date:20031007

Uganda now less corrupt By Carolyne Nakazibwe Oct 8, 2003

KAMPALA - A new report from Transparency International says Uganda is the 17th most corrupt country in the world.
The corruption watchdog said Uganda scored 2.2 out of ten on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI).
It is a slight improvement from last year when the country was ninth with a CPI of 2.1.
However, the report, released in Berlin, Germany, investigated more countries - 133 compared to last year's 102.
And the Inspector General of Government, Mr Jotham Tumwesigye, is not about to pop the champagne over the slight improvement.
"I expected better than that," he told The Monitor yesterday. "We should take into account that the numbers have increased. I expected (Uganda) to be in the middle. It is just that the countries that have come on board are worse off than us," Tumwesigye said in a phone interview.
The ethics and integrity minister, Mr Tim Lwanga, had not read the report when The Monitor called him for comment.
He was however sceptical about the 17th position "given the effort we have put in."
Uganda has been making steady improvements in the corruption indices since 2000 when it came up third.
However, we are still the seventh most corrupt African state; after Nigeria, Cameroon, Angola, Kenya, Libya and Cote d'Ivoire.
Bangladesh is the most corrupt country in the world, followed by Nigeria and Haiti. Finland and Iceland are the least corrupt.
Kenya is in the eleventh position, while Tanzania is 36th from the bottom.
The chairman Transparency Uganda, Mr Wafula Oguttu, said in an interview that the statistics are a perception of what is happening in different countries.
"When there is a lot of activity on corruption, then people will hear about it," Wafula said.
He cited Kenya where corruption from the past regime is being unearthed, bringing the country into the limelight.
"Nine out of ten developing countries score less than five against a clean score of 101/4 their governments must implement results-oriented programmes to fight corruption," TI chairman, Mr Peter Eigen, said yesterday during the launch.
Political parties, the courts and the police were identified as the three areas most in need of reform.
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ugnet_: fwd: DJ JAMO (KASENGE)'S UGANDA LOCAL ARTISTS MIXED CD IN STORE NOW

2003-10-07 Thread J Ssemakula





From :  






Richard Kasenge <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> 
  

To :  






[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
 

Subject :  






DJ JAMO (KASENGE)'S UGANDA LOCAL ARTISTS MIXED CD IN STORE NOW. 
 

Date :  






Mon, 6 Oct 2003 07:32:21 -0700 (PDT) 
 







THE UGANDA LOCAL SINGERS CD MIXED BY DJ JAMO (KASENGE) OF UGANDA LORDS AND WAFFU NIGHT CLUB, MALDEN MA. CAME OUT A WEEK AGO AND HAS SOLD MORE THAN A HUNDRED COPIES SO FAR.
 
YOU CAN BUY IT AT FRIENDS BUEATY SUPPLY, WALTHAM MA. AT A COST OF US $10.00 OR BY CALLING 617-974- OR 781-893-0003    
 
SONGS ON THE CD:
 
1. MUJUNE
2. ANI AMULABYEKO
3. KUMA OBWESIGWA
4. ABAFUMBO MPOLA MPOLA (AKAGGULA)
5. AKAGOMA (RMX)
6. MARIA SOLOME (RMX)
7. KAWUNDA
8. KING OF THE JUNGLE
9. OBULAMU BWENSI
10. SAGALA NNUGU
11. MAAMA MIA
12. FUNTULA
13. DOLOTIA
14. OKUNSUNASUNA
15. SSEGGWANGA
16. KAMUKUBE EMPETA
17. MAKANIKA WANGE
18. FITINA (SWIT)
19. NKOYE OBUPANGISA
20. KONA ENDONGO
 
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ugnet_: Judge rejects tycoon's soda(Fighting Corruption in the Judiciary -Ugandan style)

Judge rejects tycoon's soda By Halima Abdallah Oct 8, 2003

Majyambere says it was just Shs 100,000
KAMPALA - A High Court judge has rejected 'a soda' offered by a city tycoon whose cases he was presiding over.
Justice James Ogoola yesterday said that Mr Muhammad Majyambere, offered him an envelope with the 'soda' sealed inside it.
Apparently the 'soda' was in form of cash - just Shs 100,000 according to Majyambere - but the judge did not say how much money was inside the envelope as he never opened it.
Justice Ogoola said all this in the courtroom - causing obvious embarrassment to Majyambere, who is also Djibouti's consular general to Uganda.
His Excellency Majyambere offered the money to the judge on Thursday last week at the All Saints Church in Nakasero, Kampala, during a funeral service for Ogoola's mother-in-law.
The judge kept the envelope sealed until yesterday when he called Majyambere's lawyers and the press in court to witness the dramatic hand over of the envelope.
Ogoola said that Majyambere passed on the huge envelope during the funeral service through the judge's wife, whom the businessman had not even known or met before.
Ogoola's wife lives in the United States of America, and had briefly flown back to Uganda to attend her mother's funeral.
The judge said that the bigger envelope contained the usual condolence messages. He read it out before court.
Majyambere seemed extremely uneasy as the judge made the stunning revelations. He stood and raised his hands several times - as if to say something.
If the judge saw Majyambere's hands, he ignored him and went on to tell the whole story uninterrupted.
Justice Ogoola said that there was a smaller envelope inside the big one with the words 'contribution for a soda' written on top.
"I could not accept the small envelope, because I thought it was against my conscience and code of conduct. I accepted the condolence message. I called you [Majyambere] here to tell you that I did not accept the envelope," Ogoola said - looking straight into the embarrassed businessman's eyes.
The judge was suspicious that the offer could be linked to the three cases he has been handling against Majyambere.
Judge pulls out
The judge has now pulled out of all three cases to avoid any risk of bias in his judgements.
The cases against Majyambere were filed by Trust Bank and involve about Shs 200 million.
After the revelation Ogoola handed over the 'soda' envelope to Majyambere's lawyers, Mr Augustine Semakula of Semakula & Co. Advocates and Fred Ntende from Ntende & Company Advocates.
The small envelope was still unopened. The judge asked the lawyers to pass it over to their client.
With that the judge, who must have scored a first in Uganda by publicly rejecting what could easily pass for a bribe, announced that he was pulling out of all the cases against Majyambere.
"I am now pulling out of his cases. The file is going to be taken back to the Registrar for reallocation to another judge who will handle the cases afresh," Ogoola said.
Majyambere speaks
The Monitor caught up with Majyambere later in the evening. Majyambere said by phone that he was surprised by the judge's allegations.
I only made a funeral contribution like any other mourner that day, he said.Majyambere admitted that he did no know the judge's wife before. He however explained that the master of ceremonies had pointed her out to him.
"It was only Shs 100,000 for buying 10 crates of soda. There wasn't anything beyond that. How could I bribe a judge in church?" the businessman mused.
That is one question Justice Ogoola might also still want answered even after pulling out of Majyambere's now controversial cases.
The city tycoon told The Monitor that he had made another contribution into the offertory bag as it passed around because, "it is clumsy to attend a funeral and not make any contribution".
Majyambere said a friend introduced him to the dead woman way back in 1994, although the judge never knew about it.
As such, Majyambere said, he needed no invitation to the funeral of a friend.In any case, he added in Swahili, "I have attended funerals of other people I did not even know".
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ugnet_: REFERENDUM:Is there a need for it in Kenya?

CHARLES WAHOME GIKONYO / REFERENDUM

We've never conducted one, but why not?As the National Constitutional Conference adjourned, a new argument cropped up over whether the final document should be vote for by Kenyans before it is adopted.
This is what is commonly known as a referendum. But why should all Kenyans vote on the new constitution?
It is important to bear in mind that out of the 600 odd delegates, 222 are sitting Members of Parliament. My submission is that Kenya's destiny cannot be left in the hands of those delegates.
The accusations made by Kenyans against both the MPs and the delegates as a whole are myriad, and it is not clear whether either can be trusted.
In the late 1980s and 1990s, whenever a call was made for a referendum, many leaders, including President Moi and the Attorney-General, quickly pointed out that our Constitution did not provide for one.
According to the then Attorney-General Mathew Guy Muli, we could not hold a referendum simply because our constitution was silent on the issue.
According to others, the various rallies conducted by President Moi while campaigning for a serious national issue, amounted to a referendum. Yet to some others, the consultations conducted by the Kanu Review Committee of 1990 did more than a referendum can.
In my view, with or without a constitutional provision, a referendum should be held to approve all legislative actions and matters of national concern.
To this end, the controversy surrounding this important device has boiled down to this: Should we have a constitutional provision for a referendum? Can a referendum, with the sanction and force of law, be held even without a constitutional provision?
If so, have we metamorphosed to a level where we can hold referenda before any constitutional or legislative measure is carried out?
Applied to the constitutional review going on, should it be mandatory that before the new constitution is adopted, it should be subjected to a referendum?
None of those who have been crusading either for or against a referendum have come up with cogent legal justifications for their positions.
I am persuaded that the controversy surrounding the issue stems from ignorance about this important constitutional device. None of those crusading for or against this device have ever bothered to tell Kenyans what it actually is.
What is a referendum? The term "referendum" lacks any precise definition. But for our purposes, an examination of the term from the viewpoint of the definitions given by Blacks Law Dictionary will suffice:
"The process of referring to the electorate for approval a proposed new State constitution or amendment (constitutional referendum) or a law passed by the Legislature (statutory referendum)."
This definition is narrow in the sense that it views a referendum in constitutional and statutory terms. Referenda are held to determine important social, political and economic issues.
Whereas this definition is acceptable, the one by Taft W. H.. in his book, Popular Government, is preferable as it seems to be all-encompassing.
He describes a referendum as the reference of an issue to a decision by popular election. This definition goes far beyond any sectional limitations. It covers all fields of life political, social and economic. Any issue in those fields subjected to the vote of all citizens can be the subject of a referendum.
For all practical purposes, a referendum is a direct check on the action of legislators. It is an ultra-democratic device which extends the legislative process far beyond Parliament to the electorate.
More often than not, the device is used by voters to check and veto legislative action in matters of law. It is really meant to explode the myth behind representative government. In many cases, the alleged representatives do not represent people's views. Hence the need to by-pass them.
Before any legislative action is adopted, it should, therefore, be submitted to the people to determine by a majority vote whether it is to be finally adopted and promulgated.
Whether Kenya has metamorphosed to this point is not for us to decide. Which way then?
Let every Kenyan rise and say: It cannot be either this way or that; it must be this way. Let every Kenyan make a value judgment.
Constitutional history reveals that there has never been referendum in Kenya. What was so erroneously labelled as a referendum over the Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill of 1971 was a series of intimidatory political rallies characterised by a chorus of responses. No attempt was made to present the case for or against the death penalty. The public opinion constantly referred to were the sycophantic answers relating to questions asked by President Kenyatta in public meetings.
These meetings were, of course, held in a few centres, yet they were taken to have been of a representative character Claims that "the people in the country give full support" could very well have been right, but

ugnet_: Are Zimbabweans living on the edge?

Business Tribune 02 to 08 October 2003 , zimbabwe

Features

Billet Magara

Are Zimbabweans living on the edge?

A popular song on Zimbabwes airwaves, Chihwerure hachisvike kumba focuses 
public attention on aspects of social behaviour in which people lose 
integrity by displacing their emotions on those around them.

The title of the song means that if one is harassed at work by ones bosses, 
one must not get into the habit of venting ones anger or frustration on 
members of ones family.

It often happens that a man who is made to feel worthless by manic bosses, 
that man is likely to become edgy, morose and often violent with his family 
if he is irresponsible.

His anger becomes palpable and boundless as he swoops down on his hapless 
wife who in turn blasts her terrified children who beat the faithful family 
dog, which chases the cat, that vents its rodent fury on the last object in 
the chain of displacement, an inanimate bone.

Next time you look at a bone lying in the drain, gnawed clean by unknown 
forces, remember that it may have something to do with yesterdays 
remonstrations from your boss!

Society would be lucky if all emotions ended up in non-living things, but 
they do not. Their effects are visible on the scarred faces of women, 
scalded hands of men and the deeply psychotic behaviour of disturbed 
individuals of our society.

There is a marked increase in numbers of mentally disturbed people among us 
and the border between normal and mad is no longer clear. It is quite 
common these days to see a beautifully dressed woman talking (not just 
muttering!) to herself in the street.

This writer is not of course suggesting that everyone who talks to himself 
is on the verge of mental disability. Technology has advanced so sharply 
that some hands free mobile phones also give the impression of a person 
going bonkers.

But men in designer suits now stand in our cities main thoroughfares all 
over the country, and hold fairly intellectual arguments with themselves. 
Some are shiny black with slime and grime and closely resemble coal miners 
emerging from a tiresome shift underground, except of course for the rotting 
piece of bread in their vice-like fingers.

When we describe such men as mad, how far are we from that condition 
ourselves? Experts would give the cause of these developments on economic 
crises and the pressures they exert on individuals at home and in the work 
place. True. Too true.

