique follows a
classification of specific actions for promoting
investment, together with support services for the
establishment and post-establishment of investments,
which are highly valued among investors. In practice,
it is a highly effective policy for attracting
investments to specific industries with a competitive
potential, or to address specific development needs in
every country. Recently CONAPRI gave its support to
and took part in a trade mission to San José (Costa
Rica), in an effort organized jointly by the Foreign
Ministry and BANCOEX. Several Venezuelan entrepreneurs
exchanged views with their Costa Rican colleagues and
explored business opportunities, joint-investments and
direct foreign investment schemes in each country.
This is a highly specific effort that evidences our
strong interaction with public sector entities. 
 
 

  
 The NA to investigate the April 11 Events 
 Federal Legislative Council to be created 
 Armed Forces to see Changes 
 
 Chávez is back after Thursday Events 
 CTV to analyze upcoming Union Moves 
 OAS: Events in Venezuela not to be repeated 
 
 OPEC advised to increase Production 
 Venezuelan Crisis drives Oil Prices up 
 Oil Supply guaranteed 
 PDVSA Board resigns en Masse 
 The VP and PDVSA Senior Managers meet 
  
 
 

Trends in Foreign Direct Investment
Accepting an invitation from the Export and Investment
Promotion Corporation of Ecuador (CORPEI), CONAPRI
took part in a regional workshop on Management of
Events for the Tourism Sector on April 9, 10, and 11
in Guayaquil-Ecuador. This report presents some of the
trends in foreign direct investment, along with the
comments on how to attract investments by one of the
key speakers, Arvind Mayaram, director-general of
tourism, art and culture of the Indian state of
Rajasthan and member of the World Association of
Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA). 
 
 
 
 

If not interested in this e-publication anymore,
please click on cancel delivery. 
  

--- Charles Brown <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
wrote:
>  US foreign investment / tactics in Venezuela
> by Doyle Saylor
> 18 April 2002 02:01 UTC  
> 
> -clip-
> 
> Documents that are produced need to be accessible to
> people via more
> reliable attention to search engines.  I am thinking
> of an anecdote of
> Venezuela that the press recently reported. 
> According to press accounts the
> television stations maintained a blackout and biased
> reporting against
> Chavez, but that ordinary people using cell phones
> were able to get the word
> out anyway.  We need to use the 'interactive' tools
> that the whole left can
> use to our advantage.  Interactive here meaning
> collaboration technology.
> 
> To me then applying the example of cellphones to
> collaboration here I think
> important work needs to be done in teamwork for
> online left lists.  The sort
> of one line irritation of antagonists needs to be
> replaced by common
> collective work that takes advantage of principles
> of computing that serves
> our brain work best.
> 
> ^^^
> 
> CB: I saw that reported too. The revolution may not
> be televised, but it may be on the radio and
> cellphones.  Maybe there is a challenge as to
> whether it will be on email.
> 


__
Do You Yahoo!?
Yahoo! Tax Center - online filing with TurboTax
http://taxes.yahoo.com/




Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Charles Jannuzi

Doug Henwood:
> It's widely believed that foreign investment is largely about chasing
> low wages.

You are right to address these beliefs.

If you asked at a company, it would be to get a good rate of return on the
investment. If I want to sell labor-intensive goods in an affluent market,
then I try to set up manufacturing in a low wage country with weak unions,
weak environmental laws (and little liability), and an adequate
infrastructure to get my goods to their ultimate markets.

>But most FDI is targeted at high-income countries.

Because these countries offer affluent consumer markets if you are selling
goods and services. Nike doesn't make sneakers in Indonesia because it wants
to sell them in Indonesia. It wants Walmart to sell them in North America
and Carrefour to sell them in Europe. So Nike benefits from Carrefour's
investment in retail all over Europe, but it's Nike chasing cheap wages.

