Unlike Stephen and Scott, I haven't investigated the literature on the 
effects of the spanking of children. So there are questions the answers 
to which I am ignorant – e.g., do the relevant studies include in the 
definition of "spanking" the merest slap across the legs of a 
recalcitrant infant who insists on stepping out from a roadside kerb 
regardless of the verbal instructions of a parent? And do such studies 
distinguish between this kind of incident and beating a child for 
disobedience, or some other supposed transgression?

Allen Esterson
Former lecturer, Science Department
Southwark College, London
allenester...@compuserve.com
http://www.esterson.org

---------------------------------------------

From:   sbl...@ubishops.ca
Subject:        On Objectivity - and what research findings make us 
uncomfortable?
Date:   Tue, 30 Nov 2010 11:18:09 -0500
I can't find Michael Britt's original post on this topic in the
archives but I recall that he said something to the effect that he
was ok with research on spanking because it showed that it has
harmful effects. This was compatible with his own view, and so it
didn't make him uncomfortable.

When I was teaching, I did find talking about research on spanking
made me uncomfortable. But not for the reason Michael gave.  My
review of the spanking literature led me to conclude the opposite of
that of Michael-- that the research purporting to show its
harmfulness was of poor quality, mostly correlational, and based on
excessive massaging of data. Other research which I found persuasive
showed that judicious use of mild spanking did not have harmful
effects, and even some evidence of benefit. The name of Robert
Larzelere figures prominently here, and also that of the better-known
psychologist Diana Baumrind (e.g. see
http://ches.okstate.edu/facultystaff/Larzelere/)

Personally, I find spanking distasteful, and also distasteful that in
discussing my conclusion in class I appeared to be aligning myself
with the pro-spanking (often on religious grounds) crowd. Yet that's
what my evaluation of the research required.

So it made me uncomfortable to discuss it.  I would tell my students
what the research shows but also distance myself personally from it.
I would say something to the effect that research does not support
the claim that mild spanking is harmful or support the view that it
should be banned (as some countries have done). But I personally
would never do it. It seems to me that this is not the same as saying
that beliefs have precedence over evidence. But is it still a cop-
out?

interestingly, I do not recall ever finding a psychology textbook
which suggested that there were grounds to question the alleged
consensus against spanking.

Stephen

--------------------------------------------
Stephen L. Black, Ph.D.
Professor of Psychology, Emeritus
Bishop's University
Sherbrooke, Quebec, Canada
e-mail:  sblack at ubishops.ca
---------------------------------------------

From:   Lilienfeld, Scott O <slil...@emory.edu>
Subject:        RE: On Objectivity - and what research findings make us 
uncomfortable?
Date:   Tue, 30 Nov 2010 11:37:47 -0500
Re: Stephen B's comment, "interestingly, I do not recall ever finding a
psychology textbook which suggested that there were grounds to question 
the
alleged consensus against spanking."

At the risk of engaging in shameless self-(co)promotion, see the second 
edition
of our intro textbook (Lilienfeld, Lynn, Namy, & Woolf, 2010):

Yet we must remember that these studies [linking spanking to antisocial
behavior in children] are correlational and don't demonstrate causality 
[INSERT
CORRELATION-CAUSATION FLAG]. Other interpretations are possible. For 
example,
because children share half of their genes with each parent, and 
because
aggression is partly heritable (Krueger, Hicks, & McGue, 2001), the 
correlation
between parents' physical aggression and their children's aggression 
may be due
to the fact that parents who are physically aggressive pass on this 
genetic
predisposition to their children (DiLalla & Gottesman, 1991; Lynch et 
al.,
2006). It's also conceivable that the causal arrow is reversed: 
Aggressive
children may be difficult to control and therefore evoke physical abuse 
from
their parents. This hypothesis doesn't in any way excuse physical abuse 
or imply
that it's acceptable, but it may help to explain why it occurs. In 
addition,
it's possible that mild levels of punishment are effective, but that 
severe
forms of punishment, including abuse, aren't (Baumrind, Larazelere, & 
Cowan,
1992; Lynch et al., 2006).

Making matters more complicated, the association between physical
punishment and childhood behavior problems may depend on race and 
culture.
Spanking and other forms of physical discipline are correlated 
positively with
childhood behavior problems in Caucasian families, but correlated 
negatively in
African American families (Lansford et al., 2004). Moreover, spanking 
tends to
be more predictive of higher levels of childhood aggression and anxiety 
in
countries in which spanking is rare, like China or Thailand, than in 
countries
in which it's common, like Kenya or India (Lansford et al., 2005). The 
reasons
for this difference aren't clear, although children who are spanked in 
countries
in which spanking is more culturally accepted may feel less stigmatized 
than
children in countries in which it's culturally condemned.

Scott O. Lilienfeld, Ph.D.
Professor
Editor, Scientific Review of Mental Health Practice
Department of Psychology, Room 473 Psychology and Interdisciplinary 
Sciences
(PAIS)
Emory University
36 Eagle Row
Atlanta, Georgia 30322
slil...@emory.edu
(404) 727-1125




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