The potential for national growth is stifled as one after another, our human 
resource base falls victim to the invisible monster that leaves men and 
women acting like diseased marionettes with no control of themselves.

Everywhere you look, people are moving at top speed. Destinations are 
nebulous as the instinct for survival takes over. As long as one keeps 
moving, keeps talking, working, lying to impress and maintaining some 
respectable presence among peers, one is grateful to be barely alive.

Our society writhes in agony, an impending neurosis that is both psychotic 
and sociopathic. We are like a great river in flood, in the floodplains of 
our lives.

Everywhere one looks, pythons and monkeys share a floating log in the raging 
brown waters, their enmity temporarily forgotten as the crisis hurtles them 
towards roaring waterfalls ahead.

They cling tenaciously on for dear life as they leave everything to fate. 
Zimbabwe continues to slide on, float down river as willpower wanes and is 
supplanted by a sense of dejection and hopelessness.

But what happens on the riverbank? We see in our minds eye, female 
creatures looking lost as they try to solve the puzzle of their missing 
offspring. Their cries are weak from exhaustion and hunger.

They watch tremulously but wonder whether they are lucky or unlucky to be 
alive and alone. Our parents are perhaps the saddest as they witness the 
expiry of the lives they helped to bring into the world cruise to the 
cemeteries. The pressure mounts. The mind buckles, and the mad multiply.

Freedom is a smiling medusa. It is a happy monster that feeds on those who 
look it in the face. It turns us into pillars of salt or marble. Only those 
who care little about morality survive. The less clever get better jobs as 
bosses become scared of those below them with signs of wit or wisdom.

In the high rise buildings somewhere, a man loses his job. His world 
crumbles as he walks dazedly home to his expectant wife and children. He 
does not see a speeding garbage truck careening towards him, nor does he 
hear the screeching brakes, the drivers curse and the grating of his 
gritted teeth.

The jobless man crashes out of this strife torn world on a bright sunny 
afternoon. A miserable funeral later, the children lose their mother to 
mental disability, as she cannot handle the pressures in an 
I-cant-take-it-anymore gesture of surrender.

The children pour into the streets, searching, seeking, seething with anger 
against a callous worl

ugnet_: Married but obsessed with my first love(Is it the "First Cut Is The Deepest"Syndrome?)

Wednesday October 08, 2003

WEDNESDAY MAGAZINE HOME

AMANI COUNSELLORS

Married, but obsessed with my first love
Dear Amani,
I am a married women in mid 30s with five children. Although my husband is loving and caring, I am still in love with my first boyfriend.
I met my boyfriend about 23 years ago, but before we could get married, my present husband persuaded me to marry him. I tried to run away, but by then it was too late because I was pregnant, and I did not want to pass on the responsibility to someone else.
What is troubling me now is that I have been thinking about my first boyfriend constantly, although he is married with two children. He also says he feels the same about me, and that I have a special place in his heart.
We have not had sexual intimacy again because of the respect we have for each other. However, my fear is that I may be affected mentally if I continue thinking of him all the time. Please help!
Dear Disturbed,
Thank you for honestly sharing your feelings about your first relationship. It is also clear that this is creating turmoil in your life.
On the one hand, you have a loving husband and children, and on the other, memories of your first love keep cropping up. You wonder if this state of affairs is healthy, especially mentally.
Given the way you are writing about your former boyfriend, he was someone you felt deeply for at that time. Therefore, it is normal to think about the person from time to time. After all, you have pleasant memories about him and you almost married him.
However, in your case, he seems to be preoccupying your mind most of the time. Has this been the case all these years you have been married or is it a recent thing? I sense a feeling of frustration and being stuck, although you describe your husband as loving and caring.
Could it be that you are dissatisfied with your marriage, which is making you yearn for your ex? Perhaps this makes you compare your husband with him and brings back memories of what might have been.
Sometimes, when we are faced with difficulties in a relationship and we do not want to confront or deal with them, we regress. That is, we go back to some pleasant memory and want to relive that experience. Conversely, your feelings for your ex-boyfriend may be rekindled by the realisation that you might have made a mistake by marrying your current husband. In this case, the mutual feelings you and your ex share may be giving you hope for a future together.
Clearly, yours is a challenging situation. But it is one that you will have to deal with because there is a lot at stake: your mental health (emotional and psychological) and the two families, your own and his. Still, I commend you and your ex for the mutual respect you have for your marriages.
As I said earlier, it is tempting to think of what might have been if you are dissatisfied with your marriage. But this is only an illusion because, in the meantime, both of you have changed. You are not the same young lovers you were then. The man you remember is probably not the same one you would be dealing with now.
He may share the same feelings as yours, but both of you may be in love with a past fantasy. You both share some memory or memories, but this may not be the same as the reality. You may just be setting yourselves up for disillusionment once you realise things are not the same as before. It would be like jumping from the frying pan into the fire. As one writer says, we cannot recapture what we have lost. Although nostalgia is real, it is not reality. People and things change (Robert Raines: Living the Questions).
Therefore, a few reflections on this issue might help.
* What do you mean when you say you still love your ex?
* Why did you marry someone else a if you loved him?
* It seems you got married fairly young, could this be the result of frustration attributable to being tied down too early and now you miss the freedom of the past romance?
* What does family, in particular your own, mean to you?
* You have a loving and caring husband and five beautiful children, would you risk losing them for something that could be or might have been? There is also the other family to consider: would you like to be responsible for its break up?
* If the problem is your marriage, how can you and your husband make it more satisfying?
Thinking about your first boyfriend may not be the main issue, but the reason behind it. That is, why is he preoccupying your mind so much? This is what you need to deal with.
Hopefully, these reflections will help you make a choice which you will not regret later. You could also seek professional help to further explore this issue.
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ugnet_: A dotted line from jets to witch doctors to palaces

A dotted line from jets to witch doctors to palacesBy Charles Onyango-ObboOct 8 - 14, 2003

For three weeks, the story that President Yoweri Musevenis daughter Natasha Kainerugaba Karugire had flown with her mother and entourage to Germany to have her baby has been the main meal on Kampalas FM talk shows.
When I first read the story in the gossip column of Saturday Vision, I could hardly believe it. Then the Presidents Press Secretary Mary Karooro Okurut was quoted confirming it in a world-class piece of news analysis by Sunday Monitor (September 28).
Comments, arguments, denials, denunciations, and clarifications have followed. However, the presidential plane and who travelled in it or paid for the trip is no longer so critical.
The crucial point that has now emerged is bigger than Uganda. It is about the vexing clash of official privilege, security, and democratic accountability in Africa.
What better place to start than in Zimbabwe. President Robert Mugabe was once a much-loved man. When the liberation came, with him as its first president, he moved to dramatically change the lives of the indigenous people that had been oppressed by Ian Smiths white supremacist rule.
Mugabe and his Zimbabwe were celebrated in song by music greats ranging from Bob Marley to Stevie Wonder.
Today the songs about Mugabe mock him and his rule and the musicians are either banned or beaten. Mugabe has ruined the good work he did in the initial first years (they all do wonders in the initial years, dont they?) with brutal government, corruption, election thefts, and an economy with an inflation rate that economists say is heading for 1,000 percent.
Mugabe is a president whos digging in, even as the world pressurises him to go home. He is building himself a lavish palace costing £3.75 million (Shs 12bn) on the outskirts of the capital, Harare. With furnishings and security fittings, the cost is expected to rise to £5m (Shs 16bn). Mark you, Mugabe already has smaller palaces in Harare, Zvimba his birthplace, and Chivu, the birthplace of his wife, Grace.
When Mugabe travels, or his wife goes shopping abroad, they used to commandeer planes from the national airline.
In Uganda, we have a new avalanche from State House about the dangers that President Museveni and his family face. Some think the fears are real. Many more suspect it is mostly paranoia.
What are the facts of the story?
We are told that Ugandan doctors are so partisan and untrustworthy they cant be allowed to treat Museveni or any member of his family.
Yet, that statement says little about Ugandan doctors, who are among the best in Africa. But beneath it lies complex dynamics about the state of Ugandan politics today.
This is because the accusation that Ugandan doctors are out to get the President and his family, also come with statements alleging past plots to poison the presidents food and drink, and blow him up.
These positions have direct implications for democracy, freedom, and the public Treasury.
First, if one accepts them, then one must allow for a very specific re-arrangement of the space around the president. Thus when State House first moved to Nakasero nine years ago, the neighbouring streets were not blocked.
Then State House and Kyaggwe roads were blocked with the perceived increased terrorist threats against the president. That space around the presidents official residence, for the first time in the modern history of Kampala, thus became no longer available for public use.
Then came the ultimate one mid this year; the metal gate across the street went up to the north of State House.
The logical extension of this trend will be the continued expansion of the buffer zone that is considered necessary for the safety of the head of state.
At this rate, in another five years, a large chunk of the Nakasero area and homes surrounding State House could be officially part of its compound.
This will not resolve the security concerns once and for all. An African president who feels insecure or thinks he has too many enemies about, will not feel safe in a single space, however wide the buffer around it. Because he cant find enough safety in space, he will look for more of it in time.
Thus the next step is what we saw in Mobutu Sese Sekos Zaire (now DR Congo), or Mugabes Zimbabwe building more palaces or State Houses which are a distance away from the main one. That way the presidents enemies can never know in which palace he is spending the night, as he keeps shifting.
In the third stage, this distrust of everyone enters a spiritual phase. If a president believes the rest of the country hates him and his relatives, and that he has done no wrong, he will need to be able to detect subversion himself without relying on security officers who might lie to him.
He will usually seek some omnipotent powers that only God, according to Christian belief, has or can grant.
He will become radically Christian as authoritarian presidents who r

ugnet_: Judges plot fightback over List of Shame.(When salt loses its' saltness,where do we get salt?)

News Wednesday, October 8, 2003

JUSTICE ON TRIAL

Judges plot fightback over Justice Ringera's 'List of Shame'By NATION Team
Judges and magistrates are to meet to decide their response to the Ringera report which alleges widespread corruption, misbehaviour and unethical conduct in the Judiciary.
The meeting, slated for Saturday, is expected to demand that the report should be considered by a constitutional court which could, they hope, recommend that the report is unlawful and cannot therefore be acted upon.
That would stop Chief Justice Evan Gicheru from carrying out the threat in his ultimatum that those named in the report's List of Shame should resign quietly within the next 10 days or face disciplinary tribunals.
Given the nature of the claims against the Judiciary, however, it is not clear how such a constitutional court could be constituted and whether or not the public would have confidence that its decision whichever way it went was untainted by influence or outright corruption.
The plan to have the Ringera report branded unconstitutional came as the CJ repeated his threat to hound out judges who failed to go quietly and amid further shocking disclosures of corruption within the Judiciary.
He warned defiant judges to brace themselves "for a rough time ahead" if they do not take advantage of his option for a soft landing.
"If they choose hand tackle tactics, I assure them the opponent on the other side is also ready for that," he told reporters at the Mt Kenya Safari Club in Nanyuki after closing a two-day workshop on the Judiciary.
His comment came as sources who have studied the report detailed further astonishing examples of graft and misbehaviour by judges and magistrates.
In yesterday's Nation they revealed instances of graft by Appeal Court judges five of whom were labelled corrupt by the Ringera committee.
There was "credible" and "well founded" evidence of their "direct corruption", "gross misbehaviour", "unethical conduct" and "want of integrity", according to the Integrity and Anti-Corruption Committee of the Judiciary, chaired by Mr Justice Aaron Ringera.
The same sources yesterday detailed those sections of the report which identified 18 High Court judges and 82 magistrates involved in corruption, misbehaviour and almost hilarious incompetence like the magistrate in Muranga who convicted one defendant of careless driving then wrote a ruling saying no offence had been disclosed.
Another enterprising magistrate, ordered prisoners to work on his illegal logging business, while one High Court judge was so renowned for corruption that he was nicknamed the "Cash box of Kisumu."
One magistrate is criticised by the Ringera committee for going to work drunk, another apparently held court while wearing a T-shirt and trainers while a notorious senior principal magistrate in Nairobi brazenly held a bribery auction. He told one complainant he had already been given a Sh50,000 bribe by the accused and that if she wanted the accused to be convicted, then she should pay an even bigger bribe. The complainant refused and the accused was duly acquitted.
Then there was the magistrate who split the robbery proceeds with the defendant . . . and the one who bought a car that was subject of a dispute in her own court, thus removing the evidence . . . and the one who spent his leisure hours, of which there were many, drinking and dancing with his court's female prosecutor . . .
Of the High Court judges, one constantly in the public eye is condemned in the List of Shame for accepting a bribe of Sh900,000. Another, as was reported yesterday, was caught in his chambers shoving bundles of currency notes into his pocket, and when challenged by an advocate threatened to jail the man.
Another judge, in a case involving a well-known parastatal, took a bribe of Sh1.6 million, said sources familiar with the report.
One judge who worked in Western Kenya was reported to associate regularly with undesirable characters, spent his time seeing friends in his chambers, ignored his case work, and loitered in public bars. There were inordinate delays in his judgements and the committee found evidence that disclosed judicial misbehaviour and a lack of integrity.
Another judge in the West the notorious "Cash box of Kisumu" bought a piece of land that was the subject of one of his cases, received bribes openly and gave judgements without hearing the evidence. While operating at the other end of the country, in Mombasa, he took a Sh50,000 bribe to bend the law in a plaintiff's favour. The committee threw the book at him, according to Nation sources, condemning him for "corruption, lack of integrity and misbehaviour.
Another High Court judge, a household name, is accused of taking bribes of Sh1 million and in another case demanding Sh100,000 to change his judgement, which he had written in two versions; for and against the committee's informant. The bribe was not given so the judgement against

ugnet_: 3AMERICAN SOLDIERS KILLED IN IRAQ






  
  