I'm just using Nike as an example, but I think one of Nike's biggest
investments in the past 5 years is to set up retail stores exclusively for
marketing Nike in the affluent markets. This is as important to Nike than
its cheap factories in Indonesia, if not more so. They could quickly
substitute Vietnam for Indonesia, but the affluent markets are still the
same, though competition in them might well have increased (resurgent
Adidas, new brands with more cachet with younger consumers, like Skechers,
etc.).

High income countries also offer juicy takeover targets. A private equity
group like Carlyle finds the defense contractors or telecoms or software
companies it wants in affluent, developed countries (though software
includes India, too).

It's
> also widely believed that imperial investment is the source of
> superprofits that power the whole system; that doesn't seem to be
> borne out by the data either.

I always thought how MNCs got profits was always pretty dodgy, but Enron
(and Tyco) puts the whole concept in doubt for even the least skeptical
people.

But consider a company like Coca Cola. It went after (and got) a high stock
valuation  by reporting higher profits, but the 'profits' really came from
selling small bottling companies to bigger ones and by passing on price
hikes in materials to the bottlers. Nevertheless these were 'profits' in the
scheme of things.

>
> Following up on Michael Yates's point - of course it's useful to
> compare profitability at engine plants, etc. But given the
> fungibility and mobility of capital, it makes plenty of sense to talk
> about economywide rates of profit too. People seem to think that if
> you assert A it somehow rules out an interest in B, C, and D. It
> doesn't.

Japan kept investing in the US, including to build new factories, even
though, overall, the rate of return for Japanese companies in the US has
been rather awful, actually. It's the politics and the rush not to be locked
out of the US market and NAFTA that led to this. If you were a Japanese
automaker, for example, if you wanted to sell cars in the US unfettered, you
had to make a show of making them there, too.  They also underestimated just
how much things like law suits over discrimination can cost.

It was American companies who mastered the idea of manufacturing in China
and then selling the goods in Japan (so US companies made profits in Japan
but did nothing to create trade surplus between US and Japan). Uniqlo, a
Japanese clothing retailer, has copied the model and is looking to try
clothing retail in the UK--though probably wary of the US, what with the Gap
bust.

OTOH, US equity groups--not manufacturers, though they might hold
manufacturers because they act as holding companies--are now moving into
Japan and buying up banks, insurance companies, consumer finance and
leasing, and real estate. I suppose if a company like Ripplewood Holdings
can turn around the failed resort complex on Kyushu, they will have added
some value. Other than that, most of these interests strike me as parasites
seeking quick returns or the chance to hold and squeeze profits from
capacity they themselves didn't create.  I know they are not here to build
new manufacturing to lead Japan into the next big thing that everyone is
talking about, and the only turnaround plans they have is how to talk up the
value of the assets so they can be sold for profits.

Charles Jannuzi




RE: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Sabri Oncu

> People seem to think that if you assert A it
> somehow rules out an interest in B, C, and D.
> It doesn't.
>
> Doug

I agree with this observation. It happens everywhere, not just on
PEN-L. On the other hand, if you keep asserting A repeatedly
without trying to show your interest in B, C and D, then some
people may conclude that you lost your interest B, C and D. This
was just another observation of mine.

Sabri




US foreign investment / tactics in Venezuela

2002-04-18 Thread Charles Brown

 US foreign investment / tactics in Venezuela
by Doyle Saylor
18 April 2002 02:01 UTC  

-clip-

Documents that are produced need to be accessible to people via more
reliable attention to search engines.  I am thinking of an anecdote of
Venezuela that the press recently reported.  According to press accounts the
television stations maintained a blackout and biased reporting against
Chavez, but that ordinary people using cell phones were able to get the word
out anyway.  We need to use the 'interactive' tools that the whole left can
use to our advantage.  Interactive here meaning collaboration technology.

To me then applying the example of cellphones to collaboration here I think
important work needs to be done in teamwork for online left lists.  The sort
of one line irritation of antagonists needs to be replaced by common
collective work that takes advantage of principles of computing that serves
our brain work best.

