ugnet_: In one Lira camp, they have sex -- in the dorm-fundametal change?
In one Lira camp, they have sex -- in the dormBy Nabusayi L. WambokaNov 26 - Dec 2, 2003 STARCH FACTORY, Lira On the compound of this abandoned factory stand two motor vehicle skeletons. One is clearly a Leyland truck. DESPERATE: With no home or privacy, Liras child IDPs are having it rough in the camps (File photo).The other appears to be a Cortina. Or is it a Toyota? Who cares? It is a good thing they are here though. For these wreckages provide refuge for those who feel stifled in the old factory building in which they have all been crammed. Beside one of the wrecks, Ms Clara Atim is folded up like a ball on the floor. In that position, she looked like a girl of 14 years. In fact, Atim is a mother of six. She lost her husband during a rebel incursion in August last year. Today she suffers from tuberculosis. They told me it is contagious and Im worried I will infect these people around me, Atim said. But I have nowhere to go. By this time, I have broken into a sweat realising I am in close company with a possibly untreated TB patient! She notices my unease and adds that she has been on treatment for three weeks. She had to leave the hospital because she had children to take care of. She said, I decided to come home. My children are all young and my mother is very old. It is better to be here with them. Home? The asbestos roof of the old factory building is covered with thick black cobwebs making for a rather eerie look. There are many hungry-looking kids who seem to be infected with some strain of cough or something else. One little girl sat wailing by the fireplace. There was no point asking what the problem was; in front of her sat an empty cooking pot. Welcome to Starch Factory; one of several camps for the Internally Displaced People who are becoming a common feature in Lira district today. According to Mr Dennis Ojok, the chairman of the co-ordinating committee for the IDPs in Lira, the district authorities were initially reluctant to introduce camps and encouraged people fleeing the rebels of the Joseph Kony-led Lords Resistance Army to go and live with friends and relatives. However, following the attack of Acol Pii Camp by the rebels two years ago, the district was forced to establish three camps first at Starch Factory, Railway Camp and at Cultural Centre. However, one and a half months ago when the attacks increased in the areas of Otuke, Erute North, Moroto and Dokolo counties there was a crisis, Ojok said. This followed claims by government that they had killed Konys henchman, Tabuley, and that the rebel leader had ordered his men to find his body and take it back to him in Sudan. Residents feared the repercussions. There were rumours that the rebels claimed they would punish the Langi for killing Tabuley, Ojok said. Lira district has 25 sub-counties and 15 of these are facing disruption due to the war. Currently the district has 16 IDP camps with over 159,000 people. The backyard of Starch Factory Camp is littered with fireplaces and cooking pots. Little children are huddled around some pots, eagerly watching what is cooking.Mr Hudson Okello, 56, is a team leader in the camp. He said, We have no food and beddings. In such weather most children fall sick. Okello however is also concerned about something else; the lack of burial sites in the camps which are plagued by daily deaths from disease and possibly starvation. Sometimes we borrow space from people who have land so that at a later time, we can take our relatives for a more decent burial, he said. But such favours, he added, are quickly drying up because the dead are many. Ojok said that the camps have experienced outbreaks of malaria or cholera. These camps are congested and the hygiene conditions are outrageous. There are times when there are two or three people dying in one day. Some relatives risk taking back the bodies for burial and end up killed. Others plead with people here to lend them burial space, he said. But there is more to the chaotic situation in the camp. Residents say it is not unusual for fights to break out in the night when drunken men return and demand their conjugal rights from their wives in this dormitory-like environment. It is very embarrassing. I have never seen anything like this before, said Ms Lilly Elit, a womens leader in the camp. In a full hall like this in the middle of the night the men want to sleep on their wives and there are children everywhere and old people. Elit confessed that she has not got over the shock of seeing her son have sex with his wife in the hall. But the scandalised women are co-operating in finding a way around this issue. Said Elit: We have tried to sort this out with the women. We advise them to fetch water and, as soon as it gets dark, ask their husbands to go take a bath. Then they follow them there and have sex away from the crowd. While it has been easier to decide where to have sex, the pregnant women face an even more
ugnet_: J KABILA IS NOT AS BAD AS DAD
CONGOKINSHASAThe Economist Nov 15 - Nov 22Not as bad as Dad, but worries are growing about the the young president, Joseph Kabila. -The 32-year old president's handsome face is quite unlike that of his murderedpredecessor, whose jowly image adorns his office walls. But the handshake is thesame. Joseph Kabila, the Democratic Republic of Congo's leader, has his fatherLaurent's meaty hands. This is startling, because Mr Kabila has done mercifullylittle else to recall his dreadful father, one of the architects of Congo's tangledfive-year war, which has claimed at least 3m lives.In July, Mr Kabila declared the war over, and accepted his main rebel enemiesinto a government of national unity.But, as Congo's delicate transition begins,there are signs, mostly still hazy, that Mr Kabila may yet turn out to be hisfather's son.Under the terms of a peace deal signed last year, Mr Kabila gave his armed andunarmed opponents three out of four vice-presidencies and some 40 ministries inthe new government. Mr Kabila and the rebels have all pledged to form political parties to fight elections due within three years.Yet Mr Kabila appears to remain in control-at least, as much as anyone can be insuch a vast, violent and roadless place as Congo.This may reflect Mr Kabila's relative popularity. Having grown up in Tanzania, he isscarcely known to the Congolese, but many credit him with bringing peace.Congo's latest bout of war began when Rwanda invaded it from the east in 1998and most of Congo's neighbours piled in on one side or the other. Earlier this year,at least in part thanks to Mr Kabila'sensible diplomacy, the last foreign troopswithdrew, leaving their increasingly isolated rebel proxies behind. These are thegroups that Mr Kabila has accepted into his government in Kinshasa, the capital.By comparison, Azarias Ruberwa, one of his new vice-presidents, may be the mostdetested man in Congo. His rebel group, the Rally for Congolese Democracy(RCD), was raised and run by Rwanda.Even in the distant east, which the RCD still controls, Mr Ruberwa is considereda traitor. Nor is Jean-Pierre Bemba, another rebel vice-president, universally loved.The irascible Mr Bemba was recently referred to the UN's International Criminal Courtat The Hague in connnection with his Ugandan-backed fighters'alleged penchant foreating rainforest-dwelling pygmies - which Mr Bemba denies.Still, in Congo, where no democratic election has ever been held, popularity isless important than cash. And here too, Mr Kabila's faction appears to havethe upper hand.To accomodate the 40 new ministers, many old ministries were broken up.In the process, the old government managed to claw back some lucrative portofolios,including those that dispense licences to distibute oil and set up mobile-phonenetworks.Diamond exports are also subject to the old regime's rules, despite the effortsof an energetic new minister of mines, who recently tried to block the exportof stones worth 10m to an Israeli-run company, but was overruled by his deputy-Mr Kabila's former chief of mines.Another of Mr Kabila's allies is Katumba Mwanke, the new government's secretarygeneral, whom the UN has accused of involvement in the theft of state assetsworth more than $5 billion.Mr Kabila may have some dodgy friends, but he has some good advisers too.Last year the economy grew by 3%, despite half the country being in rebel hands.In delight, foreign donors pledged aid worth more than $2.5 billion. But diplomats inKinshasa are beginning to sound queasy. The president's friends, they say, arebecoming a problem.Mr Kabila would rather discuss the election he promises to hold. His party isalready holding rallies, even though, other parties are forbidden to do so.Elections are hard to imagine, however. Fighting still rages in the east, and thecountry has virtually no infrastructure. In remote areas, people have returned tonudity for want of clothes. But if Congo is to be put together again, an electionwill have to be held.The Economist / Nov 15-Nov 22. The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
ugnet_: PRESIDENT MUGAABE SPEAKS OUT -READ HARD AFRICAN CHOICE-