3 U.S. Soldiers Killed in 
  Central IraqSource: 
  Associated Press Publication date: 
  2003-10-07BAGHDAD, Iraq (AP) - Three U.S. soldiers and an Iraqi interpreter 
  were killed and three other service members were wounded in a pair of 
  roadside bombings in central Iraq, the U.S. military said Tuesday. They 
  were the first reported deaths by hostile fire of American soldiers in 
  Iraq since Friday. 
  In the first attack, one soldier attached to the 3rd Armored Cavalry 
  Regiment was killed and another wounded in a bombing about 9:50 p.m. 
  Monday just west of the Iraqi capital, the U.S. Central Command said. 
  About an hour later, another roadside bombing killed two soldiers from 
  the 82nd Airborne Division and their Iraqi translator, the military said. 
  Two other soldiers were injured in the bombing, which took place in 
  al-Haswah, about 25 miles south of Baghdad. 
  Names of the victims were withheld pending notification of kin. 
  The latest deaths bring to 91 the number of American soldiers killed by 
  hostile fire in Iraq since President Bush declared an end to major combat 
  operations here May 1. 
  A total of 320 U.S. service members have died in Iraq since the United 
  States and Britain launched military operations against Saddam Hussein's 
  government on March 20. 
    The 
Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in 
anarchy"    
Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans 
l'anarchie"

ugnet_: ALL AFRICANS MUST READ THIS POSTING And very carefully






  
  

  'Vulture Funds' 
  DescendOn Dying Third World 
  Economiesby Dennis 
  Small
  vulture, n. 1: any of various large raptorial birds ... that 
  subsist chiefly or entirely on carrion 2: a rapacious or predatory 
  person. 
  Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary
  Argentine Finance Minister Roberto Lavagna used the high-profile 
  forum of the annual meeting of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and 
  World Bank in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, to unveil on Sept. 22 
  Argentina's long-awaited proposal to restructure some $94.3 billion in 
  public debt, on which the government had defaulted in December 2001. 
  Lavagna's proposed "solution" to the world's longest-running and biggest 
  public debt default, was to write off 75% of the debt's face value, and 
  service the remaining 25% somewhere down the line.
  Howls 
  of outraged protest exploded from spokesmen for Argentina's international 
  creditors, especially the speculators widely referred to as "vulture 
  funds," which now hold most of the defaulted bonds. "This is not a serious 
  offer," blustered Christian Stracke, head of emerging market research at 
  CreditSights. "Scandalous, offensive, morally unacceptable," fumed Italian 
  bondholder and lawyer Mauro Sandri, without a trace of irony.
  Then 
  came the threats of legal action. "There is no way Argentina will avoid 
  going to court with this offer," warned Stracke. London's Financial 
  Times reported that "frustrated Japanese investors are trying to seize 
  government land in Argentina's Patagonia, and German investors are trying 
  to appropriate Argentine-embassy assets to recoup losses." Rumors even 
  began to swirl that the Argentine Presidential jet would shortly be 
  seized.
  In 
  fact, one vulture holding defaulted Argentine bonds has already succeeded 
  in winning just such a judgment. On Sept. 12, a New York court ruled in 
  favor of Kenneth Dart, of Dart Container Corp., granting him a $700 
  million judgment. Dart will have the right to start seizing Argentine 
  assets at the end of October.
  Finance 
  Minister Lavagna told a TV interviewer: "In this particular case, it's a 
  vulture fund for $700 million These funds that buy the bonds do it for 
  no other reason than to sue governments." And Argentine President Néstor 
  Kirchner told his advisors, according to the daily Clarín, that 
  most of the defaulted Argentine bonds have in fact been bought up by the 
  vulture funds, and that they paid an average 20 cents on the dollar for 
  them.
  In 
  other words, their fulminations notwithstanding, the vultures stand to 
  make a killing, even with Argentina paying on only 25% of face valuelet 
  alone if they are able to collect dollar-for-dollar.
  LaRouche: This 
  Is Fascism
  Informed of the Argentine developments, U.S. Presidential 
  pre-candidate Lyndon LaRouche denounced the vulture fundswhich typify a 
  very large part of the global financial system todayas being "fascists, 
  just like those who put Hitler in power. These bastards," LaRouche 
  elaborated, "care even less than President Bush for the stability of the 
  system. Now you're looking at fascism in the face. And if you want to 
  characterize it, you would say about the vulture funds' reaction, this 
  gives you the mentality of the same kind of fascists who sacrificed the 
  human race, including all those who died eventually in Auschwitz. This is 
  why people died in Auschwitz: because these vulture funds had to have a 
  government which would do the kind of job they demand."
  As for 
  the New York court finding in favor of Dart, LaRouche noted that it 
  clearly goes beyond the court's jurisdiction and competence, to assess the 
  value of debts owed by a sovereign state. This stinks of Teddy Roosevelt's 
  "Gunboat Diplomacy" to collect the debt, LaRouche concluded.
  The 
  Argentina case is in fact typical of the entire global financial bubble: 
  None of the debt can actually be paid, and the only real policy issue is 
  whether to put people's welfare before the debtas LaRouche demandsor to 
  try desperately to maintain the illusion that the debt is somehow 
  still performing, no matter what the human cost. In that latter camp, the 
  vultures are gaining ground against those who are still trying to maintain 
  "stability," and revive the corpse of the world financial system, if need 
  be by swallowing sizeable debt write-downs. The vultures prefer to descend 
  on the body now, and be first to pick over the bones. For them, 
  it's every vulture for himself, and the devil take the 
hindmost.
  Argentina, of course, had a choice:

ugnet_: U S BLED OUR CHILDREN TO DEATH




October 7th - When The US Bled Our Children To 
DeathBy Mohammed Daud Miraki, PhD, MA, 
MA

Director Afghan DU & Recovery Fund

www.afghandufund.org10-7-3

  
  

  
Two years ago, October 7th, 2001, when Afghans bled to 
death on somebody else's order and for some body else's profits. Every 
poor Afghan killed was one more collateral damage. Each drop of their 
precious blood added to the bloodstained land, where death has become a 
daily occurrence. 
 
Every bomb added to one more orphan to the long list 
of wasted lives. Every warhead turned one more wife to a begging widow 
on Afghan streets. Every daisy-cutter [15,000-lb. bomb] incinerated a 
father from his family. Every bullet from the Americans' war machine 
made one more mother sonless. And, yes, every impact and loud blast made 
children distant and near scream for help, a precious commodity, nowhere 
to be found. 
 
Lucky were those children who had parents and 
relatives to comfort them. But, this was not the case for the thousands 
of orphans scared, painfully imagining that each bomb would be adding 
one more orphan to their ranks. The thousands of orphans scattered all 
over Kabul and other Afghan cities, inhabiting cemeteries and 
uninhabitable structures had no one to scream to. And, there was no one 
to share these orphans' pain. Yes, these beleaguered souls had no one to 
share their fear with except with their creator to whom they had their 
heads raised looking at the dark sky of the night, waiting for the 
miracle to happen. The miracle they wished for was both hopes of quick 
death and speedy arrival of that so feared inevitable demise. 
 
Yes, the death the thousands of orphans of Kabul, 
Kandahar, Herat, and Jala-Abad and of other areas wished for came true, 
engulfing their final breath. The scattered body parts of these poor 
orphans covering cemeteries and abandoned structures had either become 
food for stray dogs or were covered by windblown dust. In life, they 
were forgotten and in death disrespected. In fact, the hundreds that did 
not become statistics were not missed by anyone, and there was no one to 
mourn their loss except their creator awaiting them on the other 
side. 
 
Mothers, wives and sisters ran with their surviving 
children, hoping to find sanctuary in Pakistan, only to die from 
freezing weather before even reaching Pakistani border. Yet, those that 
reached the border with Pakistan became victims to the inhumanity of the 
Pakistani government. Thousands were not allowed to either enter 
Pakistan or Iran, only to be stranded in barren and dusty deserts and 
mountainous terrain. Thousands died from hunger, while those who were 
able to enter Pakistan, ended up dying in the infamous Jalozai Camp in 
Pakistan near the Afghan border. Every night, relatives would wake up 
soaked in rainwater, only to find their family members dead to the cold 
of the night or disease. Many thousands did not even possess burial 
cloths for their dead, forced to rap the dead children and adult alike 
in plastic sheets. On the one hand, they had to mourn their losses, and 
on the other hand, they had to endure the indignity their dead relatives 
faced in death. 
 
The women and children, who escaped the US bombing, 
wondered if their husbands and fathers survived American daisy-cutters 
and bunker-busters bombs and whether the thousands of POWs summarily 
executed by the US and her allies included their loved ones. These 
concerns and worries landed on deaf ears. There were no answers and 
there are no answers today. 
 
Should we call the surviving women and children lucky 
who undoubtedly suffered the anguish of slow death from hunger and 
disease, while the thousands not so lucky woke up to death by bombs 
landing on their homes. A handful that survived bombed houses and 
villages pulled out their dead family members a piece at a time. 
Fortunate were those people who could find pieces of their relatives 
while children soaked in their parents' blood were too disillusioned and 
terrified to mutter a word. 
 
Villages that were completely wiped out by US bombs 
are cemeteries today. Where used to be villages full of living people 
became shrines to the thousands massacred by US bombs. The few that 
survived, return occasionally to their former villages, now cemeteries, 
to pray for that dead buried there. As one of the survivors reminded the

ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY

Lutimba

Can you then kindly explain to me why Iddi Amin and Milton Obote Used Mulago
Hospital for their medical attention/s? And in fact more so of Obote who was
shot in Lugogo in Buganda and still went to Mulago hospital.

I am waiting

Em

The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"


- Original Message -
From: "Lutimba Matovu" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Tuesday, October 07, 2003 1:54 PM
Subject: Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY


> Edward Mulindwa <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:>If you read
> >the president's explanation of why he had to send
> >this girl to Germany you would see that Museveni is
> >a president who is very scared.
>
> Mulindwa,
>
> Tell me in this world which President or PM is not
> scared of being eliminated. All over the World all
> leaders are scared.
>
> Have you ever seen Gerge Bush's security? Have you
> ever been in Uganda when Col. Ghadaffi is there? Have
> you ever seen Tony Blair security? Try to enter your
> host's [Canadian PM] residence and let us know how you
> get on.
>
> Your arguement that Museveni is scared is nonsense.
> All leaders are.
>
> LM
>
>
>
>
>
>
> > Ugandans
> >
> > President Museveni's grand-child has taken over the
> > press for now almost 10 days. And most of the people
> > are more concerned about the monies that were spent
> > for this creation miracle to take place. I have read
> > many comments including what my neighbour Muniini
> > Mulera posted in Uganda Monitor. I however want to
> > take this thinking a step further in a different
> > direction that many of those who are writing have
> > failed to look at.
> >
> > If you read the president's explanation of why he
> > had to send this girl to Germany you would see that
> > Museveni is a president who is very scared. He is
> > scared of the medical system he has created in
> > Uganda, he has no Doctor he trusts with not only his
> > life but with the lives of the members of his
> > family. But this government is not new in Uganda, it
> > has been in power for 20 years plus or minus. Why
> > has president Museveni failed to get a Uganda Doctor
> > he trusts? Secondly, when I look at president
> > Museveni, I see that he has fewer years in power
> > than those he has been in power, so that means he
> > can not start today to get a Doctor he can trust. My
> > question then becomes, what will he do if he leaves
> > office? If he is not elected tomorrow for a third
> > term, how will he and his entire family get medical
> > attention if he does not trust any of them to today?
> >
> >
> > Secondly, One of the reasons which brought Museveni
> > to presidency, was to get the Dictators out of
> > power. But Iddi Amin fell sick in Uganda and was
> > operated on in Mulago Hospital. Is President
> > Museveni telling us today that Ugandans loved Iddi
> > Amin than they love him? let me take this argument
> > further, President Obote was shot in Lugogo, and he
> > was immediately rushed again to Mulago Hospital for
> > an operation. President Museveni claims that
> > Ugandans love him more than they love Obote. Why was
> > Obote able to get an operation in a Uganda hospital,
> > yet Museveni is claiming that he had to send Natasha
> > to Germany for security reasons?
> >
> > I have read Museveni's explanation and I could not
> > help but ask only one question, was Natasha sent to
> > Germany for security reasons or because under
> > National Resistance Movement, the entire medical
> > infrastructure has been destroyed? And that includes
> > even the most basic items, water supply and
> > electricity, services which were taken for granted
> > under the two previous governments!!
> >
> > Edward Mulindwa
> >
> > Toronto-Canada
> >
> > The Mulindwas Communication Group
> > "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
> > Groupe de communication Mulindwas
> > "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans
> > l'anarchie"
> >
>
>
> =
> LM
>
> __
> Do you Yahoo!?
> The New Yahoo! Shopping - with improved product search
> http://shopping.yahoo.com
>
>
> 
> This service is hosted on the Infocom network
> http://www.infocom.co.ug
>
>





This service is hosted on the Infocom network
http://www.infocom.co.ug

ugnet_: Questions are Raised on Awarding of Contracts in Iraq

 Questions are Raised on Awarding of Contracts in Iraq
   By Patrick E. Tyler and Raymond Bonner
   New York Times
   Saturday 04 October 2003

   Last month the Iraqi Governing Council questioned why the American 
occupation authority had issued a $20 million contract to buy new revolvers 
and Kalashnikov rifles for the Iraqi police when the United States military 
was confiscating tens of thousands of weapons every month from Saddam 
Hussein's abandoned arsenals.