^^^

CB: I saw that reported too. The revolution may not be televised, but it may be on the 
radio and cellphones.  Maybe there is a challenge as to whether it will be on email.




Re: Re: Re: RE: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Doug Henwood

Carrol Cox wrote:

>I don't see what points (yours or anyone else's) are or are not being
>"proved."

It's widely believed that foreign investment is largely about chasing 
low wages. But most FDI is targeted at high-income countries. It's 
also widely believed that imperial investment is the source of 
superprofits that power the whole system; that doesn't seem to be 
borne out by the data either.

Following up on Michael Yates's point - of course it's useful to 
compare profitability at engine plants, etc. But given the 
fungibility and mobility of capital, it makes plenty of sense to talk 
about economywide rates of profit too. People seem to think that if 
you assert A it somehow rules out an interest in B, C, and D. It 
doesn't.

Doug




Re: Re: RE: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Carrol Cox



Doug Henwood wrote:
> 
> Not to mention that picking two countries out of a hundred or so says
> absolutely nothing about the data or any analytical technique
> associated with it.
> 
> Though the fact that U.S. assets in Norway are 130 times those in
> Nicaragua, and there are 23 times as many MNC affiliates there, comes
> closer to proving my point than the contrary.
> 

I don't see what points (yours or anyone else's) are or are not being
"proved." I suspect the answers (and the questions to be answered)
aren't, to begin with, in these or any other statistics. First there has
to be a framework of some sort to define the meaning of any figures.
Facts never carry their own meaning. Many decades ago Jalee succeeded in
wresting some meaning from a large complex of figures but no one here,
it seems to me, has really even tried to define what the goal of the
search is.

Perhaps Hegel is relevant here. We have to posit a whole first, then
explore what figures are relevant to what.

Carrol




Re: RE: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Doug Henwood

Not to mention that picking two countries out of a hundred or so says 
absolutely nothing about the data or any analytical technique 
associated with it.

Though the fact that U.S. assets in Norway are 130 times those in 
Nicaragua, and there are 23 times as many MNC affiliates there, comes 
closer to proving my point than the contrary.

Doug



Davies, Daniel wrote:

>Just to suggest that although the numbers are "nearly exactly the same",
>these are returns on capital we're looking at, so they need about two more
>decimal places.  To put it another way, although they're practically the
>same, there is all the difference in the world between an investment which
>earns 4.6% return and an investment which earns 7.5% return if you are
>funding your investment with borrowed money at 6%.  In one case, you're
>making a decent profit; in the other, you're slowly going out of business.
>
>dd
>
>>If there is any meaningful economic interpretation that can be gleaned from
>>all this, I have no idea what it is. Just take a look at:
>>http://www.marxmail.org/foreign_investment.htm and compare Nicaragua to
>>Norway.
>
>>Nicaragua:
>  >(A) Number of Affiliates -- 8
>  >(B) Total Assets -- 147
>  >(C) Sales -- 260
>  >(D) Net Income -- 11
>  >(E) Employee Compensation -- 14
>  >(D) divided by (B) -- 0.07
>  >(E) divided by (B) -- 0.10
>
>>  Norway:
>  >(A) Number of Affiliates -- 182
>  >(B) Total Assets -- 19092
>  >(C) Sales -- 12836
>  >(D) Net Income -- 882
>  >(E) Employee Compensation -- 1855
>  >(D) divided by (B) -- 0.05
>  >(E) divided by (B) -- 0.10
>
>
>
>
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Re: Re: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Louis Proyect

I am curious about the stats you chose. I guessed that you were trying to
show something like the rate of exploitation (ie. that wages were a lower
fraction of assets than income). But there is no clear reason why income
should be a higher fraction of assets than any given expense (like wages)
measured in the aggregate. Marx developed the idea of the rate of
exploitation on the level of the firm, where the rate of profit was assumed
and prices and wages moved accordingly. The yearly national accounts
measure total profits rather than firm profits--and some firms could be
profitable without their being aggregate nat'l profits. And there are
limits to the flexibility of wages and prices.