From: Dr Osakwe Osifo All Africans worldwide in the diaspora must read the message of Uncle Bob ( President Mugabe ), and balance it against what we were taught by Marcus Garvey . Read the message many times , search your heart and soul whether to choose between freedom and slavery . I have no comment nor do I have any suggestion to make . History will one day judge all Africans out there ,to make a choice between Patrice Lumumba and Shombe . Make your choice now before it is too late .You have this hard fact of history staring you stark nakedin the face .Tears roll down my eyes as I read and re-read the message of Uncle Bob .I am not a racist .Do African have racial pride ? The answer is yours . I know my answer - it is clear and blunt as I am on the same side of Marcus Garvey . I have made up my mind as an African whose forefathers and tribefought and created history in Africa . We Africans betrayed Shaka the Zulu , Lumumba , Marcus Garvey andmillions of our People whodied for being Africans and black.If you make the wrong choice in this matter before you ,as stated by Uncle Bob, the blood of those men and women who gave their lives for our freedom ( if we are free today ) will be on your head and soul as Africans . I rest my case . " Every Roman has a right to defend Rome with his life ,in order for him to be free for the common good of Rome and the future of our citizens"as stated by Augustus Caesar . Have Africans got anyhistorical pride left in us!! . Are we men and womenwho will sell our souls , honour and pride for foreign honor, medals ,titlesin order to belittle , humiliate and degrade our race and racial pride ? Ladies and gentlemen- the choice is yours . G-d bless all Africans worldwide . Africa belongs to all Africans worldwide . Africa is the only Place that "all Africans "can call home as stated by Marcus Garvey . Remember this always - " The fact that a man is born in a stable does not make him a horse " .You are an African , no matter where you are born on Earth . He gave us that piece of Earth ( Africa) to preserve for generations still unborn . A Chinese is Chinese no matter wherever he or she is born in this world . THIS IS MAKE UP YOUR MIND TIME - GOOD BYE . Osakwe Osifo NB: Please, Please download mycomments and that of Uncle Bob to all websites that you know worldwide .Spread this message . I love you all .Note: forwarded message attached. The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" ---BeginMessage--- Respect our sovereignty, Club told By Lovemore Chikova PRESIDENT Mugabe yesterday said time might have come for Zimbabwe to leave the Commonwealth if remaining a member means losing its sovereignty. If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be re-admitted into the Commonwealth, well, we will say goodbye to the Commonwealth and perhaps time has come to say so, he said. Cde Mugabe was speaking in his graveside eulogy at the burial of national hero and former Deputy Minister of Political Affairs, Cde Norman Zikhali, at the National Heroes Acre in Harare. We want to see whether the principle of equal membership shall be sustained as we proceed to the next session of CHOGM, he said. The issue is, is it our sovereignty or is it the sovereignty of others? Is it the African solidarity and sovereignty, the solidarity of those who are non-whites or is it the strength and power of the few whites in the Commonwealth that should dominate the view of the Commonwealth? President Mugabe said Zimbabwe expected its sovereignty and that of other countries to be respected by the Commonwealth. He criticised Australian Prime Minister Mr John Howard for opposing the views of the other two members of the Commonwealth Troika Nigeria and South Africa to re-admit Zimbabwe into the grouping after the expiry of its suspension in March. We expect no less from the Commonwealth if it merits our membership, if its claim to being a club of equals is to be sustained, said President Mugabe. We have that Howard they tell me he is one of those genetically modified because of the criminal ancestry he derives from. As you know the history of Australia that criminals and thieves were banished to Australia and New Zealand and over time the theory of genetics has had its path. Zimbabwe is yet to receive an invitation to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting scheduled for next week in Abuja, Nigeria. At the forefront of trying to bar Zimbabwe from attending the meeting are white Commonwealth countries Britain, Australia and New Zealand. President Mugabe criticised some African countries for failing to defend the continents sovereignty and its solidarity. Yet others are apologetic about being nationalists; fear to be Africans; hesitate to express solidarity with us and dread to play keeper to another
ugnet_: SHOULD ZIMBABWE LEAVE COMMONWEALTH?
Should Zimbabwe leave the commonwealth? The Scrutator The confirmation last week that Zimbabwe is excluded from the Abuja CHOGM (which begins this week) should not be a surprise to any one who has been following the attendant developments over the last few months. Though the authorities in Abuja were doing everything possible to have the Zimbabwe issue behind them in preparation for what they expect to be a major showcase for both country and leader, controversy over the exclusion of the Southern African country persists and threatens to spill into CHOGM itself.As I pointed out last week, Obasanjos hurried visit to Harare two Mondays ago this week was intended as part of the process through which to ensure that the subject of Zimbabwe would at worst be a benign one during CHOGM, while simultaneously attempting a public relations exercise designed to win both sides of the divide in the Club. Given the dust that his visit to Harare stirred in both Zimbabwe and the southern African neighborhood, Obasanjo must be quietly regretting that he undertook the mission so close to the date of the Abuja CHOGM. Now, the danger is that the Zimbabwe precedent, much more than the Pakistan, Fiji and Nigerian ones, will become so centre-stage in the deliberations of the Abuja CHOGM that the Commonwealths Harare Declaration (of 1991) itself might reinforce the divide between the north and south in the Club.For very good reasons, Nigeria had hoped to have the Abuja CHOGM so bereft of controversy and acrimony that it would go down as being the best in a decade, during which previous summits have threatened the very foundations of a club delicately held together historically, in the relationship between the former colonizer (and its white dominions) on the one hand and its former colonies in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, on the other.The arrival of world leaders to the country for the meeting, beamed Nigerian Information Minister, Chief Chukwuemeka Chikelu, last Tuesday, goes a long way in telling the international community that Nigeria is safe and peaceful CHOGM is a good opportunity to showcase that we have the potentials. We shall ensure that the opportunity is not wasted, especially in the area of investments what we put out is vital and important as we hope to attract investors through the meeting Chikelu added that the hosting of the meeting by Nigeria was an endorsement of the country by the international community; it also showed that Nigeria had been accepted as a major player in the international community. Also, it has since emerged that a previous plan, presumably sometime in the 1970s, to have a CHOGM in Nigeria had been spurned due to the Zimbabwe issue. At that time, Nigeria-through none less than Obasanjo himself as military head of state-was one of the African states at the forefront of the support base for the liberation of Southern Africa. Thus, through both the late Murtala Mohammed and his successor Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria had earned the status of being one of the Frontline States of Southern Africa, even so geographically distant from the scene.Indeed, Southern Africans in general and Southern Africa and Zimbabwe in particular, owe a debt of gratitude to Nigeria, even if the latters commitment to African liberation should be taken for granted. It was Obasanjo as the military head of state of Nigeria, that harangued the British and threw BP Shell and other British companies out of the west African country - all in response to Britains failure to deal with Ian Smith and his UDI. In the final analysis, it was Nigerias contribution to the war effort in 1978/79 that would have helped tilt Zimbabwes struggle towards victory, making it possible for the Lancaster House Talks in 1979 and assisted in the training of military and other personnel in preparation for independence.Obasanjo was at the heart of all these initiatives; now, he will want all concerned to know and understand that he has not changed his stance nor sacrificed the principles of African liberation. On the contrary, he hopes that the occasion of the Abuja CHOGM will be the agency through which to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis in keeping with the letter and spirit of the Marlborough Statement of March, 2002; while simultaneously playing out the occasion itself as a major showcase for both himself and his country.If he succeeds in all this, Obasanjo will emerge as a great international statesman, who is able to transcend the racial overtones that have so far plagued the Commonwealth.It has been clear, particularly ever since March this year that he will not allow the Zimbabwe issue to stand in the way of Nigerias opportunity to host CHOGM.In retrospect, it might account also for the ambivalence while some of his detractors call it double dealing, that has characterized Obasanjos conduct over the Zimbabwe issue, including, as one of my South African colleagues put it, the
ugnet_: THE COMMON WEALTH FACES COLLAPSE
