Having a vision-assisted training process would be extremely
compelling. Then the user can provide information relevant to
comprehending a scene as well as adding word/object associations.
Robust sight and sound processing are still kind of a frontier for
software, I think. A little good work in that direction probably goes
a long way right now.

In Larry Yaeger's Polyworld, the creatures have a sense of sight that
at least returns the colour of a creature or object they're facing.
The creatures' colours reflect certain variables like health and
aggressiveness and blink at various rates. I'm not sure if the
creatures perceive only a colour or a table of pixels constituting a
frame of view, but even the former seems like a fairly rich input,
depending on the sampling rate, given the richness of the environment
and the paucity of this capacity in most ecology sims.

My 2c


On 9/28/08, Mike Tintner <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> [Comment: Aren't logic and common sense *opposed*?]
>
> Discursive [logical, propositional] Knowledge vs Practical [tacit] Knowledge
> http://www.polis.leeds.ac.uk/assets/files/research/working-papers/wp24mcanulla.pdf
>
> a) Knowledge: practical and discursive
>
> Most, if not all understandings of tradition stress the way in which
> knowledge and beliefs are transmitted or transferred over time. However, as
> we have seen, different perspectives place varying emphases on the types of
> knowledge and belief being transferred. Some make practical and tacit
> knowledge primary, others make rational and/or intellectual knowledge forms
> of knowledge central. However, in principle there is no reason to assume
> that both types of knowledge are not important to tradition. Yet to maintain
> this necessitates examining to what extent these kind of knowledge are
> distinct and/or compatible. It will be suggested below that we might gain a
> better grasp of traditions by making a clear distinction between the
> different types of knowledge they can transmit. Stompka's unpacking of the
> objects of tradition into material and ideal components is instructive here.
> For this draws our attention to examine not just the relations between the
> different ideas within traditions, but also the relations between people and
> the physical objects relevant to a tradition. Drawing on realist social
> theory, I suggest drawing a distinction between practical and discursive
> forms of knowledge3.
>
> Practical knowledge
> . Centrally concerns subject-object relations e.g. someone's skill in using
> a bottle-opener
> . Primarily tacit in content, as it involves engaging with reality through
> activity and dealings with artifacts (rather than manipulating symbols)
> . Cognitive content entails non-verbal theorising and development of skills
> (rather than enunciation of propositions) (Archer, 2000: 166)
>
> Practical knowledge emerges from our active engagement with the world of
> objects. In this view pre-verbal practical action is the way in which
> infants learn principles of logical reasoning. Learning these principles in
> a is necessary and prior to discursive socialisation and the acquisition of
> language. However, there is no reason to believe that such non-linguistic
> forms of practical action cease following the learning of language (Archer,
> 2000: 153). Indeed the practical skills we develop often do not depend in a
> direct way upon language e.g. our abilities to use a bottle opener, or to
> control car gears through use of a clutch, are something we gain a 'feel'
> for. The best kinds of car-user instruction manual do not of themselves help
> develop many of the practical skills we need for driving. As such practical
> knowledge is regulated by our relations with material culture i.e. the
> objects and artifacts we encounter (ibid. 166) Practical knowledge is thus
> implicit and tacit, gained through activity rather than through engaging
> with linguistic propositions or discursive symbols. When practical knowledge
> is transmitted (e.g. in the form of tradition) it is done so in the form of
> 'apprenticeship' where skilled individual e.g. Mastercraftsmen or a
> Professional demonstrates good practice and offers practical criticism and
> evaluation (ibid. 176) Once such skills are acquired, the use of such
> practical knowledge often becomes 'second nature'.
>
> Discursive knowledge
> . Centrally concerns subject-subject relations and linguistic communication
> . Consists of theories, arguments, social norms and their propositional
> formulation (Archer, 2000: 173-176)
> . Consist of linguistically generated meaning and symbols
>
> Discursive knowledge is developed through our linguistic powers to
> communicate meaningfully and to attribute meanings to our relations. Thus
> discursive knowledge may consist of theories, arguments, social norms and
> the kinds of propositions associated with them (e.g. 'maximum liberty
> requires a minimal state'). The ideas contained within discursive knowledge
> stand in logical relationship to one another and can usually be represented
> in propositional forms. It is through discursive knowledge that we develop
> and maintain ideational commitments to particular doctrines, theories or
> world-views (Archer, 2000: 173-176). Discursive knowledge can act to
> constrain and/or enable our projects as actors in the world. In turn, this
> discursive knowledge can be elaborated or transformed as a result of our
> socio-linguistic interactions. Discursive knowledge is transmitted, or
> handed down (e.g. within tradition) through 'scholarship', the teaching of
> linguistically encoded theories and propositions.
>
> b) The interaction between practical and discursive knowledge
> If such a distinction between practical and discursive knowledge is accepted
> then it is clear that traditions may vary in the extent to which they
> consist of each type. For example, a tradition of British farming would
> clearly involve a high element of practical knowledge. Conversely, an
> academic tradition, such as 'analytic' philosophy, primarily consists of
> discursive knowledge. At the same time many other traditions we might pick
> out, such as 'British Labourism' may contain significant elements of both
> practical and discursive knowledge.
> If we accept that our traditions may contain these distinct types of
> knowledge a key question is, how do these distinct types of knowledge relate
> to one another? To what extent do they interrelate or 'translate' into one
> another? Pierre Bourdieu argues that the practical knowledge cannot be
> translated into discursive knowledge (echoing certain of Oakeshott's
> themes). For Bourdieu, practical and tacit knowledge is simply
> incommensurable with discursive knowledge (Archer, 2000: 151). He argues
> practice has a logic of immediacy, urgency and pragmatic common sense which
> stands opposed to logic of the logician. In Bourdieu's view it is 'a logic
> of practice that flouts logical logic' (Bourdieu, 1990: 86, quoted in
> Archer, 2000: 151)
> In contrast, Archer believes that it is possible to have a significant (but
> nowhere near exhaustive) degree of translation between practical and
> discursive knowledge. Indeed, she suggests this is exactly what people are
> doing in constructing discursive guides for practical action, such as maps
> and sheet music. Thus tacit knowledge can be used and 'converted' to
> explicitly 14
> codify practices over time. Often discursive knowledge (e.g. in the form of
> new theory) is developed with the hope of modifying or improving practices.
> In turn, changes in practices and development of new skills sometimes prompt
> new discursive representations. However, such translation may not be easy,
> or in some instances possible. New theories may not 'work' in practice and
> some practices may defy clear discursive articulation. For example extensive
> skills in reading music (discursive knowledge) will not improve the playing
> of someone who lacks 'feel' for his or her instrument (practical knowledge)
>
>
>
>
> -------------------------------------------
> agi
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