I think it would be more interesting in this context to see the ratio of
debt to assets and the proportion of debt held by foreigners. 

Christian

===

Let me be as clear as I can. There was no way that I could derive any
meaningful political or social analysis from the numbers available at:
http://www.bea.gov/bea/di/di1usdop.htm. More to the point, to rely on such
indicators without doing an in-depth analysis of particular countries is
REDUCTIONIST. If people want to put those kinds of figures into a
spreadsheet and play pundit with them, they should. Here is my approach:

(http://www.mail-archive.com/marxism%40lists.panix.com/msg33040.html)

The consumption/investment habits of the Argentine ruling class was typical
of those of other Latin American economies dominated by the latifundia.
Based mostly in Buenos Aires, the bourgeoisie received as much as 25
percent of Argentina's GDP through land rent. With this revenue, they spent
a significant portion on goods manufactured in the USA or Europe. As Johns
points out, "The elite's ardent desire to prove its cosmopolitan stature
translated into a fetishism of foreign goods." No doubt such consumption
habits shaped the cultural views of a sector of Argentine artists, who
identified more with Europe than their own gaucho realities.

With a diminished internal market, local industry had unfavorable
conditions for growth. Also contributing to the structural weakness was the
low incomes of the urban proletariat that earned about one-half the wages
of workers in England and about one-fifth those in the USA. Finally, "high
urban land rents further reduced the effective demand of urban wages, as
did the unsystematic import tariffs, which afforded industry little
protection but did finance the government at the cost of increasing the
prices of imported goods." (Johns, 194)

If class relations in the countryside were typified by sharecropping,
seasonal labor and other forms of super-exploitation, the situation in the
city was not much better. In fact, the urban proletariat was either
unemployed for much of the year or was forced to work at pittance wages on
the big estates of the pampas. In a study of the Buenos Aires proletariat,
Juan Alsina wrote:

"the workers in factories and workshops are usually day workers who,
without any definite skills or job description, learn a job quickly. These
are highly mobile workers earning minimum wages, able to perform several
tasks and transfer to other jobs rapidly; they even leave their city jobs
for five to six months to work in the countryside shearing wool or
harvesting grain." (Johns, 196)

Because manufacturers could rely on what amounted to a part-time force, it
was under no particular pressure to introduce labor-saving machinery.
Hiring or firing workers on a contingency basis ensured profits, but only
at the expense of long-term productivity. They also made extensive use of
the "putting out" system, which effectively reduced fixed costs. Enormous
retail houses such as Gath y Chaves, which was the Macy's of Argentina,
employed five times as many female homeworkers as their permanent staff.
(Retailers typically manufactured their own goods.) In total, such retail
houses and clothing factories employed 10,000 while at least 50,000 worked
out of their homes.

With manufacturing in such a primitive state, it is no surprise that
Argentine goods were viewed as second-rate. The tanneries, for example,
could not produce high-quality goods, which were in great demand overseas.
Furniture shops also faced capital shortages and tended to employ artisans
who turned out pieces one by one.

It is also important to consider the nature of Argentine immigration, which
despite being massive, tended to be far less permanent than that found in
countries like Canada, the USA or Australia. Since much of the labor was
based seasonally around agrarian enterprises, the work force found it
necessary to return to Europe when work dried up. This prompted the
nickname "golondrina", or swallow, after the birds that migrate annually.

Because the Argentine economy was based in Buenos Aires and the nearby
pampas, the immigrants tended to concentrate near the city and the
adjoining coast. As Corradi points out, this led to over-urbanization in an
agrarian society, a chara

Re: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread christian11



Lou wrote

>I take the question of development and statistics quite seriously. If Henwood wanted 
>to respond to what I wrote, he could have explained why the statistics instead 
>revealed some deeper truths about Nicaragua and Norway. 