Club faces collapse Political Editor Munyaradzi Huni THE non-participation of Zimbabwe at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting set for Abuja, Nigeria, from December 5 to 8 could see the death of the colonial grouping as the black Commonwealth countries are against the "unfair treatment" of Zimbabwe by the white Commonwealth, African and European diplomats in Harare have predicted. The diplomats added that Zimbabwe should not attend Chogm even if it receives a last minute invitation as Nigeria has "failed to handle the matter properly by succumbing to pressure from the white Commonwealth". Foreign Ministers in the Southern African region last week met in Pretoria, South Africa, where they urged the Commonwealth not to isolate Zimbabwe. Speaking during separate interviews with The Sunday Mail, the diplomats, who spoke on conditions of anonymity, said the black Commonwealth should go to Abuja "to kill" the Commonwealth as it is now being used to show British dominance. "For the past four to six months, we have been going around the country to see for ourselves whether the allegations about human rights abuses are true and we discovered that these allegations were not true. "We are sending our findings to our leaders so that when they go to Abuja, they will argue with facts and not media reports," said one African diplomat. The diplomat added that Zimbabwe should not only attend Chogm but should be re-admitted into the Commonwealth Councils. "The suspension is not warranted and Zimbabwe should be re-admitted without any debate." Another African diplomat said: "Now that the white Commonwealth seems to have won the battle to force Nigeria not to invite Zimbabwe to Chogm, the black Commonwealth should go to Abuja to kill the Commonwealth. "The grouping reminds us of the horrible years under British rule and if the British are now using the same to show their dominance lets show them that the Club is useless and we can do without it. "Maybe Nigeria was under lots of pressure from the white Commonwealth, but the black Commonwealth can never be overwhelmed." "Abuja should be the venue where the Commonwealth will meet its death because of the Zimbabwean issue." The diplomat said Zimbabwe should not attend the Meeting even if it receives a last-minute invite as President Olusegun Obasanjo has "not handled the Zimbabwean issue properly". "Zimbabwe should not even bother going to Abuja. Other countries will represent them," said the diplomat. President Mugabe on Friday said time might have come for Zimbabwe to leave the Commonwealth if remaining a member meant losing its sovereignty. "If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be re-admitted into the Commonwealth, well, we will say goodbye to the Commonwealth and perhaps time has come to say so," said President Mugabe in his graveside speech at the burial of national hero Cde Norman Zikhali at the National Heroes Acre. The President criticised some African countries saying: "Yet others are apologetic about being nationalists; fear to be Africans; hesitate to express solidarity with us and dread to play keeper to another African brother. "They allow neo-colonialists and neo-imperialists to drive us to apologise for representing and pursuing our interests." Zimbabwe is still to get an invite to Chogm, which is now a few days away. The country was suspended from the Commonwealth Councils last year after the presidential elections and was supposed to be re-admitted in March this year but the Australian Prime Minister, Mr John Howard, is alleged to have abused his chairmanship to influence the groupings secretariat led by Mr Don McKinnon to extend the suspension. This was despite the fact that two members of the troika on Zimbabwe, South African President Thabo Mbeki and President Obasanjo were calling for the re-admission of the country into the Commonwealth Councils. Several countries, including Malaysia and Uganda, and regional and continental groupings have came out in the open calling for the re-admission of Zimbabwe into the Commonwealth Councils and the invitation of the country to Chogm. "We think Zimbabwe has been treated unfairly. Boycotting the Abuja meeting is an option but I think we should attend the meeting to kill the Commonwealth once and for all. This is the right opportunity for the black Commonwealth to do away with this grouping, which other than reminding us of colonialism is useless. "The black Commonwealth should either be thinking of forming a new organisation or joining other progressive groupings," said one African diplomat. Zambian leader Mr Levy Mwanawasa has said he would attend the Abuja meeting as not doing so would allow those countries that wished to isolate Zimbabwe to "draw up their plans". One European diplomat said the British were "killing" the Commonwealth because of their opposition to the land reform programme in Zimbabwe. "We have been following the
ugnet_: J KABILA IS NOT AS BAD AS DAD
CONGOKINSHASAThe Economist Nov 15 - Nov 22Not as bad as Dad, but worries are growing about the the young president, Joseph Kabila. -The 32-year old president's handsome face is quite unlike that of his murderedpredecessor, whose jowly image adorns his office walls. But the handshake is thesame. Joseph Kabila, the Democratic Republic of Congo's leader, has his fatherLaurent's meaty hands. This is startling, because Mr Kabila has done mercifullylittle else to recall his dreadful father, one of the architects of Congo's tangledfive-year war, which has claimed at least 3m lives.In July, Mr Kabila declared the war over, and accepted his main rebel enemiesinto a government of national unity.But, as Congo's delicate transition begins,there are signs, mostly still hazy, that Mr Kabila may yet turn out to be hisfather's son.Under the terms of a peace deal signed last year, Mr Kabila gave his armed andunarmed opponents three out of four vice-presidencies and some 40 ministries inthe new government. Mr Kabila and the rebels have all pledged to form political parties to fight elections due within three years.Yet Mr Kabila appears to remain in control-at least, as much as anyone can be insuch a vast, violent and roadless place as Congo.This may reflect Mr Kabila's relative popularity. Having grown up in Tanzania, he isscarcely known to the Congolese, but many credit him with bringing peace.Congo's latest bout of war began when Rwanda invaded it from the east in 1998and most of Congo's neighbours piled in on one side or the other. Earlier this year,at least in part thanks to Mr Kabila'sensible diplomacy, the last foreign troopswithdrew, leaving their increasingly isolated rebel proxies behind. These are thegroups that Mr Kabila has accepted into his government in Kinshasa, the capital.By comparison, Azarias Ruberwa, one of his new vice-presidents, may be the mostdetested man in Congo. His rebel group, the Rally for Congolese Democracy(RCD), was raised and run by Rwanda.Even in the distant east, which the RCD still controls, Mr Ruberwa is considereda traitor. Nor is Jean-Pierre Bemba, another rebel vice-president, universally loved.The irascible Mr Bemba was recently referred to the UN's International Criminal Courtat The Hague in connnection with his Ugandan-backed fighters'alleged penchant foreating rainforest-dwelling pygmies - which Mr Bemba denies.Still, in Congo, where no democratic election has ever been held, popularity isless important than cash. And here too, Mr Kabila's faction appears to havethe upper hand.To accomodate the 40 new ministers, many old ministries were broken up.In the process, the old government managed to claw back some lucrative portofolios,including those that dispense licences to distibute oil and set up mobile-phonenetworks.Diamond exports are also subject to the old regime's rules, despite the effortsof an energetic new minister of mines, who recently tried to block the exportof stones worth 10m to an Israeli-run company, but was overruled by his deputy-Mr Kabila's former chief of mines.Another of Mr Kabila's allies is Katumba Mwanke, the new government's secretarygeneral, whom the UN has accused of involvement in the theft of state assetsworth more than $5 billion.Mr Kabila may have some dodgy friends, but he has some good advisers too.Last year the economy grew by 3%, despite half the country being in rebel hands.In delight, foreign donors pledged aid worth more than $2.5 billion. But diplomats inKinshasa are beginning to sound queasy. The president's friends, they say, arebecoming a problem.Mr Kabila would rather discuss the election he promises to hold. His party isalready holding rallies, even though, other parties are forbidden to do so.Elections are hard to imagine, however. Fighting still rages in the east, and thecountry has virtually no infrastructure. In remote areas, people have returned tonudity for want of clothes. But if Congo is to be put together again, an electionwill have to be held.The Economist / Nov 15-Nov 22. The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
ugnet_: Obasanjo openly snubbing African solidarity