   On Wednesday the Iraqi council, in a testy exchange with the occupation 
administrator, L. Paul Bremer III, challenged an American decision to spend 
$1.2 billion to train 35,000 Iraqi police officers in Jordan when such 
training could be done in Iraq for a fraction of the cost. Germany and 
France have offered to provide such training free.

   These decisions are being questioned by Iraqi officials as Congress is 
also seeking to examine how the American occupation authority and the 
military are spending billions of dollars here. Iraqi officials and 
businessmen charge that millions of dollars in contracts are being awarded 
without competitive bidding, some of them to former cronies of Mr. Hussein's 
government.

   "There is no transparency," said Mahmoud Othman, a Kurdish member of the 
Governing Council, "and something has to be done about it.

   "There is mismanagement right and left, and I think we have to sit with 
Congress face to face to discuss this. A lot of American money is being 
wasted, I think. We are victims and the American taxpayers are victims."

   A number of businessmen say they believe it is necessary to pay 
kickbacks to win contracts. A spokesman for one of the largest American 
corporations awarding subcontracts here, Bechtel, said his company had 
neither paid any kickbacks nor had been approached by Iraqis seeking to pay 
kickbacks. He said Bechtel made all of its contract information available on 
its Web site and at offices in Baghdad and Basra. A check of the Web site on 
Friday found no information, only a notice that the site was "under 
construction."

   The lack of transparency and competition, Governing Council members said 
in interviews, may be encouraging corruption. They said they believed that 
many contracts had been inflated beyond the reasonable cost for the work, 
creating opportunities for kickbacks between prime contractors and 
subcontractors.

   One council member, Naseer K. Chadirji, said: "As the Governing Council 
we are in a very weak legal position. We don't have the right to investigate 
these contracts."

   He added, "I don't have the evidence, but I think there is corruption. 
This is a common grievance that people tell me."

   An Iraqi executive, who made millions of dollars as an insider under the 
Hussein government and would not allow his name to be used, said a relative 
outside Iraq had asserted that a Bechtel executive was looking to become a 
silent partner in an Iraqi company that would be favored with subcontracts 
from Bechtel.

   A senior Bechtel official in Iraq, Clifford George Mumm, said that his 
company "would fire immediately anyone who tried to do such a thing" and 
that he did not believe that any Bechtel executive would engage in the kind 
of behavior described.

   Mr. Mumm said there had been no kickbacks on the 105 subcontracts 
Bechtel had signed with Iraqi firms.

   Asked about Iraqi assertions that Bechtel and other major American 
companies were awarding contracts to Iraqis who had grown rich under Mr. 
Hussein, Mr. Mumm said all of the Iraqi businesses that received Bechtel 
subcontracts were vetted by the occupation authority under Mr. Bremer.

   The largest and most prominent Iraqi subcontractor that has emerged 
belongs to the Bunnia family, which grew immensely wealthy under the former 
government and was known for lavishing gifts, especially luxury cars, on 
members of the Hussein family.

   "It is hard to understand the rationale for giving them contracts," said 
an American businessman.

   Bunnia family members, in interviews over the last several months, have 
denied that they supported the old government and have said their business 
skills are needed to rebuild the country.

   Looking at a list of companies that received subcontracts from Becthel, 
Mr. Othman, the Governing Council member, said he recognized at least a 
half-dozen that had profited from close relations with Mr. Hussein or 
members of his family.

   Samir Sumaidy, a member of the Governing Council who owns a construction 
firm doing business in China, said Friday that the Iraqi interim government 
received no information from Mr. Bremer's authority on how it was spending 
Iraqi and American funds.

   An American businessman, who would not allow his name to be used, said 
the occupation authority was doling out contracts worth hundreds of 
thousands of dollars by simply telephoning favored companies and announcing, 
"I have a contract for you," as he characterized

Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY


Masaazi,I hope you are not breeding true to the stereotypes that many
a would be Ugandan intellectuals find themselves conforming to.Many 
a times when others  hold opinions at variance with your own on given
topical issues,they must and should be UPC people!.Why this tunnel
intellectualism?.We are all agreed that UPC has twice been at the helm
of power in Uganda yet I have yet to know or be informed by you"the 
none UPC people" where it was a policy that UPC followed to commit
all the crimes that you keep referring to.
Sometime ago,some members brought about the crimes that they purport to have been committed against them by UPC and Milton Obite 
in particular,yet for close to 40 years now they have come up with zilch
plaint in the court of law for redress.What does that mean?.They are 
engaging in "Lugambo" which they very well know is in admissible as 
evidence in a court of Law.
As late as 2 months ago even the former Governor of Kampala Maj Abdullah Nassur challenged anyone whom he made to eat slippers as the lugambo used to state to take him to court,up to now, I am waiting to see whether you Musaazi is helping them draft their plaint,otherwise,we should desist from innuendoes and guilt by association.
If indeed as you contend Obote is the Genesis of Uganda's problems,why should Uganda not move on and be worthy of reporting and praising to anyone who dares to hear/listen 18 years without him?.
What do you as Musaazi require to exorcise his influence in Uganda?.
Uganda's problems has been caused by myopic minded Ugandans who 
are more in for cheer leading that looking at leadership as a service to 
the citizens of Uganda.
I have always stated a wrong is a wrong and like the biblical writ states 
those in the know like the Mu7s state are judged even with severer standards that they set themselves apriori.We can not now lower standards because the excesses of the hero of the "Ffe Twebaka Otulo" syndrome has now caught up him.
That unfortunately is the reality.Remember the Nazi holocaust crimes,
50 years after there defeat,they are still hunting for the perpetrators and their collaborators.I hope Musaaazi is not listed as a collaborator of this 
Fascist kleptomaniac Mu7.
Thank you.
Kipenji.
===emmanuel musaazi <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
...but Mr. Kipenji you must agree with Mr.Kironde that previous regimes did far worse and again this is not to excuse the indesgrations of the present government. This has always been my point of strong disagreement with you UPC people, your in ability to first and foremost "remove the log of wood from your own eyes before trying to remove the splinter in someone elses eye". The "holier than thou" image you portray does not wash because we Ugandans know what happened during idi amin, Obote/Okello eras. Nobody is saying that Uganda is perfect and even with the present inperfections Uganda is better off than many countries (i should know 'cos i have been around Africa and world) however what everybody with a sincere and object mind acknowledges and sees is that Uganda is FAR BETTER OFF than the days of your murderous heroes Obote/Okelo and
 Amin.Infact im my opinion Obote is the genesis of all Ugandas problems because he introduced authoritarian rule to Uganda and from that point on it was down hill for Uganda. Obote elevated Idi Amin in the army (just to use him to eradicate monarchy and destroy our constitution), in so doing gave Amin the opportunity to take power. It is said that to whom much is given much is expected, Obote had the grandest opportunity to realy make Uganda great, he inheritated a sound economy, a very good public service, a very good constitution. In short he inheritated a very good SYSTEM (THE SAME SYSTEM THAT MULINDWA IS YAPPING ABOUT), well what did he do with it? He proceded to destroy it, now the same UPC people like Mulindwa are barking about SYSTEM , SYSTEM after they destroyed. I have been saying and will continue to say that President Museveni is basically doing a clean up job, cleaning Obote, Okelo and Amins messes.Unlike
 Obote, President Museveni inherited virtually NOTHING, i don't even think there was anything in Uganda's treasury when President Museveni took over. So when i hear the Kipenjis, Mulindwas and Mateks of this world going on about DEMOCRACY, PEACE, SYSTEM and all that i don't get angry, rather i just feel sorry for Uganda and Africa, because they exemplify the African tragedy, which is a vicious cycle of "not learning". We Africans have a habbit of refusing to learn from our mistakes or tragedies. Right now i am ready to bet any amount that if the UPC got back to power they would just continue from where they were stoped and the mayhem which Ugandans were spared when they were removed would start right back.>From: Owor Kipenji <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]>Subject: Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY>Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 13:08:22 +0100

ugnet_: Insider Notes from the Pentagon

Deep Throat Returns:
Insider Notes from the Pentagon
05-08-2003

Those Awful Turks

The Early Bird reports that Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz criticized 
Turkey this week  --  specifically the Turkish military  saying "I think 
for whatever reason, they did not play the strong leadership role that we 
would have expected

Well, Paul, theres a reason for that.

Unlike in America, Turkey is a democracy and has a governing body of elected 
representatives  a Parliament  that actually has a controlling role in 
major national decisions like whether to go to war, or to support an 
ill-thought out invasion of a neighbor.

Unlike in America, where the civilian leadership in the Pentagon is 
ascendant and controls foreign policy, the Turkish parliament has a powerful 
voice in whether to commit the nations resources.  This is a break from 
Turkeys past  apparently one Wolfowitz cherishes  where the Turkish 
military controlled all domestic and foreign politics.

Unlike in America, these parliamentarians couldnt be bought, even though 
Mr. Wolfowitz himself, and other Pentagon civilian neo-cons like Feith and 
Luti, traveled to Ankara promising billions and billions of U.S. taxpayer 
freebies to the Turks.

Wolfowitz says, by way of warning, "Let's have a Turkey that steps up and 
says: `We made a mistake. We should have known how bad things were in Iraq, 
but we know now. Let's figure out how we can be as helpful as possible to 
the Americans.

This is a warning not only to Turks, but to Americans and anyone else who 
opposed the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

In todays same Early Bird, a senior Pentagon official is quoted in 
another article discussing the "tectonic shift" of decision-making power on 
foreign policy from State to the Defense Department.  This official agrees 
that foreign policy power has shifted, and defends the shift with "Anyone 
who thinks that you can conveniently separate foreign policy, diplomacy, 
national security and war-fighting is clueless about the realities of global 
affairs, power politics and modern" war.

Some people may be clueless, but many are not.  The Turks are not clueless.  
Not in the least.  Dont kid yourself that the average Turkish citizen, 
military officer and parliamentarian understood last year, last month and 
understands today what is at stake with the U.S. war in and occupation of 
Iraq.

The rest of the world is not clueless.  They witness each day the rise of a 
Napoleonic empire, complete with strutting Napoleonic figures (take your 
pick from Bush the Younger, Don the anti-diplomat elder, Cheney the 
mysterious, or Caesar Wolfowitz).  They see this and shudder  not in fear 
of our great strength, but of our strength combined with our fantastically 
arrogant stupidity.

Even our British allies understand the sorry historical direction our young 
Republic is taking.  Theyve been there, with militaristic and 
property-hungry kings sending their young off to kill for the crown.

American foreign policy -- and some domestic policy -- is currently under 
the grip of empire-envying, force-loving radicals brought in not by 
elections, but through appointment.  Remember George Bushs campaign pledge 
of a foreign policy of humility?

Yeah, me neither.

Secretary of State Powell has a tough job to do.  As a retired four star 
general, I have full faith in his abilities to succeed in the face of the 
largely draft-dodging, military service-avoiding neo-conservative crowd.

But just in case he doesnt, perhaps we should all brush up on the oath of 
office we once swore.  Especially the part where we said I will support and 
defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign 
and domestic, that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same

Actually, Wolfowitz has the right idea, at heart.  Militaries have an 
important leadership role to play in foreign policy decision-making and 
defense of a nations ideals.

Its just too bad ours hasnt.