I am curious about the stats you chose. I guessed that you were trying to show 
something like the rate of exploitation (ie. that wages were a lower fraction of 
assets than income). But there is no clear reason why income should be a higher 
fraction of assets than any given expense (like wages) measured in the aggregate. Marx 
developed the idea of the rate of exploitation on the level of the firm, where the 
rate of profit was assumed and prices and wages moved accordingly. The yearly national 
accounts measure total profits rather than firm profits--and some firms could be 
profitable without their being aggregate nat'l profits. And there are limits to the 
flexibility of wages and prices.

I think it would be more interesting in this context to see the ratio of debt to 
assets and the proportion of debt held by foreigners. 

Christian




RE: US foreign investment

2002-04-18 Thread Davies, Daniel

Just to suggest that although the numbers are "nearly exactly the same",
these are returns on capital we're looking at, so they need about two more
decimal places.  To put it another way, although they're practically the
same, there is all the difference in the world between an investment which
earns 4.6% return and an investment which earns 7.5% return if you are
funding your investment with borrowed money at 6%.  In one case, you're
making a decent profit; in the other, you're slowly going out of business.

dd

>If there is any meaningful economic interpretation that can be gleaned from
>all this, I have no idea what it is. Just take a look at:
>http://www.marxmail.org/foreign_investment.htm and compare Nicaragua to
>Norway.

>Nicaragua:
 >(A) Number of Affiliates -- 8
 >(B) Total Assets -- 147
 >(C) Sales -- 260
 >(D) Net Income -- 11
 >(E) Employee Compensation -- 14
 >(D) divided by (B) -- 0.07
 >(E) divided by (B) -- 0.10

> Norway:
 >(A) Number of Affiliates -- 182
 >(B) Total Assets -- 19092
 >(C) Sales -- 12836
 >(D) Net Income -- 882
 >(E) Employee Compensation -- 1855
 >(D) divided by (B) -- 0.05
 >(E) divided by (B) -- 0.10




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Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Doyle Saylor

Greetings Economists,

I've been following Lou Proyect's essay on Argentina, Australia, and Canada.
I wanted to observe this series from a different perspective.  I will start
at a juncture where Lou responds to J. Devine,

On Wed, 17 Apr 2002 14:33:53 -0700, Devine, James wrote:
>
>getting away from sparring such as the above, it
>seems to me that if one wants to understand the
>concrete condions, it really helps to have
>statistics. Both kinds of analysis seem
>relevant, and can be complementary.
>JD Let me take this opportunity to clear something up. I returned to
PEN-L not to be baited by Doug Henwood. I take the question of
development and statistics quite seriously. If Henwood wanted to
respond to what I wrote, he could have explained why the statistics
instead revealed some deeper truths about Nicaragua and Norway.
Instead, he baited me. This all he knows how to do apparently. This
is really too bad, since I have earned quite a bit of respect through
the posts I have contributed to PEN-L and other leftwing lists. To
throw Lenin at me is just a step above red-baiting and the sign of an
exhausted intellect.

Doyle
What I want to write about is collaboration.  I am glad to see Lou writing
here, and the series he produced is interesting, though I am not in a
position to comment on the content of the series.  Rather where D. Henwood
responds with a one liner to Lou, I think one can look at how people work
together and what on the left could build things more.  Obviously both Lou,
and Doug have conflict.  I'm not arguing for them to just get along.

I think producing documents like what Lou did is important.  He has said in
the past he has access to the library at Columbia University, and he has
feed back from his list of international leftists to utilize in a paper.
These elements probably contributed to the depth of his work on this series
of papers.  Those though are exceptional circumstances most on the left
don't share.  I would like to see more development of the underlying
methodology that made Lou's work strong with the tools that are available to
us on the internet.

I think collaboration is an issue that goes beyond Lou's efforts here, but
also illustrated by various elements in Lou's series of thoughts.   To do
substantial work on the internet, we need to better utilize the internet in
producing brainwork.  I think that instant messaging, working on the same
document, archiving and metadata are important issues for the left to
advocate and build upon.