Obasanjo openly snubbing African solidarity By William G. Nhara The decision by the President of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, not to invite Zimbabwe to next weeks Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting is regrettable. That decision puts to question Nigerias foreign policy, as having the defence of African interests, as one of its main pillars. In January 1960, Nigerian Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa, affirmed that, "Nigeria will have a wonderful opportunity to speak for the continent of Africa". Numerous pronouncements of Nigerian leaders over the decades appear to point to Nigerias consistent articulation of the interests and aspirations of the weak nations; national self-determination, non-intervention, collective security, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the juridical sovereign equality of all nations and racial equality are salient principles and issue areas in which Nigeria has demonstrated intense persistent interest and concern. Given Nigerias history, how are we to judge President Obasanjo. Is Obasanjo to go into Nigerias annuls as a president who played to the whims of the West. Obasanjos decision on Zimbabwe and his voltaire face on his prisoner Charles Taylor comes at a time when Nigeria is seeking World Bank and IMF support for its national development and what better bargaining tool than to deliver the scalps of the two. One is left to wonder whether Obasanjo is a double dealer in typical West African style or an imperialist tool at the hands of the West. In as much as Nigeria will be prepared to go to war over its oil, one would have thought that Nigeria would have understood that the issue at hand in the white Commonwealths fight against Zimbabwe is nothing more than Zimbabwes assertion over its land. When is one greater than two and when is a majority less than a minority? The answer to these questions is when the one and minority is white and when white interests are at stake. The issues over rule of law, democracy and good governance are nothing but a smokescreen of the real issues. How does Howard "the Coward" explain his treatment of Aborigines in Australia and the gross violation of human rights in New Zealand where the Maoris are not allowed to walk the streets after midnight. How does one explain the fact that President Obasanjo is presiding over the same Commonwealth that recently pronounced Nigerias elections to have failed to meet that bodys "standards"? Obasanjo lashed out at the West for failing to understand the notions of democracy, saying "Nigeria is Nigeria and standards differ". After Obasanjos bark even President Bush kept quite. Speaking of unflinching African solidarity, one is brought to remember that in October 1995, Nigerian military ruler, General Abacha, had intended to put Obasanjo to the gallows. It took the stature of President Mugabe as head of an OAU troika, to convince Abacha to spare Obasanjo for me that is African solidarity. I find it baffling that the Commonwealth is failing to give Zimbabwe room and an opportunity to present its case. It is very clear that the Commonwealth observer group to Zimbabwes elections had an over representation of observers from Australia, Canada and New Zealand. These countries had already declared, in advance, the elections as not being "free and fair" and were already campaigning for Zimbabwes suspension from the Commonwealth. The decision to exclude Zimbabwe from Abuja sets a very dangerous precedent, which must be opposed in the interests of integrity and internal cohesion of the Commonwealth. It has become acceptable that the British Government has brought Zimbabwe to its current predicament by reneging on its historical colonial obligations. Zimbabwes land reform programme is now history and the country should be allowed to forge with its developmental efforts. Zimbabwe should be allowed to chart is destiny. Zimbabwe should be allowed to be Zimbabwe again. What is clear from the current goings on is the fact that the Commonwealth does not stand for the interests of justice and equity. It does not stand for development and empowerment of the majority. It is a paternalistic organisation of the British and its cousins. One would tend to agree with the general public feeling that the Commonwealth is no longer very relevant in todays diplomacy for Zimbabwe, the future of Zimbabwes engagement in the organisation is relatively easy to ascertain. For those member countries that are not inhabited by people of British descent, the Commonwealth is no more than an imperial junkyard bordered by strong, almost invisible, silken threads from which it will take more than the normal political courage and will power left in the breasts of the mentally emasculated and suitably educationally conditioned mind of the ex-colonial man to escape. It is only by deliberately deciding to leave the Commonwealth can we begin to recreate the political clan with which to move
ugnet_: TWO SOUTH KOREAN WORKERS KILLED IN IRAQ
36 minutes ago SEOUL, South Korea - Two South Korean electricians were shot and killed in Iraq (news - web sites) near Saddam Hussein (news - web sites)'s hometown of Tikrit, the Yonhap news agency reported early Monday. The two were shot while riding in a car on their way to Tikrit, north of Baghdad, where they had been working at an electric power transmission station, the South Korean news agency quoted Foreign Ministry Director General Lee Kwang-jae as saying. The report did not say when the shooting occurred. The electricians worked for a firm contracted by a U.S. company to lay electric power lines, Yonhap reported. The dead were Lee Sang-won and Lim Dae-shik, according to the Foreign Ministry director. He said officials from South Korea (news - web sites)'s embassy in Iraq were on their way to the scene. The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
ugnet_: WE KNOW THE ENEMY
The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
ugnet_: LATES INFORMATION FROM NORTHERN UGANDA
THE ECHO NORTHERN NEWS EXTRA For un-censored news from Northern Uganda ISSUE No. 3 30 November 2003 Introduction.Whilst it is true that the overwhelming victims of the Northern conflict have indeed been the civilian population of the affected areas, it is equally true to say that every village, town or district in Uganda have been affected by the current troubles in one way or another. If it must be said, it is true that every village in Uganda have at one time or another had to receive its war dead from the current war (some villages more than others). Therefore it is only fair upon Ugandans that they get to know some real stories as to what is actually going on i.e. tales of "those chaps are stone throwers" whilst Ugandans bury their dead sons and daughters, simply won't do. We, at the Echo strongly believe that the truth must be told. Therefore in this issue, as in the previous, we bring you more revelations as to what is actually going on in Northern Uganda. On behalf of the team, I bid you a good read. UPDF shoots civilians in a Pub.On 24th October 2003, soldiers of the UPDF came to assassinate the owner of Carina pub in Kitgum "town quarter", a gentleman by the name of Nazareth Odiya. According to eyewitnesses, this is what happened:A smartly dressed UPDF soldier was seen in and around the pub, minutes before gunshots were heard inside the establishment. The soldier fired shots randomly, but these were to scare people both inside and outside the pub from coming to the aid of Mr. Odiya. The soldier then moved coolly for their target. The deceased on realising that he had been cornered wrestled with the armed UPDF soldier and took is gun away from him. It was at this point that other UPDF soldiers who had joined their colleague shot Mr. Odiya dead. The UPDF soldiers then quickly left the scene, leaving behind the AK 47 which Mr. Odiya had priced from their colleague.The following day, the people through their LC1 chairman Mr. Obonyo, delivered the AK47 to the police as evidence. A few days later it was learnt that the police had handed the gun back to "Gang Dyang" barrack where the assailant is believed to have come from. This also marked the end of the case as far as the police were concerned.Observers believe that Mr Odiya's murder was politically motivated and suspect the involvement of the KAP (Kalangala Action Plan) death squad. They point to the high level involvement of senior figures in the military who were responsible for putting pressure on the police to drop the case forthwith.Does the LRA really fight civilians..If one is to believe UPDF propaganda, the only time they encounter the LRA is in ambushes. But the truth though is far from what the UPDF would make us believe. Whilst it is indeed true, that the UPDF have unleashed the psuedo-LRA force to make it look like the war in the north is between the civilian population and the LRA, the reality is that the LRA is fighting the UPDF every single day in the north. The only times when the LRA don't fight the UPDF is when the UPDF literally run for dear life. And you have to be in Gulu, Kitgum or Pader and let there be a rumour that the LRA have been spotted in the vicinity of town and you'll see our mighty army fleeing before your very eyes like children for dear life. See below for more of what goes on between the two forces... On 2nd October 2003, the LRA attacked the UPDF barracks at Pajule, which is inside the Internally Displaced People's camp and killed over 100 UPDF soldiers after over running the base. The LRA then went ahead and collected over 400 people for what it called welfare reasons. The LRA explained that they wanted to allow the UPDF space so that it couldcollect and bury its dead. The LRA said they didn't want the decomposing copses affecting the health and welfare of the civilians. Of those who were taken by the LRA was the paramount chief of Pajule, Rwot Oywak. After 3 days at the LRA base, the civilians including Rwot Oywak were all released unarmed. The UPDF later put out a statement saying they had rescued 400 abducted civilians.On 5th October 2003, the LRA attacked UPDF positions in Puranga, southwest of Pader district near corner Rackoko. In the battle (which the UPDF later said they were ambushed), the LRA killed 46 UPDF soldiers, whilst seriously wounding 18 others. The rest of the UPDF soldiers at Puranga fled the scene. Sources revealed that before the encounter, there were 115 UPDF soldiers at Puranga. On the same day, there was a major battle between the UPDF and the LRA at Patongo. An eyewitness said at least 70 UPDF soldiers lost their lives in the encounter. Sources reveal that after the LRA had beaten the UPDF, reinforcements came and sealed off the area, with nobody allowed to bear witness to the scene.On 31 October 2003, the LRA killed 88 UPDF soldiers in Kalaki-Kaberamaido district. According to reliable sources, 3