Mitayo Potosi

_
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ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses 2

Salaam. They received arms from FRELIMO and the Tanzania government and later from Gaddafi and infiltrated these into Uganda in order to end what he calls "the monopoly of arms by the northerners." By the time of the collapse of Amin's regime, on 11 April, 1979, the Fronasa force (largely Museveni's personal army) 227 had grown to 9000 while Obote's Kikoosi Maalum numbered only 1500. Under both Presidents Y. K. Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, Oyite Ojok for Obote and Museveni continued to recruit their kinsmen into the army with the latter accusing the former of recruiting only the northerners and the former accusing Museveni of recruiting only the Banyarwanda. By the time they took over in 1986, the National Resistance Army had 20,000 soldiers under its command. The few northerners remaining in the army were either eliminated or forced into exile. Museveni's prejudice and hatred against the northerners is further revealed in his assertion that "t
he whole community in Acholi and Lango had become involved in the plundering of Uganda for themselves." (p. 178). Some of the northerners might have been corrupt, but to condemn whole communities indiscriminately as Museveni does is merely to express some deep-seated hatred. He uses this condemnation to justify his punitive measures against the northerners probably in search of a "final solution." As Museveni continues, with the help of the Americans, to hunt for "bandits" - as he calls northern leaders who are fighting for human dignity - thousands are dying in the unending civil war while others are herded into "protected camps." Is this not genocide? Recently, Museveni has even defended the activities of his eldest son, Mohoozi Kainerugaba, who was accused by several Uganda M.P.s of recruiting 200 fresh graduates from Makerere University to serve in the army's Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) that protects his father. His son has no right to carry out ar
my recruitment, and many of these recruits were, in the father's words - "his friends" (read Westerners).4 Can one be more secretarian and authoritarian than this? It is easy, in retrospect, to demonize Obote and the "northerners" and make it appear as if he was merely responding to the ethnic paranoia of his people. The reality, however, was much more complicated as we have tried to suggest. Looking at the evidence presented in this book, it is obvious that Museveni sees himself as the Earnest "Che" Guevara (the legendary South American guerrilla leader) of Africa. He gives details of war strategies, plans and battles, ending up with a kind of guerrilla warfare manual which he expects other progressive African leaders to adopt in order to "Sow the Mustard Seed" in their countries. Is it any wonder that since he came to power in Uganda, he has used people like Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to apply the teachings
of his manual in their countries. Kagame was of course, an officer in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, and many of the so-called Kabila Tutsi death squads operating in Congo where they have been accused of killing scores of Hutu children and women refugees, 228 as well as innocent Congolese civilians, are actually Ugandans or Rwandese trained by Museveni. No wonder the New York Times of June 15, 1997 was so lavish in its praise of Museveni. It wrote: Yoweri Museveni is a "leader secure in his power and his vision. The recent victory of Laurent Kabila's troops over Mobutu Sese Seko's government army in Congo marked perhaps the most impressive of Museveni's moves in the international area." Obviously the United States and other European powers, seem to see the role of Museveni in the Eastern and Central Africa as that of removing certain regimes from power and replacing them with those that will put the interests of foreign business before the needs of their people. Th
is is tantamount to recolonisation of Africa with the collaboration of native guerrilla leaders!
External Factors One of the weaknesses of this autobiography is its attempt to play down or ignore external factors that have influenced the history of Uganda. For instance, the involvement of Obote in the internal affairs of the former Zaire, Rwanda and Sudan gave much political ammunition to his enemies at home. For instance, Obote's hatred of Moise Tshombe, the then Zairian Prime Minister, whom he regarded as an agent of neocolonialism, made him support the National Liberation Committee, located in north-eastern Zaire, which opposed Tshombe's government. Buganda was sympathetic to Tshombe, and this explains the genesis of the "gold scandal" allegations which almost brought the government of Obote down. Also, the immediate cause of the overthrow of Obote's government in 1971, was the discovery of a conspiracy between the Israeli government and Uganda Defense Minister, Felix Onama and Idi Amin., Army Commander, to support the rebels in Southern
Sudan. At the request of Israel, the two

ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses


Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses A Review Article Sowing of the Mustard Seed by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, Macmillian Publishers Ltd, London, 1997. In Bethwell A. Ogot, Building on the Indigenous: Selected Essays 1981 - 1998 (Kisumu: Anyange Press Ltd., 1999), pp. 223-232.The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English defines narcissism as a "tendency to self-worship, absorption in one's own personal perfections." It is derived from the name of a Greek youth Narkissos, who fell in love with his reflection in water. Museveni's autobiography shows him as the Ugandan Narkissos who has fallen in love with his reflection in Uganda's muddy political waters. He has turned Uganda's historical record into a narrative of self-justification. And although all autobiographies are narcissistic to some degree the careful shaping of a public self-image, monuments to self-love built for posterity - not all are as trapped in narcissism as this book is. For Museveni, it is
  not so much how the past dictates the present that is important, but rather how the present manipulates the past. The book is the story of his own personal role "in the struggle for freedom and democracy in Uganda over the past 30 years." It took sixteen years to write. He believes that it is he and his colleagues who finally sowed the "mustard seed" of freedom and democracy in Uganda in the 1980s, after first clearing the land of the rocks and weeds of a corrupt system. In other words, he gives no credit to Uganda nationalism in the attainment of the country's political independence. Indeed, he doubts whether there was any Uganda nationalism before him. In other words, all was darkness in Uganda until God willed that there shall be Museveni, and then all was light! The book is also a record of Museveni's ideological development from youth to the present. As a secondary school boy in the 1960s, he was a Democratic Party (D.P.) sympathizer - a kind of D.P. 'y
 outh winger' - largely because the Bahima Chiefs and the Catholic leaders in Ankole were members of the party. At the University of Dar-es-Salaam (1967-70), he developed a coherent ideological outlook which was largely Marxist. In 1970, he joined Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), while he was working in the Office of the President, in 223 Obote's office, as a Research Assistant. He did this, he explains, not out of conviction, but rather for convenience. This was pure opportunism! It is true Museveni has written a revealing and, in its way, a candid book. But the book has many flaws, of both style and substance: the tone of self-satisfaction and self-congratulation and it is partial and glosses over some complex episodes. And besides his close comrades - most of them from South-West Uganda, he is personally harsh on everybody else. He had low opinion of practically all his teachers at the University of Dar-es-Salaam; he condemns all D.P. leaders as lacking "a dynamic le
 adership", "conservative men", with "limited perspective"; and the "UPC leadership were generally an uncouth breed, anxious to get rich as quickly as possible using state apparatus" (p. 45); and Y.K. Lule had "aversion to democracy". He however, reserves much of the venom for Obote who is demonized throughout the book as the major cause of all problems in Uganda since independence. It is evident that Museveni's main motive for writing this book - apart from the one already referred to of portraying himself as the saviour of Uganda - was to erase completely the figure of Obote from the history of Uganda. Unfortunately for him, Obote is a much more substantial figure than Museveni implies and his contribution deserves a critical and serious appreciation which would go beyond the sympathetic political biography that has been written by Professor Kenneth Ingaham,1 the first Professor of History at Makerere University and a former Nominated Member of the Uganda Legislativ
 e Council where he first Obote.
Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2)

Museveni writes, for example, that as school boys in Westem Uganda between 1965 and 1966, he and his friends - Martin Mwesiga, Mwesigwa Black, Valeviano Rwaheru and Eriya Kategaya - were "staunchly anti-Obote." (p. 19) He himself hated Obote at that time because he frustrated the East African Federation idea against the support of Nyerere and Kenyatta (p. 18). This is far from the truth. In January 1963, for instance, Prime Minister Obote accompanied Prime Minister Rashidi Kawawa of Tanganyika to England to discuss independence for Kenya, because the East Afncan Common Services could not function properly while Kenya remained a colony. As Harold Macmillan, the then Prime Minister of Britain has recorded in his memoirs, At the End of the Day 1961 - 1963,2 Duncan Sandys, the Colonial Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs, spent several hours on January 28, 1963, "being reproached (and almost insulted) 
 by Mr. Kawawa and Mr. Obote." Kenya became independent on 12 December, 1963 and early in 1964, a

Re: ugnet_: Karamojong Anger Over 1238 Cattle Seizures by Govt -BBC

I told Hon Johnson Nkuuhe that what they have in Uganda is "jungle law", and 
he took offense.

But how can "the Karamojong as a community" compensate for the lives of the 
people killed and the cattle stolen by the warriors,  when the actual 
warriors who committed the offence were not apprehended?

Where is justice when the army is randomly confiscating cattle from 
pastoralists, no matter whether they are guilty or not?

Shame to Compatriot Omwony Ojwok for associating himself with sush a henious 
gangaster of a regime!!!

Mitayo Potosi

From: Omar Kezimbira <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: ugnet_: Karamojong Anger Over 1238 Cattle Seizures by Govt -BBC
Date: Mon, 6 Oct 2003 17:38:25 -0700 (PDT)
Last Updated: Monday, 6 October, 2003, 13:44 GMT 14:44 UK
 E-mail this to a friend  Printable version
Karamojong anger over cattle seizures
By Nathan Etengu
BBC, Moroto, Uganda
 The Karamojong watched gloomily as they cattle were taken

Uganda's Karamojong elders have expressed anger and vowed to hunt down 
cattle raiders after the government confiscated 1,238 head of cattle from 
them.
Some of the cattle confiscated from the Bokora Karamojong will be given out 
as compensation for the lives of 21 people killed by Karimojong warriors in 
Katakwi district on 20 September.
Others will be used to compensate the lives of four Karamojong local 
defence unit personnel killed by the warriors in an operation mounted by 
the army to impound stolen cattle.
The commanding officer of the Uganda People's Defence Force, third infantry 
division, Colonel Andrew Guti, supervised the recovery of the cattle to be 
given out as compensation.
He said that 60 head of cattle would be paid to the family of each of the 
people killed by the Karamojong.
Gnashed teeth
Colonel Guti said that more cattle would be confiscated from the ethnic 
Pian Karamojong in Nakapiripirit to make the required number of 2,057.

The pastoralists grinned and gnashed their teeth as they watched the 
counting process.
Colonel Guti, however, blamed them for allowing wrong elements to hide 
amongst them - he said that the warriors who killed people in Katakwi 
district drove the stolen cattle through the grazing area where the 
majority of the pastoralists kept their own herds.
Colonel Guti also reminded the Karamojong that the confiscation of their 
cattle was a fulfilment of an accord they struck with the leadership of the 
Teso region in which it was agreed that 60 head of cattle would be paid for 
the life of every person killed by the Karamojong in the Teso region.
He said that the "Magoro accord" was sealed way back in 1998.

Gloomy faced
The exercise to recover the cattle for compensation was held near Iriiri 
trading centre, about 2km from the border between Moroto and Katakwi 
district.
Colonel Guti, himself a Karamojong from Bokora county, said that some of 
the cattle would also be used as compensation for the cattle stolen by the 
Karimojong from Katakwi district in three separate incidents.
 The Karamojong use cattle as a store of wealth

He told the gloomy faced pastoralists that the government had directed the 
Karamojong as a community to compensate for the lives of the people killed 
and the cattle stolen by the warriors.
The cattle were picked from a large herd of about 4,000 confiscated by the 
army from the pastoralists.
The actual warriors who committed the offence were, however, not 
apprehended.

Minister ambushed
Colonel Guti said that he would hunt down the suspects until they were 
apprehended and warned that pastoralists who failed to expose cattle 
raiders would continue to suffer the consequences.
Meanwhile the State Minister for economic monitoring, John Omwony Ojwok, on 
Friday escaped unhurt after suspected Karamojong warriors ambushed a 
vehicle he was travelling in.
Mr Ojwok told me that a police escort was shot and injured in the jaws and 
chest.
He said that the ambush occurred around midday at a notorious spot where 
the warriors have killed many people in highway ambushes.
Mr Ojwok said that his convoy entered an area where two rival Karamojong 
warriors were fighting over raided cattle.

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ugnet_: [abujaNig] UPC TO LEAD UGANDA'S 2nd independence struggle

Press StatementUGANDA PEOPLES CONGRESS

NATIONAL SECRETARIAT

KAMPALA

 

Press   Statement

 

UPC TO LEAD UGANDA TO 2ND INDEPENDENCE

 

1.  Patriots that founded Uganda National Congress (UNC) had their motto "self 
determination for Ugandan Africans now".  UNC as was in short called, is the mother of 
Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) popularly called the Congress of the People.  This is 
the Party that struggled relentlessly for independence of Uganda that was achieved on 
9th October, 1962, and its leader, Dr. Apollo Milton Obote, received the instruments 
of independence from the Duke of Kent, who represented Her Majesty, the Queen 
Elizabeth II.  Uganda had been a British colony for over 60 years.

 

2.   The social progress and economic growth, by leaps and bounds that followed 
independence, have been adequately covered by several presentations that are well 
documented.  Suffice to say that by 1970 Uganda was an envy of development in sub 
Saharan Africa, the growth was on the upswing.

 

3.   In 1971 Idi Amin, with  the help of colonialists and Zionists, overthrew the 
government and all that had been built was destroyed in the ensuing eight years of 
misrule and murder.  Every aspect of social, economic and political development was 
destroyed and the war of liberation, necessary as it was, had its toll of destruction.