Documents that are produced need to be accessible to people via more
reliable attention to search engines.  I am thinking of an anecdote of
Venezuela that the press recently reported.  According to press accounts the
television stations maintained a blackout and biased reporting against
Chavez, but that ordinary people using cell phones were able to get the word
out anyway.  We need to use the 'interactive' tools that the whole left can
use to our advantage.  Interactive here meaning collaboration technology.

To me then applying the example of cellphones to collaboration here I think
important work needs to be done in teamwork for online left lists.  The sort
of one line irritation of antagonists needs to be replaced by common
collective work that takes advantage of principles of computing that serves
our brain work best.
thanks,
Doyle Saylor




Re: Re: RE: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Michael Perelman

Lou, I don't think Jim was singling you out.  I agree that Doug tweaked
the first with the Lenin barb.  Ordinarily, it would've passed without
notice, except that you two have a history.  Like I mentioned a minute
ago, nothing outrageous has occurred.  Like Jim, I noticed the temperature
rising.  Nothing for anybody to get upset about.Nothing for anybody to get
upset about. 

Nothing for anybody to get upset about.

 On Wed, Apr 17, 2002 at 05:58:36PM -0400, Louis
Proyect wrote: > On Wed, 17 Apr 2002 14:33:53 -0700, Devine, James wrote:
> >
> >getting away from sparring such as the above, it
> >seems to me that if one wants to understand the
> >concrete condions, it really helps to have
> >statistics. Both kinds of analysis seem
> >relevant, and can be complementary.
> >JD
> 
> Let me take this opportunity to clear something up. I returned to 
> PEN-L not to be baited by Doug Henwood. I take the question of 
> development and statistics quite seriously. If Henwood wanted to 
> respond to what I wrote, he could have explained why the statistics 
> instead revealed some deeper truths about Nicaragua and Norway. 
> Instead, he baited me. This all he knows how to do apparently. This 
> is really too bad, since I have earned quite a bit of respect through 
> the posts I have contributed to PEN-L and other leftwing lists. To 
> throw Lenin at me is just a step above red-baiting and the sign of an 
> exhausted intellect.
> 
> -- 
> Louis Proyect, [EMAIL PROTECTED] on 04/17/2002
> 
> Marxism list: http://www.marxmail.org
> 

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]




Re: RE: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Louis Proyect

On Wed, 17 Apr 2002 14:33:53 -0700, Devine, James wrote:
>
>getting away from sparring such as the above, it
>seems to me that if one wants to understand the
>concrete condions, it really helps to have
>statistics. Both kinds of analysis seem
>relevant, and can be complementary.
>JD

Let me take this opportunity to clear something up. I returned to 
PEN-L not to be baited by Doug Henwood. I take the question of 
development and statistics quite seriously. If Henwood wanted to 
respond to what I wrote, he could have explained why the statistics 
instead revealed some deeper truths about Nicaragua and Norway. 
Instead, he baited me. This all he knows how to do apparently. This 
is really too bad, since I have earned quite a bit of respect through 
the posts I have contributed to PEN-L and other leftwing lists. To 
throw Lenin at me is just a step above red-baiting and the sign of an 
exhausted intellect.

-- 
Louis Proyect, [EMAIL PROTECTED] on 04/17/2002

Marxism list: http://www.marxmail.org




Re: Re: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Michael Perelman

Why not cool the sparring, to use Jim D.'s expression.  Nobody has done
anything terribly provocative so far, but let us keep it that way.