ugnet_: Profile Lord's Resistance Army on NPR
Although the title of this broadcast [link below] is a bit misleading to me, it kind of gives some aspect of life in Acoli correctly or not. Without mentioning names, let me thank those who were involved in making it possible for NPR's Jason Beaubien to file the report. As you might have realized lately (in Europe and the US), the campaign we started two years ago to free the northern population from bondage is beginning to bare fruits. Its is up to us now to direct the harvesting of the fruits. NPR is a nationally syndicated and publicly supported radio in the US. Its signal is heard through our the US. Ochan Otim === National Public Radio: Profile: Lord's Resistance Army http://www.npr.org/rundowns/segment.php?wfId=1525463 Just click on the headline or the audio icon to listen to the story. You'll need an audio player to hear it, and you can find the right one for your computer at http://www.npr.org/audiohelp/audioplayers.html. If you have any problems, please visit the NPR audio help page http://www.npr.org/audiohelp/index.html. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
Re: ugnet_: Profile Lord's Resistance Army on NPR
Thank you, Dr. Otim. F.N. LugemwaOchan Otim [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote: Although the title of this broadcast [link below] is a bit misleading to me, it kind of gives some aspect of life in Acoli correctly or not.Without mentioning names, let me thank those who were involved in making it possible for NPR's Jason Beaubien to file the report. As you might have realized lately (in Europe and the US), the campaign we started two years ago to free the northern population from bondage is beginning to bare fruits. Its is up to us now to direct the harvesting of the fruits.NPR is a nationally syndicated and publicly supported radio in the US. Its signal is heard through our the US.Ochan Otim==="National Public Radio: Profile: Lord's Resistance Army"Just click on the headline o r the audio icon to listen to the story. You'll need an audio player to hear it, and you can find the right one for your computer at . If you have any problems, please visit the NPR audio help page .This service is hosted on the Infocom networkhttp://www.infocom.co.ug Do you Yahoo!? Free Pop-Up Blocker - Get it now
ugnet_: The Hearts of Darkness - a complement to the post on Obasanjo gov. and Zimbabwe
In response to the post from Br. Mulindwa Edward, journalist acitivist Br. Milton Allimadi requested that the following article, which he authored, be sent as a complement. If you wish to comment on the article be sure to send it to [EMAIL PROTECTED] (milton allimadi) as well as the particular group(s). Roy Walker Subj: The Hearts of Darkness Date: 11/30/2003 11:32:27 AM Central Standard Time From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (milton allimadi) To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Thank you for forwarding the article. Totally agree with. Also please pass around the attached article. regards, Milton Extra!, August 2003 Inventing Africa New York Times archives reveal a history of racist fabrication By Milton Allimadi When New York Times reporters such as Lloyd Garrison in the 1960s and Joseph Lelyveld in the 1980s filed news stories from Africa, editors at the Times routinely fabricated scenes and manufactured quotes for their articles. In some instances, the foreign editor colluded with the reporter to manufacture scenes that they believed would conform to the racist stereotypical biases that U.S. readers had come to expect in reports from Africa. When I brought these examples of racist journalistic concoctions to the attention of New York Times editors more than 10 years ago, I was virtually ignored. That's why recent assertions by Times editors that reporter Jayson Blair's concoctions and fabrications reflected a "low point" in the newspaper's 152-year history (5/11/03) were disingenuous. A much lower point had been reached in the 1960s, when the newspaper began covering Africa consistently, as I discovered when I dug up documents from the Times' archives in 1992. At the time, I was a Columbia journalism grad student researching the evolution of the paper's African coverage. As nationalism swept across Africa in the early '60s, the New York Times sent Homer Bigart, the famous two-time Pulitzer-winning reporter, to cover the transition. In Ghana, Bigart wasn't impressed by independence hero Kwame Nkrumah, as a letter he sent to foreign editor Emanuel Freedman in January 1960 reveals: I'm afraid I cannot work up any enthusiasm for the emerging republics. The politicians are either crooks or mystics. Dr. Nkrumah is a Henry Wallace in burnt cork. I vastly prefer the primitive bush people. After all, cannibalism may be the logical antidote to this population explosion everyone talks about. When I first discovered Bigart's letter, I assumed that--even with the prevalent racism of the time--it reflected the ranting of one racist reporter. Then as I read the reports that Bigart filed from Africa that purported to be straight news reporting, I found a near-perfect correlation between the language he used in his letters and the feelings he expressed in the purported "news" reports. Bigart's favorite terms in reference to Africans included "barbaric," "macabre," "grotesque" and "savage." Typical of his prose was an article published in the Times on January 31, 1960, under the headline "Barbarian Cult Feared in Nigeria." Focusing on a reported incident of communal violence, Bigart assumed a jaunty and derogative tone, writing: "A pocket of barbarism still exists in eastern Nigeria despite some success by the regional government in extending a crust of civilization over the tribe of the pagan Izi." He went on: A momentary lapse into cannibalism marked the closing days of 1959, when two men killed in a tribal clash were partly consumed by enemies in the Cross River country below Obubra. Garroting was the society's favored method of execution. None of the victims was eaten, at least not by society members. Less lurid but equally effective ways were found to dispose of them. According to the police, about 26 were weighed with stones and timber and thrown into flooded rivers. No trace has been found of these bodies. A few were buried in ant heaps. But most became human fertilizer for the yam crops. "Where else but the Times?" Foreign editor Freedman shared Bigart's contempt for Africans and the assignment. In a letter to his African explorer, dated March 4, 1960, Freedman wrote: This is just a note to say hello and to tell you how much your peerless prose from the badlands is continuing to give us and your public. By now you must be American journalism's leading expert on sorcery, witchcraft, cannibalism and all the other exotic phenomena indigenous to darkest Africa. All this and nationalism too! Where else but in the New York Times can you get all this for a nickel? When the savages were nowhere to be found, Bigart and Freedman took matters into their own hands. As independence neared for what was then Belgian Congo, Bigart complained to Freedman in a May 29, 1960 letter from Leopoldville, which is now Kinshasa: "I had hoped to find pygmies voting and interview them on the meaning of independence but they were all in the woods. I did see several lions, however, and from Usumbura I sent a
ugnet_: AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS BRING MORE AIDS TO SCOTLAND
African Immigrants Bring More AIDS To ScotlandBy Mandy Rhodes The Scotsman - UK11-30-3 There has been a huge increase in cases of HIV infection among people coming to Scotland from Africa, according to figures published by the National Health Service. In the past four years, the number of new cases of HIV among heterosexual Africans in Scotland has more than trebled. Experts believe the rise poses as big a threat to society as the virus did among gay men and intravenous drug users in the 1980s. Then, only an unprecedented public health campaign and radical measures, such as needle exchange schemes for addicts, prevented an explosion in HIV and AIDS. "How we identify this group to offer them a test is the number one public health priority in HIV," said Professor David Goldberg, a consultant epidemiologist at the Scottish Centre for Infection and Environmental Health. "It is essential we have a testing strategy specifically designed for Africans living in Scotland." In 1999, the centre recorded 23 new cases of HIV among heterosexual Africans. That rose to 31 in 2000 and 36 in 2001 - but last year, the number reached 74. By the end of September this year, 50 cases had been recorded and it is predicted the total will reach a new high. Prof Goldberg said there was evidence that African sub-types of HIV have spread among the general population in Scotland. He added: "Offering tests to people coming into this country should be a priority and presented as a benefit to the individual as well as Scotland. We were able to do this in the early 1980s, when we targeted gay men and drug injectors." On Monday - World Aids Day - Prof Goldberg will debate the issue with Dr Mac Armstrong, the Scottish Executive's chief medical officer, and professionals working in the field of HIV. Of the 34.3 million people in the world with the virus, two-thirds live in sub-Saharan Africa. In countries such as Botswana, prevalence rates rise as high as one in three and in South Africa, half of all teenagers are estimated to be HIV positive. In contrast, Britain has a prevalence rate of 0.11 per cent. Africans who have tested positive in Scotland are a combination of asylum seekers, immigrants and students. In all, nearly 6,000 asylum seekers have been moved to Glasgow under the Home Office's dispersal strategy. HIV figures in Greater Glasgow have, for the first time, overtaken Lothian. ©2003 Scotsman.com http://www.news.scotsman.com/health.cfm?id=1314252003 The Mulindwas Communication Group"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