 

4.   By 1980 when UPC was voted to power the second time, Uganda was in ruin.  A 
comprehensive recovery programme was worked out and negotiations with World Bank (WB) 
and International Monetary Fund (IMF) helped to get endorsement and support of the 
wider international community.  The programme covered every aspect of life in Uganda's 
political, economic and social arena.  This was revised in 1984 and recovery was 
phenomenal.  An annual growth rate of 6% was recorded as reported in World Bank 
Bulletin of 1985.  This was inspite of the Museveni guerrilla war in Luwero triangle.

 

5.   The Okello coup detat, gormless as it was, only helped defeated Museveni to 
return from his Sweden asylum and regroup to take power on January 25, 1986.  This was 
just short of 6 months for the Lutwa Okello's doomed reign.  In UPC we regard the date 
of Museveni take-over as the day of re-colonisation as borne out of the Legal Notice 
No. 1 of 1986.  Since then, Uganda has been ruled as a slave colony where fundamental 
human rights of the individual have been abridged at first by a mere announcement but 
later codified in the Constitution of 1995.

 

 

6. The Museveni dictatorship has tightened the noose on the people's

freedom.  This started as an alleged gentleman's agreement (to which UPC was not a 
party) which was then codified in article 269 of the 1995 Constitution and sealed in 
the POA 2002.  This prompted the real freedom fighters in political parties to go to 
the Constitutional Court.  Sections 18 and 19 of the  POA have been declared 
unconstitutional and therefore null and void but another petition led by UPC and 
compatriots is still in Courts of law challenging other obnoxious sections and the 
laws that abridge the right of citizens of this land.  This state of affairs demands 
that there be another independence for Uganda from Museveni.  He even now contemplates 
turning himself into an Emperor for life.

 

7. UPC has therefore taken the mantle and will proceed to lead the

people of Uganda to 2nd independence. We shall start with reorganising our own party.  
For a start, a National Organising Committee (NOC) has been appointed by the Party 
President with specific terms of reference to reactivate party branches throughout the 
country and establish new ones where they may not exist.  This reactivation of Party 
branches is absolutely necessary because it will prepare our members for a new 
national register from which we shall get supporting members for the Party 
registration.  This Party registration will of course take place when the Courts of 
law have settled our disputes before them or alternatively, when NRM government has 
repealed the bad laws they put in place that prevent free competitive multiparty 
politics, elections and governance in Uganda.

 

8.   The following are the members of the NOC of UPC:

1. Mr. Akbar Adoko Nekyon

2. Hon. Alaso Alice

3. Hon. Ateng Margaret Otim

4. Mr. Barungi Ignatius

5. Mr. Mayega Henry

6. Hon. Mwondha Patrick

7. Mr. Nyai Dick

8. Mr. Okello Okello John Livingstone

9. Hon. Okullo Epak

10.Hon. Omodi Okot

11.Mr. Opio Chris

12.Prof. Rubaihayo Patrick

13.Mr. Ssewankambo Hamza

14.Mr. Washaki Ahmed

15.Mr. Walubiri Mukidi Peter (Chairperson)

 

For God and My Country

 

 

Dr. James W. Rwanyarare

Chairman

Presidential Policy Commission

 

1st October, 2003`

ugnet_: [abujaNig] THE WHOLE TRUTH AND NOTHING BUT



 

Art By Harpeau Crapaud
The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
Groupe de communication Mulindwas 
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"


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ugnet_: M7- The Ugandan narkisses-Small Correction!


Two words are missing from the last sentnece of the first installmet of the 
article, "Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses" The missing wors are "..met 
Obote." 

Please insert the words so that the line should read: 

"Professor of History at Makerere University and a former Nominated 
Member of the Uganda Legislative Council where he first met Obote." 



 


Gook 

 

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Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY

2003-10-07 Thread emmanuel musaazi

...but Mr. Kipenji you must agree with Mr.Kironde that previous regimes did 
far worse and again this is not to excuse the indesgrations of the present 
government. This has always been my point of strong disagreement with you 
UPC people, your in ability to first and foremost "remove the log of wood 
from your own eyes before trying to remove the splinter in someone elses 
eye". The "holier than thou" image you portray does not wash because we 
Ugandans know what happened during idi amin, Obote/Okello eras. Nobody is 
saying that Uganda is perfect and even with the present inperfections Uganda 
is better off than many countries (i should know 'cos i have been around 
Africa and world) however what everybody with a sincere and object mind 
acknowledges and sees is that Uganda is FAR BETTER OFF than the days of your 
murderous heroes Obote/Okelo and Amin.

Infact im my opinion Obote is the genesis of all Ugandas problems because he 
introduced authoritarian rule to Uganda and from that point on it was down 
hill for Uganda. Obote elevated Idi Amin in the army (just to use him to 
eradicate monarchy and destroy our constitution), in so doing gave Amin the 
opportunity to take power. It is said that to whom much is given much is 
expected, Obote had the grandest opportunity to realy make Uganda great, he 
inheritated a sound economy, a very good public service, a very good 
constitution. In short he inheritated a very good SYSTEM (THE SAME SYSTEM 
THAT MULINDWA IS YAPPING ABOUT), well what did he do with it? He proceded to 
destroy it, now the same UPC people like Mulindwa are barking about SYSTEM , 
SYSTEM after they destroyed. I have been saying and will continue to say 
that President Museveni is basically doing a clean up job, cleaning Obote, 
Okelo and Amins messes.

Unlike Obote, President Museveni inherited virtually NOTHING, i don't even 
think there was anything in  Uganda's treasury when President Museveni took 
over. So when i hear the Kipenjis, Mulindwas and Mateks of this world going 
on about DEMOCRACY, PEACE, SYSTEM and all that i don't get angry, rather i 
just feel sorry for Uganda and Africa, because they exemplify the African 
tragedy, which is a vicious cycle of "not learning". We Africans have a 
habbit of refusing to learn from our mistakes or tragedies. Right now i am 
ready to bet any amount that if the UPC got back to power they would just 
continue from where they were stoped and the mayhem which Ugandans were 
spared when they were removed would start right back.


From: Owor Kipenji <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY
Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 13:08:22 +0100 (BST)
Kironde,in the 21st Century,I do believe all people who have
sought enlightenment through schooling/education,would be the last
to put to disuse what they will have invested  heavily in interms of
time and money.Blanket statements like "Vagabond regimes taking
people to Namanve" should really be qualified and proven to have
been government policies before being uttered like you have just done.
If you indeed believe in transparency as you appear to aver,why not
tell your murderous hero Mu7 to stop killing innocent Ugandans,or
to you,they are just biological substances who afterall need to be
decimated so that your kingdom gets its lost glory?
What does this transparency stuff help you achieve if your thief hero
is caught red handed and this has been going on for the past 18 years.
Has it made the money so spend to be refunded to the treasury?
The politics of unprincipled proganda will not help you and your type.
Ugandan are just sick of being fleeced by your kleptomaniac  and since
in the Kavuyo you have gotten something you would rather praise it as
transparency.That is indeed crap that is reminiscent of warped minds.
Thank you.
Kipenji.

Ed Kironde <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
02B15DEE-A8E4-439E-944A-A9C4C7176D3D125885F7-F35C-40A8-AFC8-049BF0DEE624no-repeat#106d9erightbottom3CEEA290-42CB-11D4-BA3E-0050DAC6803003CEEA290-42CB-11D4-BA3E-0050DAC6803012B0A59E0-2B1B-11D4-BA28-0050DAC6803002B0A59E0-2B1B-11D4-BA28-0050DAC680301B4868790-2B1B-11D4-BA28-0050DAC680300X-ASN,X-ASH,X-AN,X-AP,X-AD;All 
the noise made is simply because of the  transparency.  Gone vagabond 
regimes used state assets at will. Some of the soldiers abused government 
property and one owned the Coffee Marketing Board and would only cut the 
government a check if he felt it was necessary.
This is a regime where the president would be challenged on his 
expenditure, then he would come out and shade some light on such seemingly 
anomalies. Uganda has moved so far that the president can come out to 
explain to Ugandans instead of sending them to Nnamanve as was the norm.  
It is the baby shower Ugandans gave to the first grandchild.
It is amazing that  those who do not contribute
a penny to the nation make the loudest noise.
 If any

Re: ugnet_: Sounds like Okurut got the msg

Thanks for the comment. Right on target.

Mitayo Potosi

From: Joicye nansikombi <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: ugnet_: Sounds like Okurut got the msg
Date: Mon, 6 Oct 2003 17:53:50 -0700 (PDT)
Netters,
It looks like Okurut is getting our message and she is getting really 
urgitated. She has written  what looks like NRM in Luwero to me. We have 
always said that Museveni and Hitler share a bed. Both of them are classic 
murderers, dictators, liars, and evil in all that they do.
Okurut got it and gave a graphic description of how they planned to 
annihilate the northerners and easterners.
Ugandans wake up to the truth here about what these people are doing.
They killed my grandmother, and other relatives  in Luwero.

Nansikombi.
--
Konyism will go just the way nazism went
The Long View --- By Mary K. Okurut
September 6, 2003
My brain officially went on leave when I heard of the bloody ambush by the 
so-called Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) that decimated at least 25 people 
aboard a Gateway bus on the Soroti-Lira road on Monday.
This is not the first time these thugs are carrying out such a gruesome and 
grisly act. It has long been their trademark.

It is just that one keeps on praying that such incidents do not happen 
again; so when they happen with such brutality, it simply crushes one's 
spirit.

So much has been written about the Kony evil. Suffice it to say that Kony 
represents a strain of evil that is the tail end that has afflicted Uganda 
since 1966. Since then, the evil has been metamorphosing, from [Apollo 
Milton] Obote's time to Idi Amin, to Alice Lakwena, the ADF, and now Kony. 
It is an evil that has been difficult to get rid of.
As I meditated and wondered about this meaningless destruction of life and 
property, I recalled reading about something called nihilism and decided 
that this is precisely what we have on our hands

My feeling is that it is inaccurate to talk about Joseph Kony, the leader 
of a group. We are talking about a doctrine called Kony-ism, very much like 
an ideology of evil, which manifests itself in the most brutal and 
heartless ways.

Kony has no political agenda; and you can't say he is fighting the 
government, although when he wipes out a bus and its passengers, those with 
warped minds claim it's a victory against government.
The things he makes his captives do are a negation of what is human. We 
know that he forces kids to kill their parents in the most brutal manner, 
or vice versa; in an attempt to severe their links with their community. He 
forces those he abducts to set the granaries and homes ablaze and to chop 
down all the goats, cows and sheep.

As I meditated and wondered about this meaningless destruction of life and 
property, I recalled reading about something called nihilism and decided 
that this is precisely what we have on our hands.

Nihilism, the Encyclopedia of Philosophy says, is the belief that all 
values are baseless. It condemns all existence. A true Nihilist would 
believe in nothing, have no loyalties, and no purpose other than, perhaps, 
an impulse to destroy.
Now, I in turn ask; what does Kony believe in? Who is he loyal to? And what 
purpose does he appear to have, except to destroy?

Nihilism is most often associated with Friedrich Nietzsche who argued that 
its corrosive effects would eventually destroy all moral, religious, and 
metaphysical convictions and precipitate the greatest crisis in human 
history.

Little wonder that Kony and Co. can wake up one morning, brutally massacre 
an entire village, then walk a few metres into the bush and enjoy roast 
goat meat with their consciences intact. It is this total absence of human 
feeling that makes Kony inhumanly unique.

"Nihilism" comes from the Latin nihil, or nothing, which means not 
anything, that which does not exist. It appears in the verb "annihilate," 
meaning to bring to nothing, to destroy completely. It is a doctrine of 
total negation. Does this not sound like Kony?

In Russia, nihilism became identified with a loosely organised 
revolutionary movement (C.1860-1917) that rejected the authority of the 
state, church, and family.

Kony has clearly rejected the authority of the state. By calling his 
organisation the LRA, and claiming to enforce the 10 Commandments, while in 
the same breath chopping them up, Kony has also rejected the church - which 
10 Commandments is he keeping? By making parents kill their children and 
vise versa, he is destroying the family unit.

The Nihilist believes that all values are baseless, reason is impotent and 
that everything deserves to perish. In nihilism, its proponents argue, the 
aim is lacking, and 'why' finds no answer.

Indeed with Kony, the why has no answer. Why does he target non combatants? 
What does Kony want? Does anyone know? President Museveni named a peace 
team to meet him and talk peace. He even offered a ceasefire and blanket 
a

ugnet_: Bid to isolate Zim flops ; www.herald.co.zw

Last Updated: Tuesday, 7 October 2003

Bid to isolate Zim flops ; www.herald.co.zw

Chief Reporter Lovemore Mataire

BRITAINS bid to host next years 110th International Parliamentary Union 
(IPU) assembly and bar Zimbabwe from attending the meeting flopped last week 
in Geneva, Switzerland.