On Wed, Apr 17, 2002 at 05:18:55PM -0400, Louis Proyect wrote:
> >In other words, if the contemporary statistics
> >don't say what you  want them to, turn to Lenin
> >instead.
> >
> >Doug
> 
> Better than Lacan.
> 
> -- 
> Louis Proyect, [EMAIL PROTECTED] on 04/17/2002
> 
> Marxism list: http://www.marxmail.org
> 

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]




RE: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Devine, James

Louis Proyect wrote:>>You'll notice that (D) & (E) are practically the same
for each country. So can you draw any meaningful inferences about whether
the same level of exploitation exists for both countries? Obviously not.
Bottom line, we have to avoid the temptation to do economic analysis based
on such a reductionist view. There is no substitute for the concrete
analysis of concrete class relations.<<

Doug writes: 
> In other words, if the contemporary statistics don't say what you want
them to, turn to Lenin instead.<

getting away from sparring such as the above, it seems to me that if one
wants to understand the concrete condions, it really helps to have
statistics. Both kinds of analysis seem relevant, and can be complementary.
JD




Re: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Louis Proyect

>In other words, if the contemporary statistics
>don't say what you  want them to, turn to Lenin
>instead.
>
>Doug

Better than Lacan.

-- 
Louis Proyect, [EMAIL PROTECTED] on 04/17/2002

Marxism list: http://www.marxmail.org




Re: Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Michael Pugliese

[13938] Varga, Eugene  And L. Mendelsohn. New Data for Lenin's "Imperialism". 
NY: International, 1940. Hard Cover. Very Good / Very Good. 322 pgs., very 
light oxidation stains to endpapers, lightly bumped spine ends, slight rubbing 
to corners, dj lightly rubbed at edges with a few very small tears

$10.0

4/17/02 11:57:03 AM, Doug Henwood <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:

>Louis Proyect wrote:
>
>>You'll notice that (D) & (E) are practically the same for each country. So
>>can you draw any meaningful inferences about whether the same level of
>>exploitation exists for both countries? Obviously not. Bottom line, we have
>>to avoid the temptation to do economic analysis based on such a
>>reductionist view. There is no substitute for the concrete analysis of
>>concrete class relations.
>
>In other words, if the contemporary statistics don't say what you 
>want them to, turn to Lenin instead.
>
>Doug
>
>





Re: US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Doug Henwood

Louis Proyect wrote:

>You'll notice that (D) & (E) are practically the same for each country. So
>can you draw any meaningful inferences about whether the same level of
>exploitation exists for both countries? Obviously not. Bottom line, we have
>to avoid the temptation to do economic analysis based on such a
>reductionist view. There is no substitute for the concrete analysis of
>concrete class relations.

In other words, if the contemporary statistics don't say what you 
want them to, turn to Lenin instead.

Doug




US foreign investment

2002-04-17 Thread Louis Proyect

Yesterday Henwood furnished a URL for the Bureau of Economic Analysis--U.S.
Direct Investment Abroad : http://www.bea.gov/bea/di/di1usdop.htm

I took the liberty of extracting out only the rows that included meaningful
data for all columns and added percentages based on the following:

1. Net income divided by Total Assets
2. Employee compensation divided by Total Assets

If there is any meaningful economic interpretation that can be gleaned from
all this, I have no idea what it is. Just take a look at:
http://www.marxmail.org/foreign_investment.htm and compare Nicaragua to
Norway.

Nicaragua:
 (A) Number of Affiliates -- 8
 (B) Total Assets -- 147
 (C) Sales -- 260
 (D) Net Income -- 11
 (E) Employee Compensation -- 14
 (D) divided by (B) -- 0.07
 (E) divided by (B) -- 0.10

 Norway:
 (A) Number of Affiliates -- 182
 (B) Total Assets -- 19092
 (C) Sales -- 12836
 (D) Net Income -- 882
 (E) Employee Compensation -- 1855
 (D) divided by (B) -- 0.05
 (E) divided by (B) -- 0.10

You'll notice that (D) & (E) are practically the same for each country. So
can you draw any meaningful inferences about whether the same level of
exploitation exists for both countries? Obviously not. Bottom line, we have
to avoid the temptation to do economic analysis based on such a
reductionist view. There is no substitute for the concrete analysis of
concrete class relations.  

Louis Proyect
Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org