ugnet_:
Why Ugandas bishops Date: Sun, 30 Nov 2003 20:26:56 + Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed Why Ugandas bishops Nov 30 - Dec 6, 2003 A few weeks ago, Catholic prelate, Emmanuel Cardinal Wamala was the subject of attack for daring to make a political statement opposing President Musevenis perceived bid for a third term. Weeks later, Anglican prelate Archbishop Livingstone Nkoyoyo said that talking about third term now was a waste of energy. Juma A. Okuku delves into the politics of Christian Church in Uganda and why it has failed to drive democracy unlike its Kenya counterpart. The Christian churches have been involved, albeit differently, in the Kenyan and Ugandan democratisation processes for some time. For decades, Christian churches in Kenya have been at the centre of the pressures for democratisation while in Uganda, they have rarely spearheaded democratic change but have instead, mediated between state power and the general population. The Kenya case The opportunity or capacity of the church to engage in the process of democratisation in Kenya has been facilitated by three factors its organisational resources, the deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the country and by the emergence of an oppressive one-party state in the post-colonial era. In regard to the latter process, the church was one of the institutions that managed to retain a degree of corporate independence from the state. It is this organisational resource that was put to critical use in the struggle against oppression in the 1980s and 1990s. Originating from the colonial period, the dense network of structures, bodies and organisations of the church in virtually every social and economic sphere, gave it an organisational distinctiveness. In the struggle for change, both the established Christian churches and their collective entities, the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) and the Evangelical Fellowship of Kenya (EFK), demonstrated a willingness to reach out to the disenfranchised and those on the margins of society. As a space of integration and construction of solidarities and because of its ability to combine both scarce and profane resources, the church in this way came to enjoy a specific type of power, namely, a power to deliver and a power to tame and define reality. It is from this position that its most important ministers spoke out. Concurrently, deteriorating socio-economic conditions gave the church even more legitimacy as it expanded its social and economic projects. A further opportunity for the church arose as a result of the rise of an oppressive one-party state in Kenya. When civil society is repressed by a state, churches often remain zones of freedom and tend to take up the political functions of the repressed. As a result, due to its popular credibility, the church becomes one of the only remaining tools available for the expression of dissatisfaction and the urge for change in the country. The church in Kenya contributed to the establishment of pluralism in a number of ways. First, it was central in generating and sustaining a public discourse on democracy and change. It criticised excesses in the exercise of state power. It protested against changes in the electoral law, which removed the secret ballot and replaced it with a public queuing system; it denounced the brutal evictions of squatters in Nairobi and the state-engineered ethnic clashes in the Rift valley, which had turned it into an unhappy valley. The discourse that the church forced upon the state created an atmosphere conducive to change by accelerating processes aimed at transformation that were already underway. This discourse was informed by the conviction that the question of power and oppression was not a preserve of government and politicians. The late Bishop Muge perhaps summed this up most aptly while addressing the Church of the Province of Kenyas Youth Organisation, He warned that the church couldnt compromise theological issues with secular or temporal matters. The church was urged to protest when God-given rights and liberties are violated. The church had a special duty to give voice to the voiceless. Reverend B. Njoroge Kariuki went a step further: The church has a duty beyond the rescue of victims of oppression. It must try to destroy the cause of oppression. The church will have to enter the political arena to do this. In a sense, therefore, the clergy was concerned that civil liberties had been curtailed and saw it as their duty to contribute to bringing about change. While the church contributed tremendously to democratisation process in Kenya, there were limitations in that much of the political stance taken during the process of political liberalisation was largely a function of ethnicity and political patronage. The social bases of most of the activist institutions were ethnic groups with
ugnet_: War worth it? Depends on how we do the math
War worth it? Depends on how we do the math Emilio Degrazia * *Emilio Degrazia, of Winona, is a writer and professor emeritus at Winona State University. 11/29/03: (Star Tribune) It's good to have some numbers now: 10,000 Iraqi civilians dead, and 5,000 Bad Guys still alive, give or take a few here and there. Numbers with a tidiness inversely proportional to the messiness of the war. With the Iraqi population numbered at 24 million and the cost of the war figured at $40 billion (for 10 months so far), with $87.5 billion more scheduled for delivery soon, we so far have targeted $5,312 at each Iraqi man, woman and child. If we earmark only half the $87.5 billion to kill the remaining 5,000 Bad Guys, then each remaining Bad Guy's death will cost us $8.75 million, with the other half left over to clean up the messes. Since we have no numbers on how many Bad Guys were killed in the earlier phases of the war, their deaths are incalculable. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld recently complained about the "cost-efficiency ratio" of the war. Adversaries of the United States, he said, spend a mere million for every billion we put out. Are we getting our money's worth? A lot depends on how we count. Let's, for example, figure that each dead Iraqi, Bad Guy or not, typically has parents, a child or two, a grandparent, a favorite grocer, barber, baker, banker, several neighbors and acquaintances, a half-dozen close friends, dozens more cousins and in-laws, a few living abroad, perhaps here in the United States. How many do we include in the typical sphere of influence emanating from the bull's-eye center of each casualty? A hundred or more individuals, from friendly to intimate? How many of these spheres of influence overlap -- and how many reach back to the first Gulf War and beyond to our longtime support of Saddam Hussein before 1990? What percentage of individuals in these overlapping spheres will turn out to be our friends? The casualties in all wars, civilian or not, speak through the actions of those who survive to carry the burdens and grief of the victims of war. Can we honestly say that if one of our children or aunts were killed by a bomb or stray bullet made in the U.S.A. we'd love the Americans more than we do the oppressor Saddam? How can we keep the poison from spreading to the schoolyard, the neighborhood, the mosque? So what's the bottom line? Our expensive killing machines are winning more recruits for extremists determined to push radical agendas by inspiring victims to avenge their dead. Worldwide terrorism is spreading, in part because the moral force of spreading "democracy and freedom" through military might is bankrupt and has little appeal to the masses who would welcome democracy and freedom. People worldwide are not clueless about how the profits of those running the military/industrial complex are swelling, even as the gap between rich and poor both worldwide and in the United States is widening. There are more effective ways to get at the root causes of "terrorism." Economic, educational, moral, and diplomatic power is forceful and real. This kind of power requires patience, imagination, and cooperation. It requires new thinking, a new start, new leadership with fresh ideas. And it will trim billions from the huge debt that will diminish our schools, municipalities, health services, and children for decades to come. Emilio Degrazia, of Winona, is a writer and professor emeritus at Winona State University. © Copyright 2003 Star Tribune.
