" Nice job, Steve, keep those slaves in line"

I have often wondered why Jobs and Apple seem to get a free pass from the
just about everyone.  Seems like MS was the whipping boy for years, yet some
of Apple's antics seem much worse.


"It's all a  bad joke, guys. California has a balanced budget amendment and
we're $20+ billion in the hole. "

That's a pretty impressive feat to accomplish.

Although it is a pipe dream, I would hope that federal legislation could use
the examples of California and Michigan to write better legislation.

Anyway, this was pretty informative:

Budget gimmicks explained: five ways states hide deficits

Last week, California Governor Jerry Brown vetoed a budget that he said was
filled with gimmicks — or as he put it, “legally questionable maneuvers,
costly borrowing and unrealistic savings.” Editorial boards have praised
Brown for exercising responsible fiscal judgment. Meanwhile, Brian Joseph of
the Orange County Register has written that Brown’s own budget plan uses
gimmicks, too.

All this begs the question: What qualifies as a budget gimmick? There’s no
textbook answer to that question. But there are certain techniques that
states sometimes use to make the budget look balanced when it arguably
isn’t. If there’s one thing all of these tricks have in common, it’s that
they push this year’s budget problem off into the future.

Here are five common budget gimmicks states use:


Gimmick #1: Putting off payments

States, like people, have bills to pay. They usually try to pay those bills
on time. But when times get tough, they sometimes delay payments, figuring
they can make up what they owe later.

Illinois is the most famous example of a state that has made regular
practice out of delaying payments to universities, doctors, social service
providers and others by months.

Another example comes from Minnesota. There, Democratic Governor Mark Dayton
and a Republican-controlled legislature are locked in a budget brawl that
may end in a state government shutdown. The two sides don’t agree on much
but one thing they do agree on is that the state should continue to delay
payments to schools.

These funding shifts have been taking place on and off in Minnesota for
three decades. Even though the state’s fiscal year finishes at the end of
June, schools only receive 70 percent of their funding by then. This trick
started because lawmakers found it easier to balance the budget by
withholding 30 percent of the school payment. “The schools carry the money
on their books,” says Charlie Kyte, executive director of the Minnesota
Association of School Administrators, “but they don’t have it in their
checking accounts.”

This is a trick that only works once. Each subsequent year, the state has to
pay the 30 percent from the previous year plus the 70 percent from the
current year. In addition, the delayed funding imposes borrowing costs on
some schools. Breaking this cycle is difficult because it would mean coming
up with more than 100 percent of the schools’ funding in one year. That’s
why Dayton and the legislature both support continuing the shift.

Pension funds are another area where states sometimes skip a payment —
there’s always the chance that a bull market will pay high enough investment
returns to make up the difference. That doesn’t always happen, of course.

Since 1998, New Jersey has never once made the actuarially recommended
payment into its public employee pension system. As a result, the state is
more than $50 billion short of what it would need to pay its financial
obligations to retirees. Under a pension overhaul the legislature is close
to approving, the state would increase its contributions, but it would still
be years before it made its full required payments.


Gimmick #2: Accelerating revenue

The flip side of delaying a payment is booking future revenue ahead of
schedule.
That’s what Texas is doing. To close a mammoth budget gap over the next two
years, conservatives in the legislature refused to raise taxes. Instead,
they devised a plan to collect some taxes sooner.
Under the state’s expected budget deal, Texas’ large retailers will pay some
of their sales tax collections early. That will add $231 million to the
budget for the next biennium. But it also means the money won’t be there for
the biennium after that.
Washington State tried a variation of this tactic back in 1971 and it
haunted the budget process for years. To balance the two-year budget that
ended in June of that year, the state grabbed revenue from July. In effect,
it was using 25 months’ worth of revenue to pay 24 months’ worth of bills.

Getting spending and revenue back into alignment required writing a budget
that would pay 24 months’ worth of bills with 23 months’ worth of revenue —
something Washington State wasn’t able to do until 1987. This year, the
“25th month” gimmick came up again as an idea for balancing the budget, but
Governor Christine Gregoire and others rejected it as shortsighted.


Gimmick #3: Using temporary money for recurring expenses

States often rely on rainy day funds to get through tough fiscal times. In
Hawaii, it’s raining so hard that the state is tapping its Hurricane Fund.