The unions governing council voted against Britains decision to exclude 
delegations from Zimbabwe who are on the European Union travel ban list at 
its Geneva meeting.

At least 132 countries voted for the inclusion of Zimbabwe while 87 
supported Britains proposal to host the meeting.

The Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Cde Patrick 
Chinamasa, who led Zimbabwes delegation to the meeting confirmed the 
rejection of Britains bid to host the meeting.

Some of the countries that voted in support of Zimbabwe included Canada, 
France, Belgium, India, China, Russia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, 
Vietnam and all the African and Caribbean countries except Botswana which 
decided to break ranks with the African group and abstained from voting 
despite having raised no objections during the groups caucus meeting.

Botswanas three representatives were reportedly jeered by fellow African 
countries and had to leave the assembly building in a huff, embarrassed by 
the outcome of the vote.

Cde Chinamasa said the IPU governing council first granted Britain the right 
to host the assembly on the premise that it was to abide by the unions 
rules and regulations, which among other things allow the unconditional 
granting of visas to member countries representatives.

However, Britain later informed the IPU secretary-general Mr Anders Johnson 
that it would not guarantee the issuance of visas to Zimbabwean officials on 
the list of the EU travel ban.

"What this meant was that the Zimbabwean Parliament would only send members 
who were acceptable to the British, which basically mean that the delegation 
would only have MDC members as senior members of Zanu-PF are on the EU 
travel ban list," said Cde Chinamasa.

Cde Chinamasa said Britain had to force debate on the matter when members 
failed to agree on the proposal not to issue visas to Zimbabwean officials 
on the travel ban list.

The African group immediately convened a caucus meeting and took a position 
to support Zimbabwe and resolved to boycott the next meeting if the country 
was excluded.

A decision was taken to oppose any attempts to hold the meeting in London as 
a mark of solidarity with Zimbabwe.

When the matter was put to debate, Australia and Ireland vouched for 
Britains bid and disparaged Zimbabwes human rights record and even 
criticised Zimbabwes Speaker of Parliament, Cde Emmerson Mnangagwa who 
usually leads Zimbabwes delegations at such meetings.

"I opposed Australia and Irelands allegations. I spoke against the notion 
to exclude Zimbabwe in defence of the constitution of the IPU and our 
countrys rights and privileges which entitle us to participate fully in 
such international meetings and that Britains proposal was an attempt to 
deny the country that full participation," said Cde Chinamasa.

He said IPU was principally set up to promote dialogue and allow interaction 
among members.

Cde Chinamasa said he also chronicled the human rights abuses committed by 
some of the Western nations and that it was unfortunate some countries like 
Britain and the US had taken it upon themselves to be the policemen of the 
world in monitoring human rights abuses.

He said as a sovereign nation, Zimbabwe had the right to choose its own 
representatives to attend international meetings.

"I drew parallels to what is happening in Palestine where the big powers 
have arrogated themselves the powers of who should lead Palestine," he said.

The "NO" bid against London triumphed against the "YES" when the results of 
the vote were announced prompting celebrations by the African group 
delegations.

The majority members rejected London's bid to host the meeting and noted 
that its decision to isolate Zimbabwe was motivated by racism and flouted 
the union's rules and regulations.

The next IPU meeting will now be held in Thailand early next year.

Cde Chinamasa said the results showed the understanding by most countries of 
the correctness of the country's position against that of Britain.

He said most countries were now aware that the issue between Zimbabwe and 
Britain was purely a bilateral matter and that it was a colonial question 
that the latter was trying to internationalise to thwart the land reform 
programme.

He said the mood among developing countries was that colonialism and 
imperialism was still in the minds of the British and the Americans given 
their recent invasion of Iraq.

"There was a general feeling that these phenomena are no longer theoretical 
and the US and Britain's involvement in Iraq proved that they had no respect 
for the sovereignty of small countries."

In pursuance of their economic interests, Brit

ugnet_: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2)




Sent: Tuesday, October 07, 2003 6:48 PM
Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (2)
Museveni writes, for example, that as school boys in Westem Uganda between 1965 and 1966, he and his friends - Martin Mwesiga, Mwesigwa Black, Valeviano Rwaheru and Eriya Kategaya - were "staunchly anti-Obote." (p. 19) He himself hated Obote at that time because he frustrated the East African Federation idea against the support of Nyerere and Kenyatta (p. 18). This is far from the truth. In January 1963, for instance, Prime Minister Obote accompanied Prime Minister Rashidi Kawawa of Tanganyika to England to discuss independence for Kenya, because the East Afncan Common Services could not function properly while Kenya remained a colony. As Harold Macmillan, the then Prime Minister of Britain has recorded in his memoirs, At the End of the Day 1961 - 1963,2 Duncan Sandys, the Colonial Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs, spent several hours on January 28, 1963, "being reproached (and almos
 t insulted) by Mr. Kawawa and Mr. Obote." Kenya became independent on 12 December, 1963 and early in 1964, a meeting was held in Uganda, which led to the signing of the Kampala Agreement which created the East African Common Market. It was this agreement which was revised in 1966 to create the East African Community which functioned fairly 224 well until it collapsed in 1977. But until Obote was overthrown in 1971, he and the Uganda government supported the regional grouping. Hence, Museveni's schoolboy hatred for Obote for opposing the idea of the East African Federation is one of the many distortions and fabrications in the book aimed at demonizing Obote. Furthermore, Museveni asserts that Obote would rather support Nkrumah's notion of a continental union because he knew it was impractical. "In the case of an East African Union which was feasible, opportunists such as Obote, who were also political dwarfs, feared its realisation because they wanted to remain big fish i
 n small ponds." (p. 18). The historical facts do not support Museveni's strictures. During the meeting of African Heads of States and Governments, Addis Ababa in May 1963, at which the Organisation of African Unity was formed, Nkrumah made a passionate speech in support of union government. It is on record that Milton Obote was one of the African leaders at the conference who strongly argued in favour of regional groupings. There is also the need to critically assess the Obote I period, 1962-1971. Museveni characterizes it as a time of intrigues and corruption, with no meaningful development. But any objective evaluation of the whole period would show it as the greatest era of prosperity in Uganda. The economy was kept on a sound and expanding basis and much of the money generated was used to expand education and health facilities throughout the country. Politically, Museveni accuses Obote of being unscrupulous and cites the way in which he misled the traditi
 onalists in Buganda and then, after some years, "made an about-turn over the same issues." (p. 19). He, however, does not discuss the issues. For instance, the independence constitution, which established Buganda in a federal relationship with the rest of Uganda, created more problems than it set to solve. Both Obote and Kabaka of Buganda believed that they could establish a working relationship between UPC and Kabaka Yeka. Museveni condemns this alliance as opportunistic and sectarian, but he does tell us what could have been done, given the independent constitution, which attempted to marry a monarchical and authoritarian regime with a parliamentary system. Moreover, the same independence constitution had provided for the holding of a referendum in the Lost Counties - a disputed area between Buganda and Bunyoro. This area had been excised from Bunyoro and given to the Baganda at the close of the nineteenth century as a reward for their loyalty. For sixty years the 
 Banyoro demanded their counties back but the British were not able to make amends. Buganda had become too powerful for any ruler to offend it. During the constitutional conference in London, it had been resolved that within two years of independence a plebiscite should be taken in the Lost Counties. 225 Nobody thought that Obote would have the courage to implement that resolution. But he did and forever incurred the wrath of the Baganda. The overwhelming majority of the inhabitants voted to return to Bunyoro. This is what ruptured the UPC/KY alliance, and not Obote's unscrupulousness. The Kabaka, as President of Uganda, refused to sign the Bill transfering the Lost Counties to Bunyoro - this in itself was unconstitutional. Buganda leaders then engaged in a series of maneuvers intended to engineer the overthrow of Obote. The election of Grace Ibingira from Ankole as UPC Secretary General to replace John Kakonge, was part of the conspiracy supported by Buganda leaders,
  to oust Obote, with the help of the Americans and the British who were made to be

ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (3)

Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (3) 
Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 12:51:57 EDT 

Salaam. They received arms from FRELIMO and the Tanzania government and later 
from Gaddafi and infiltrated these into Uganda in order to end what he calls 
"the monopoly of arms by the northerners." By the time of the collapse of 
Amin's regime, on 11 April, 1979, the Fronasa force (largely Museveni's personal 
army) 227 had grown to 9000 while Obote's Kikoosi Maalum numbered only 1500. 
Under both Presidents Y. K. Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, Oyite Ojok for Obote and 
Museveni continued to recruit their kinsmen into the army with the latter 
accusing the former of recruiting only the northerners and the former accusing 
Museveni of recruiting only the Banyarwanda. By the time they took over in 1986, 
the National Resistance Army had 20,000 soldiers under its command. The few 
northerners remaining in the army were either eliminated or forced into exile. 

Museveni's prejudice and hatred against the northerners is further revealed 
in his assertion that "the whole community in Acholi and Lango had become 
involved in the plundering of Uganda for themselves." (p. 178). Some of the 
northerners might have been corrupt, but to condemn whole communities 
indiscriminately as Museveni does is merely to express some deep-seated hatred. He uses this 
condemnation to justify his punitive measures against the northerners probably 
in search of a "final solution." As Museveni continues, with the help of the 
Americans, to hunt for "bandits" - as he calls northern leaders who are 
fighting for human dignity - thousands are dying in the unending civil war while 
others are herded into "protected camps." Is this not genocide? 

Recently, Museveni has even defended the activities of his eldest son, 
Mohoozi Kainerugaba, who was accused by several Uganda M.P.s of recruiting 200 fresh 
graduates from Makerere University to serve in the army's Presidential 
Protection Unit (PPU) that protects his father. 

His son has no right to carry out army recruitment, and many of these 
recruits were, in the father's words - "his friends" (read Westerners).4 Can one be 
more secretarian and authoritarian than this? 

It is easy, in retrospect, to demonize Obote and the "northerners" and make 
it appear as if he was merely responding to the ethnic paranoia of his people. 
The reality, however, was much more complicated as we have tried to suggest. 

Looking at the evidence presented in this book, it is obvious that Museveni 
sees himself as the Earnest "Che" Guevara (the legendary South American 
guerrilla leader) of Africa. He gives details of war strategies, plans and battles, 
ending up with a kind of guerrilla warfare manual which he expects other 
progressive African leaders to adopt in order to "Sow the Mustard Seed" in their 
countries. Is it any wonder that since he came to power in Uganda, he has used 
people like Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic 
of Congo, to apply the teachings of his manual in their countries. Kagame was 
of course, an officer in the National Resistance Army of Uganda, and many of 
the so-called Kabila Tutsi death squads operating in Congo where they have been 
accused of killing scores of Hutu children and women refugees, 228 as well as 
innocent Congolese civilians, are actually Ugandans or Rwandese trained by 
Museveni. No wonder the New York Times of June 15, 1997 was so lavish in its 
praise of Museveni. It wrote: Yoweri Museveni is a "leader secure in his power 
and his vision. The recent victory of Laurent Kabila's troops over Mobutu Sese 
Seko's government army in Congo marked perhaps the most impressive of 
Museveni's moves in the international area." Obviously the United States and other 
European powers, seem to see the role of Museveni in the Eastern and Central 
Africa as that of removing certain regimes from power and replacing them with those 
that will put the interests of foreign business before the needs of their pe 
ople. This is tantamount to recolonisation of Africa with the collaboration of 
native guerrilla leaders! 

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ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (4)

Subject: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (4) 
Date: Tue, 7 Oct 2003 12:56:36 EDT 

External Factors 
One of the weaknesses of this autobiography is its attempt to play down or 
ignore external factors that have influenced the history of Uganda. For 
instance, the involvement of Obote in the internal affairs of the former Zaire, Rwanda 
and Sudan gave much political ammunition to his enemies at home. For 
instance, Obote's hatred of Moise Tshombe, the then Zairian Prime Minister, whom he 
regarded as an agent of neocolonialism, made him support the National Liberation 
Committee, located in north-eastern Zaire, which opposed Tshombe's 
government. Buganda was sympathetic to Tshombe, and this explains the genesis of the 
"gold scandal" allegations which almost brought the government of Obote down. 
Also, the immediate cause of the overthrow of Obote's government in 1971, was the 
discovery of a conspiracy between the Israeli government and Uganda Defense 
Minister, Felix Onama and Idi Amin., Army Commander, to support the rebels in 
Southern Sudan. At the request of Israel, the two had been channeling large 
amounts of funds from the defense budget and arms from Uganda's reserves to the 
southern Sudanese rebels. When the deficit in the defence budget was 
discovered, Obote demanded explanation, on his return from Commonwealth Conference in 
Singapore, from Amin and Onama. Threatened with discovery in the act of 
deflecting public funds into the wrong channels, Amin and Onama, encouraged by the 
Israeli government whose role in the Sudan was bound to be exposed, decided to 
stage a coup to save themselves. 