ugnet_: Inside story of how Washington is losing its bottle
Inside story of how Washington is losing its bottle Andrew Neil *(* from Scotman.com) IN NEW York the mood is buoyant as the American economy continues to purr at a satisfying rate, but 250 miles to the south in Washington DC there is increasing private gloom among those in the know that events in Afghanistan and Iraq are going badly wrong - and growing despair about what to do about it. President Bushs bold Thanksgiving trip to Baghdad gave US troops a much-needed fillip and he said all the right things. But behind the scenes the war on terror is going badly wrong in its two main theatres. "In both places it is worse than you think," I was warned before arriving in the US capital for a series of off-the-record briefings. The warning was accurate. Take Afghanistan first. You dont read or see much about it these days. The reality is grim. The Taliban is resurgent; al-Qaeda is there too, but not as relevant as it was. Attacks on aid workers are soaring; many are refusing to leave the urban areas. The warlords are back in control of the countryside, where opium production is already above pre-invasion levels. "Afghanistan is a narco-economy once more," said one intelligence analyst. The Taliban regularly mounts attacks in the rural areas and is expected to hit urban centres with greater force. "If they knew how weak we were," confided one intelligence source, "they would have done it already." Coalition forces are confined to Vietnam-style strategic hamlets from which they emerge for operations only in great force, before returning to their enclaves. Hamid Karzais grip on power is tenuous.. There are now an average of 130 attacks a day on coalition forces Last week the Los Angeles Times reported on its front page that loads of recruits are quitting the fledgling Afghan army because of pitiful pay. The US wont provide figures, but an Afghan officer said: "We have roughly 6,000 trained soldiers, out of whom no less than 2,000 have left." The US says it plans to have 70,000 soldiers in the force; nobody has any idea from whence they will come. Yet despite the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, a huge amount of US military assets have been shifted to Iraq. The Germans now make up the biggest part of the coalition forces along with various other European contingents. Washington fears they will not stay for long when casualties start to mount. "The prognosis for Afghanistan is miserable," was how one US intelligence source concluded his briefing. It is not much better for Iraq. There are now an average of 130 attacks a day on coalition (mainly American) forces; almost 100 coalition troops have been killed in November, the grimmest month so far. "We only have a third of the forces we need to fight the insurgents," one former US diplomat told me. The intelligence is threadbare too: US commanders have no real idea who they are up against, except that they are well-organised remnants of Saddams Baathist regime, supplemented with some al-Qaeda-type Islamo-fascists. "We still dont really know who is behind the attacks," I was told. "So we just go around kicking doors in - which is exactly what the enemy wants us to do." The US forces might lack purpose or direction but there are plenty of both to the insurgents attacks. The UN was specifically targeted; it is now effectively gone from Iraq. Next were the various non-government organisations trying to assist in building a better Iraq; they, including the Red Cross, have also headed for the exit. Then it was the turn of what few allies America has in Iraq, specifically the Italians. Those most at risk now are Iraqis co-operating with the US. Last week a US commander reported a slackening of attacks on his own troops because the insurgents were concentrating on assassinating those they see as quislings. Now it is the Americans themselves who seem to be in a rush for the exit. On September 22 Condoleezza Rice, the presidents national security adviser, attacked France for suggesting a speedier transfer of power to Iraqis. Yet since President Bush summoned Paul Bremer, his Iraqi governor general, to the White House, that is exactly what is happening. Bush wants a substantial withdrawal of US forces before next Novembers elections. Former Pentagon favourite, Ahmad Chalabi, is dismayed: "The whole thing [the speedier transfer of power] was set up so President Bush could come to the airport in October [2004] for a ceremony to congratulate the new Iraqi government." The consequences on the ground are apparent. Until recently, US forces took 12 weeks to train Iraqis for the new police force; that has been speeded up to one week. No proper checks on individuals are being done, so trainees have been infiltrated with insurgent spies. US intelligence officers were horrified to discover recently that the insurgents even had details of Bremers schedule. Bush is fond of saying that America did not spend so much in men and materiel
ugnet_: How will the new judges shape the law?
Comment Monday, December 1, 2003 How will the new judges shape the law?By AHMED ADAN While the most immediate effect of Narc's coming to power has been to strengthen the President's hand in dealing with the threat of corruption, the most important long-term effect may be how the new High Court judges will shape the direction of Kenyan law . There has been too much misleading rhetoric about corruption in the Judiciary. But in my view, the bigger question we have been overlooking is the ideological and philosophical background of those now coming into the Bench who will be interpreting our law. This, to me, is the real litmus test of where Kenyan jurisprudence will be heading. Like in politics, there are two broad streams of judicial thinking. One is conservative, the other liberal. The convention has been that whether liberal or conservative, judges are there not to impose their own ideology, but to enforce the laws passed by others, including the supreme law the Constitution. The recently-appointed judges are a diverse lot. Some were picked from academia, others from the existing Judiciary, others from the Bar, and still others from the non-practising private sector. Some others were even acknowledged activists and NGO operatives. There is also one connected with the Church. It stands to reason that they represent very different ideologies and backgrounds. We should therefore not be surprised if they arrive at conflicting judgments from time to time. Conservative and liberal judges alike interpret the Constitution. The question is, what interpretation ought to govern? The recent judicial appointments were done in two batches. The first lot were unmistakeably liberal in that their previous orientation has tended to be parallel to the status quo. A judge like Martha Koome (a feminist) cannot be described otherwise than as a liberal. It is the second batch of appointments which represents a mixed bag, with lawyers of a conservative bent seeming to be clinging on. Conservative judges can be defined both by the ideas they hold as well as how they view their job vis-a-vis what they perceive to be the wishes of the appointing authority. By and large, they are uncomfortable in territory that could be threatening to that status quo. The crucial thing to remember is that status quo lawyers did not disappear with the previous regime. New ones will step in. They, too, qualify to be called conservative like those of the past. The disadvantage of judicial conservatism is its narrow and literal interpretations which usually blocks the overall development of the law. A controversial former High Court judge, Norbury Dugdale, is often cited as somebody who could strike down the Bill of Rights in his eagerness to administer justice in accordance with the wishes and feelings of the appointing authority. The end result is to compromise the concept of separation of powers and independence of the Judiciary. In common parlance, liberals are seen to favour an interpretation of the law that makes it progressive and relevant, as well as meaningful to the times we are in. Such judges are not new. It is only that in the past, they were not in a position to hold decisive sway in the Judiciary. Perhaps the most celebrated judicial liberal under the Moi era was the late Justice C. B. Madan. There have been others like former High Court Judge Frank Shields. Oddly enough, even former Chief Justice Majid Cockar, despite his conservative-looking demeanour, can qualify as a liberal, if one takes into account the difficulties the authorities faced in trying (unsuccessfully) to make him a judicial pawn. It won't do to assume everything liberal is good. A tendency to transfer political activism to judicial activism can be negative. Some liberals also exhibit a weakness for over-excitement such as to stray too far into eccentric domains, like considering legalising abortion, for instance. The greatest hindrance to justice in conservative judicial systems is the creed of obedience, a creed that sees justice only through the eyes of the appointing authority. Tied to this is the obsession to "hang on" to the job at whatever cost. This obsession to "sell" themselves is what has cost many former judges, not only their jobs, but also their dignity. Some of them were known to pre-type their judgments (particularly when convicting opposition activitists), alter their rulings or give out heavy, cruel and inhuman punishments to political prisoners. Therefore, it is not surprising at all that these self-same judges are now being paid back the proceeds of their anti-judicial decisions with little, if any, sympathy from Kenyans. Mr Adan is a practising lawyer in NairobiComments\Views about this articleDownload Yahoo! Messenger now for a chance to WIN Robbie Williams Live At Knebworth DVD