The Hurricane Relief Fund was never intended to be used as a budget cushion.
It was created after Hurricane Iniki caused serious damage to the state in
1992. Property insurers were scared away from the islands. So the fund was
started for the purpose of jumpstarting the insurance market if disaster
struck again. Hawaii stopped adding new money years ago, but the fund still
holds $117 million. “The money has basically just been sitting there for
nine years,” says Lloyd Lim, the acting executive director of the fund.

This year, though, the Democratic-controlled legislature shifted $42 million
from the fund to balance the budget. They also authorized Democratic
Governor Neil Abercrombie to use the rest if he chooses. Whether Hawaii
really needs a fund specifically for hurricane insurance is a matter of
debate. What’s clear is that this is just a one-time fix for Hawaii’s
budget. Meanwhile, the things the budget pays for — such as schools, prisons
and health care — will keep costing the state year after year.

States have found numerous ways to secure one-time infusions of cash.
They’ve raided dedicated accounts like the Hurricane Fund, offered tax
amnesties to delinquent taxpayers and sold state property, among others.
These steps temporarily relieve the need to cut services or increase taxes.
But because the money is temporary and the expenses continue, they don’t let
states avoid those choices forever.


Gimmick #4: Counting on savings that aren’t likely to materialize

There’s no doubt that many government programs can be run more efficiently.
But sometimes, states count on savings based on assumptions that are clearly
unrealistic from the start, setting up their budgets to fall out of balance.
California has been one of the biggest offenders here. California’s budget
for 2010 counted on state agencies cutting their information technology
expenses by $130 million. As it turned out, the state only managed to save
$50 million on IT. The last two years, California has saved about $100
million combined by cracking down on fraud in a program for in-home care for
seniors and the disabled. But this year's budget depends on finding $150
million in savings from anti-fraud measures, a figure that the state's
Legislative Analyst's Office noted was unlikely.

Then there’s prisons. Every year, California lawmakers tell the Department
of Corrections and Rehabilitation how much to spend. Every year, the agency
exceeds that budget. One of the big reasons why is that lawmakers have made
“unallocated” reductions to the corrections budget. They don’t specify how
to cut the budget — by closing a prison, perhaps. They simply tell the
agency to spend less. In theory, that gives the agency some flexibility. In
practice, the agency finds the goals set for it impossible to achieve. Much
of its costs are for employees who can’t be cut: Prisons must be guarded 24
hours a day. “Realistically, to get a significant amount of savings in
corrections, you have to adopt some policy changes," says Anthony Simbol,
director of criminal justice in the Legislative Analyst's Office.

Of course, what savings are realistic often is only clear in retrospect.
This year, Connecticut’s two-year budget was balanced with the help of
concessions from public employee unions. The legislature’s nonpartisan
Office of Fiscal Analysis said it couldn’t verify some large pieces of the
deal, including $90 million in savings expected from  information technology
and another $180 million expected to come from suggestions from state
employees. Mark Ojakian, who helped negotiate the deal for Democratic
Governor Dan Malloy, counters that the numbers were the result of firm ideas
and careful analysis of how much they would save.


Gimmick #5: Counting on revenue that isn’t likely to materialize

Just as spending assumptions can be unrealistic, so can assumptions about
how much revenue is going to come in to state coffers.
A classic case comes from New York. Last year, lawmakers there approved a
budget that included $150 million from collecting cigarette taxes on Indian
reservations. There was just one problem: The state has tried to collect
those taxes for years and had never seen a dollar from it. Tribes fought the
move both in court and with civil disobedience — in 1992, members of the
Seneca tribe threw burning tires on the New York State Thruway in protest.
This year, New York lawmakers were undeterred. They approved a budget that
yet again counted on $140 million from the tribal collections. The state has
won recent court rulings that make that goal appear more attainable than in
the past; a ruling this week lifted an injunction against collecting the
tax. Still, nearly three months into New York’s fiscal year, the state still
hasn’t collected anything.
Any state budget relies on forecasts for revenue collections. Where states
get into trouble is when they rely on forecasts that are wildly implausible.
Sometimes, the wildcard is Washington. In California, last year’s budget was
built around receiving $5.3 billion in new federal money at a time when
there was little appetite in Washington for new aid to states. Then-Governor
Arnold Schwarzenegger signed the budget in October. By November, it was back
out of balance.


Read here:  http://www.stateline.org/live/details/story?contentId=583189


J

-

Ninety percent of politicians give the other ten percent a bad reputation. -
Henry Kissinger

Politicians are people who, when they see light at the end of th

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