In the case of Museveni himself, he has said almost nothing about his 
involvement in the Rwandese revolution which installed the Tutsi-dominated regime. To 
what extent was Uganda involved in this war? What about America and other 
European Countries? What about Southern Sudan? Is Museveni supporting the 
Southerners? Is America playing the role formerly played by 229 Israel of using 
Uganda to contain Arab nationalism and Islamic fundamentalism? These are important 
foreign policy issues which affect not only Eastern Africa, but Africa, and 
indeed, the whole world, and Museveni should have shared his knowledge and 
insights with us. 

One country whole role in the history of independent Uganda is discussed 
extensively by Museveni is Tanzania. In particular, the significant contribution 
of her former President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, who is greatly admired by both 
Obote and Museveni, is highly appreciated in the book. But even in this case, 
Museveni failed to understand why the Tanzanians in general, and Nyerere in 
particular, had a high regard for Obote as a nationalist and pan-Africanist. He 
complains that the Tanzanians had "tended to overestimate Obote whom they 
regarded as a socialist, a nationalist and a patriot and therefore, as a positive 
force in politics not only of Uganda, but of Africa as a whole. The reality, 
however, was the opposite. The fact of the matter was that not only was Obote 
useless as far as the pan-African struggle for liberation was concerned, he was 
actually a very negative force whose sectarianism further aggravated Uganda's 
problems." (p. 103). 

Unfortunately for Museveni, many African leaders, including Nyerere and 
Kaunda, recognised Obote's contribution to the liberation struggle, especially his 
firm stand on Rhodesia and South Africa. 

His lack of appreciation of external factors is particularly revealed in his 
account of the origin of the Moshi Conference called by Nyerere in March, 1979 
to form a new, broad-based movement, the Uganda National Liberation Front 
(UNLF). Museveni gives himself much of the credit in persuading Nyerere to 
convene it because the latter had lost confidence in Obote. He writes: "the 
Tanzanians were anxious to put together a Ugandan front, other than Obote, whom they 
now knew was a liability both inside and outside Uganda." (p. 105) The truth is 
quite different. As the Tanzanian invading forces proceeded apace from 
South-western Uganda towards Kampala, Nyerere decided that Obote and Vice-President 
Rashidi Kawawa should fly to Masaka to be ready to move into Kampala with the 
victorious invaders. Obote and Kawawa actually went as far as Bukoba, before 
they were recalled to Dar-es-Salaam by Nyerere. The reason was not because 
Nyerere had changed his mind about Obote: The reason was that the British 
intervened. As David Owen, who was Foreign Secretary m James Callaghan's Labour 
Government has revealed in his autobiography,5 the Tanzanian government had 
approached Britain for logistical help in the war with Uganda. But the Buganda lobby 
in London succeeded in convincing the British government that Obote would be 
totally unacceptable in Buganda as president of Uganda. They, instead, suggested 
Yusufu Lule. Hence, the British government offered military assistance to 
Tanzania on condition that Obote 230 played no

ugnet_: Fwd: Museveni - The Ugandan Narkisses (1)

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Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY

2003-10-07 Thread Lutimba Matovu

Edward Mulindwa <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:>If you read
>the president's explanation of why he had to send
>this girl to Germany you would see that Museveni is
>a president who is very scared.

Mulindwa,

Tell me in this world which President or PM is not
scared of being eliminated. All over the World all
leaders are scared.

Have you ever seen Gerge Bush's security? Have you
ever been in Uganda when Col. Ghadaffi is there? Have
you ever seen Tony Blair security? Try to enter your
host's [Canadian PM] residence and let us know how you
get on.

Your arguement that Museveni is scared is nonsense.
All leaders are.

LM






> Ugandans
> 
> President Museveni's grand-child has taken over the
> press for now almost 10 days. And most of the people
> are more concerned about the monies that were spent
> for this creation miracle to take place. I have read
> many comments including what my neighbour Muniini
> Mulera posted in Uganda Monitor. I however want to
> take this thinking a step further in a different
> direction that many of those who are writing have
> failed to look at.
> 
> If you read the president's explanation of why he
> had to send this girl to Germany you would see that
> Museveni is a president who is very scared. He is
> scared of the medical system he has created in
> Uganda, he has no Doctor he trusts with not only his
> life but with the lives of the members of his
> family. But this government is not new in Uganda, it
> has been in power for 20 years plus or minus. Why
> has president Museveni failed to get a Uganda Doctor
> he trusts? Secondly, when I look at president
> Museveni, I see that he has fewer years in power
> than those he has been in power, so that means he
> can not start today to get a Doctor he can trust. My
> question then becomes, what will he do if he leaves
> office? If he is not elected tomorrow for a third
> term, how will he and his entire family get medical
> attention if he does not trust any of them to today?
> 
> 
> Secondly, One of the reasons which brought Museveni
> to presidency, was to get the Dictators out of
> power. But Iddi Amin fell sick in Uganda and was
> operated on in Mulago Hospital. Is President
> Museveni telling us today that Ugandans loved Iddi
> Amin than they love him? let me take this argument
> further, President Obote was shot in Lugogo, and he
> was immediately rushed again to Mulago Hospital for
> an operation. President Museveni claims that
> Ugandans love him more than they love Obote. Why was
> Obote able to get an operation in a Uganda hospital,
> yet Museveni is claiming that he had to send Natasha
> to Germany for security reasons?
> 
> I have read Museveni's explanation and I could not
> help but ask only one question, was Natasha sent to
> Germany for security reasons or because under
> National Resistance Movement, the entire medical
> infrastructure has been destroyed? And that includes
> even the most basic items, water supply and
> electricity, services which were taken for granted
> under the two previous governments!!
> 
> Edward Mulindwa
> 
> Toronto-Canada
> 
> The Mulindwas Communication Group
> "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
> Groupe de communication Mulindwas 
> "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans
> l'anarchie"
> 


=
LM

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ugnet_: MPs blast Natasha's plane ride.(Kironde's transparency at its best)

MPs blast Natashas plane rideBy Ssemujju Ibrahim NgandaOct 7, 2003

PARLIAMENT - Several MPs still insist that there was something wrong with the presidential jet flying President Musevenis daughter and daughter-in-law to Europe to give birth despite a lengthy explanation by President Museveni.
In his statement published on Sunday, Mr Museveni admitted that his daughter, Ms Natasha Kainembabazi Karugire, and Ms Charlotte Kuteesa, the wife of his son Maj. Muhoozi Kainerugaba flew the presidential Gulf Stream IV jet in August.
The President said the trip was borne out of security concerns and lack of trust in most local doctors and that he paid for the two womens upkeep and medical expenses.
But the presidents defence made a crash-landing with most of the MPs that The Monitor interviewed separately at parliament yesterday.
The whole episode is scandalous, said MP Ben Wacha, who heads the parliamentary committee on rules, discipline and privileges.
It can not be defended by a local person or a head of state.
Wacha said the presidents description of silent forms of killing had enlightened him, since, he said, many people have died soon after getting out of prison.
On that account I thank the President, he said, with a touch of sarcasm.
Wacha said that one Maj. William Olwol supposedly died of Aids soon after he was released from prison - but his wife still lives normally without any trace of the disease.
Maj. John Kazoora, who fought alongside Museveni in the guerrilla war, said the presidents essay had stunned him.
He used to preach [to] us in the bush that love for soft life is a subversive element and shame is a revolutionary sentiment.
The MP said that Musevenis letter is well projected in George Orwells novel the Animal Farm.
He said that in the book, pigs said that they were taking milk and eggs because doctors had advised them to do so on behalf of others.
Making comparisons, MP Kazoora said that when President Mwai Kibaki fell sick, he flew Kenya Airways to London for treatment.
Mr Kibaki is right now in America and he travelled by Kenya Airways, Kazoora said.
Capt. Guma Gumisiriza (Ibanda North) said that maximum security for the President is paramount but he added: Nobody should hide under security to defend an extravagant way of life.
Manjiya MP, Mr John Wakikona, who is a former general manager of Uganda Air Cargo and the director of Soroti Flying School, disputed the cost of flying the jet as presented by the President.
He put the cost of keeping the Gulf Stream in the air at between $2,200 and $2,500 per hour and said the journey would take at least seven-and-a-half hours.
Taking the minimum figure, the MP said the cost of two return trips to Germany would be $66,000 or roughly Shs 132 million.
However, Wakikona and the MP for Rwemiyaga, Mr Theodore Ssekikubo, said the trip is okay if the law allows it.
The chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, Dr. Okullo Epak, said he would not comment until the Auditor General issues a report on the matter.
He said that he was amused by the presidents knowledge of different method of killing and wondered whether security is not using the science the President enumerated.
The youth MP for Eastern Uganda, Mr Wilfred Kajeke and Rukiga MP, Mr Jack Sabiiti, said the presidents daughters are above 18 and are therefore not considered members of his family.
Mr Sabiiti said of the trip: It is illegal and unacceptable.
The MP for Budadiri West, Mr Nandala Mafabi, said the expense was illegal and should be reflected in the Auditor Generals report.
Several other MPs who are traditionally supportive of President, and whom The Monitor spoke to declined to comment.
© 2003 The Monitor Publications

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Re: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY

Kironde,in the 21st Century,I do believe all people who have 
sought enlightenment through schooling/education,would be the last
to put to disuse what they will have invested  heavily in interms of 
time and money.Blanket statements like "Vagabond regimes taking
people to Namanve" should really be qualified and proven to have 
been government policies before being uttered like you have just done.
If you indeed believe in transparency as you appear to aver,why not
tell your murderous hero Mu7 to stop killing innocent Ugandans,or
to you,they are just biological substances who afterall need to be
decimated so that your kingdom gets its lost glory?
What does this transparency stuff help you achieve if your thief hero
is caught red handed and this has been going on for the past 18 years.
Has it made the money so spend to be refunded to the treasury?
The politics of unprincipled proganda will not help you and your type.
Ugandan are just sick of being fleeced by your kleptomaniac  and since 
in the Kavuyo you have gotten something you would rather praise it as
transparency.That is indeed crap that is reminiscent of warped minds.
Thank you.
Kipenji.

Ed Kironde <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:






All the noise made is simply because of the  transparency.  Gone vagabond regimes used state assets at will. Some of the soldiers abused government property and one owned the Coffee Marketing Board and would only cut the government a check if he felt it was necessary.
This is a regime where the president would be challenged on his expenditure, then he would come out and shade some light on such seemingly anomalies. Uganda has moved so far that the president can come out to explain to Ugandans instead of sending them to Nnamanve as was the norm.  It is the baby shower Ugandans gave to the first grandchild.
It is amazing that  those who do not contribute 
a penny to the nation make the loudest noise. 
 If anything, those who pay tax in Uganda must be the ones to question the accountability of their taxes.
 
---Original Message---
 

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: Monday, October 06, 2003 09:29:18 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; [EMAIL PROTECTED]; [EMAIL PROTECTED]; Rwanda; [EMAIL PROTECTED]; [EMAIL PROTECTED]; [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: ugnet_: NATASHA KARUGIRE'S BABY
 

Ugandans
 
President Museveni's grand-child has taken over the press for now almost 10 days. And most of the people are more concerned about the monies that were spent for this creation miracle to take place. I have read many comments including what my neighbour Muniini Mulera posted in Uganda Monitor. I however want to take this thinking a step further in a different direction that many of those who are writing have failed to look at.
 
If you read the president's explanation of why he had to send this girl to Germany you would see that Museveni is a president who is very scared. He is scared of the medical system he has created in Uganda, he has no Doctor he trusts with not only his life but with the lives of the members of his family. But this government is not new in Uganda, it has been in power for 20 years plus or minus. Why has president Museveni failed to get a Uganda Doctor he trusts? Secondly, when I look at president Museveni, I see that he has fewer years in power than those he has been in power, so that means he can not start today to get a Doctor he can trust. My question then becomes, what will he do if he leaves office? If he is not elected tomorrow for a third term, how will he and his entire family get medical attention if he does not trust any of them to today? 
 
Secondly, One of the reasons which brought Museveni to presidency, was to get the Dictators out of power. But Iddi Amin fell sick in Uganda and was operated on in Mulago Hospital. Is President Museveni telling us today that Ugandans loved Iddi Amin than they love him? let me take this argument further, President Obote was shot in Lugogo, and he was immediately rushed again to Mulago Hospital for an operation. President Museveni claims that Ugandans love him more than they love Obote. Why was Obote able to get an operation in a Uganda hospital, yet Museveni is claiming that he had to send Natasha to Germany for security reasons?
 
I have read Museveni's explanation and I could not help but ask only one question, was Natasha sent to Germany for security reasons or because under National Resistance Movement, the entire medical infrastructure has been destroyed? And that includes even the most basic items, water supply and electricity, services which were taken for granted under the two previous governments!!
 
Edward Mulindwa
 
Toronto-Canada
 
    The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"    Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
 







  IncrediMail

ugnet_: NOW THIS IS BIZARE The world is going awo