ugnet_: Kigali, Kinshasa Recommit to Repatriation Deal
"The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda recommitted themselves on Thursday to complete the repatriation of Rwandan Interahamwe militia and former soldiers in the Congo within a year, according to a communique issued in Pretoria at the end of a Great Lakes summit." This , then, is what Kabila and Mr. Bush discussed during Mr. Kabila's recent visit to Washington, DC. SA (as the so called regional power) is now charged with the responsibility of implementing this plan. Will it work? I doubt it. Matek Kigali, Kinshasa Recommit to Repatriation Deal Email This Page Print This Page Visit The Publisher's Site UN Integrated Regional Information Networks November 28, 2003 Posted to the web November 28, 2003 Nairobi The governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda recommitted themselves on Thursday to complete the repatriation of Rwandan Interahamwe militia and former soldiers in the Congo within a year, according to a communique issued in Pretoria at the end of a Great Lakes summit. South African President Thabo Mbeki hosted the summit on the UN Third Party Verification Mechanism (TPVM), which was established after the signing of an agreement on 30 July 2002 between the Congo and Rwanda on the withdrawal of Rwandan troops from Congolese territory and the dismantling of the Interahamwe and former Rwandan Armed Forces (ex-FAR). Besides Congolese President Joseph Kabila and Rwanda's Paul Kagame, Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique attended the summit in his capacity as chairperson of the African Union (AU). The Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to the DRC, William Swing, attended the summit on behalf of the verification body. The verification mechanism was set up following the signing of the DRC-Rwanda agreement, known as the Pretoria Agreement, under which the UN Secretary-General and the South African government were assigned the responsibility of the Third Party. It was established to act as the secretariat of the Third Party and mandated to monitor and verify the implementation of the agreement. During Thursday's summit, the leaders evaluated the work done by the verification mechanism, and noted that while much had been achieved, a lot of work still needed to be done. "It was agreed that the signatories to the Pretoria Agreement, namely the governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Rwanda, commit themselves to finding new ways to finalise the work started by the TPVM," the communiqué read. The Congolese and Rwandan governments committed to work bilaterally, with the continued assistance of the AU and the support of the UN, both of which pledged to continue their political, material and logistical support to the process. "It is envisaged that this process should be finalised as soon as possible, not exceeding 12 months," the communique read. The leaders agreed that members of ex-FAR and Interahamwe armed groups in eastern Congo must "be persuaded to depart from the territory of the DRC" as they constitute a threat to peace and stability in the region.
ugnet_: COMMON WEALTH MUST RESPECT OUR SOVEREIGNTY
By Lovemore Chikova PRESIDENT Mugabe yesterday said time might have come for Zimbabwe to leave the Commonwealth if remaining a member means losing its sovereignty. "If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be re-admitted into the Commonwealth, well, we will say goodbye to the Commonwealth and perhaps time has come to say so," he said. Cde Mugabe was speaking in his graveside eulogy at the burial of national hero and former Deputy Minister of Political Affairs, Cde Norman Zikhali, at the National Heroes Acre in Harare. "We want to see whether the principle of equal membership shall be sustained as we proceed to the next session of CHOGM," he said. "The issue is, is it our sovereignty or is it the sovereignty of others? Is it the African solidarity and sovereignty, the solidarity of those who are non-whites or is it the strength and power of the few whites in the Commonwealth that should dominate the view of the Commonwealth?" President Mugabe said Zimbabwe expected its sovereignty and that of other countries to be respected by the Commonwealth. He criticised Australian Prime Minister Mr John Howard for opposing the views of the other two members of the Commonwealth Troika — Nigeria and South Africa — to re-admit Zimbabwe into the grouping after the expiry of its suspension in March. "We expect no less from the Commonwealth if it merits our membership, if it’s claim to being a club of equals is to be sustained," said President Mugabe. "We have that Howard — they tell me he is one of those genetically modified because of the criminal ancestry he derives from. "As you know the history of Australia — that criminals and thieves were banished to Australia and New Zealand and over time the theory of genetics has had its path." Zimbabwe is yet to receive an invitation to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting scheduled for next week in Abuja, Nigeria. At the forefront of trying to bar Zimbabwe from attending the meeting are white Commonwealth countries Britain, Australia and New Zealand. President Mugabe criticised some African countries for failing to defend the continent’s sovereignty and its solidarity. "Yet others are apologetic about being nationalists; fear to be Africans; hesitate to express solidarity with us and dread to play keeper to another African brother," he said. "They allow the neo-colonialists and neo-imperialists to drive us to apologise for representing and pursuing our interests, for being ourselves. "May be the time has come for Africa to meet the world as a powerful equal, as a continent of abundant wealth, natural resources, able people who command a vast repertoire of skills." Africa, President Mugabe said, needed unity of purpose and clarity of vision to get back its pride of place in global affairs. He said unity among Africans based on the continent’s perceived weakness and servility was bound to cost its soul and dignity to the benefit of dominant powers that held it in bondage for far too long. "We exist as creatures made by God after his image, not as outcomes of a generous procreative favour of the West," said President Mugabe. "We are not made in Britain; we are not made in America. We are made by Africa and for Africa. We are Africans who seek to be no other race, no other people! We have a separate destiny, an African destiny." Cde Mugabe said Africa had come of age and should be able to hold its own in the brutal uni-polar world of the aggressive and unilateral will of the powerful. He said the continent should be able to develop its own priorities and defend its own founding principles. Zimbabwe, President Mugabe said, had extended the definition and parameters of the African revolution by embarking on the land reform programme. "Through our land reform programme, we have raised the banner of Africa’s second struggle, the struggle for her economic emancipation," he said. "That is the core of the second African revolution, indeed, of the rebirth of Africa." Cde Mugabe said there were some on the continent who feared to be complete Africans and to be associated with the land reform programme in Zimbabwe. "They are saying Robert Mugabe ari kutorera varungu nyika yavo. Ko chatakarwira chii? Tigoti vari mumasango vakafira chii? he said. Cde Mugabe praised the late Cde Zikhali for fighting against colonialism. He said Cde Zikhali was involved in a purposeful struggle connected to the wishes and aspirations of the masses of Africans under colonial bondage. "He leaves this world a satisfied man that the freedom and sovereignty he helped make have new defenders, his remaining compatriots, who are ready to make comparable sacrifice in their defence," said Cde Mugabe. "His yearning was one for freedom that would change the circumstances of his people and economically empower them." Cde Mugabe said Cde Zikhali was committed to the objectives of the Third Chimurenga that redeemed the land, putting
Re: ugnet_: Profile Lord's Resistance Army on NPR
You are not going to pull me into unproductive exchange. Trust me on that one, Swmm. Ochan At 03:18 PM 11/30/2003 -0600, swmm wrote: Ochan, You still sending those contributions to Kpny in sudan? - Original Message - From: Ochan Otim [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sent: Sunday, November 30, 2003 12:30 PM Subject: ugnet_: Profile Lord's Resistance Army on NPR Although the title of this broadcast [link below] is a bit misleading to me, it kind of gives some aspect of life in Acoli correctly or not. Without mentioning names, let me thank those who were involved in making it possible for NPR's Jason Beaubien to file the report. As you might have realized lately (in Europe and the US), the campaign we started two years ago to free the northern population from bondage is beginning to bare fruits. Its is up to us now to direct the harvesting of the fruits. NPR is a nationally syndicated and publicly supported radio in the US. Its signal is heard through our the US. Ochan Otim === National Public Radio: Profile: Lord's Resistance Army http://www.npr.org/rundowns/segment.php?wfId=1525463 Just click on the headline or the audio icon to listen to the story. You'll need an audio player to hear it, and you can find the right one for your computer at http://www.npr.org/audiohelp/audioplayers.html. If you have any problems, please visit the NPR audio help page http://www.npr.org/audiohelp/index.html. This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug This service is hosted on the Infocom network http://www.infocom.co.ug
