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from:
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Bush Gang Suspected In New Assault on the Presidency

by Edward Spannaus and Jeffrey Steinberg
Printed in The Executive Intelligence Review, February 6, 1998.

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In the midst of the worst global financial crisis in modern history, the
United States Presidency has come under renewed, vicious attack from a
combination of British and nominally ``American'' Bush-League circles. This
latest attack, which one White House official long ago appropriately dubbed
``bimbo eruptions,'' centered around a Bush ``mole'' who was, unfortunately,
allowed to operate inside the Clinton administration, and who now enjoys
high-level security clearances in her post at the Pentagon.
Linda Tripp, the central player in the renewed assault against President
Clinton--staged around a purported sex scandal involving a young White House
intern, Monica Lewinsky--was a Bush administration employee from 1990, until
Bush left office in January 1993. At the urging of senior Bush
administration officials, including Transportation Secretary Sam Skinner,
Tripp was retained by the Clinton-Gore transition team in a clerical
position, and later assigned to work at the Office of the White House
General Counsel, under Bernard Nussbaum and his deputy, Vincent Foster. All
the while, she was operating as part of a treasonous Bush-League ``fifth
column'' within the Executive branch.

While the ``Get Clinton'' media have attempted to portray Tripp as
``apolitical,'' she was, in fact, an ally, from the Bush administration
period on, of then-FBI agent Gary Aldrich, who, in 1996, wrote a libellous
book against President Clinton, Unlimited Access: An FBI Agent Inside the
Clinton White House, which also revolved around bogus claims of White House
sexual misconduct (see EIR, July 26, 1966, p.|72.) Aldrich was another
Bush-League mole inside the Clinton White House. His embarrassingly
fantasy-ridden book has been trumpetted by the London-based Hollinger
Corporation, the leading British Crown media cartel; by its subsidiary,
American Spectator magazine; and by ``Get Clinton'' money-bags Richard
Mellon Scaife.

Tripp emerged in 1995 as an asset of Whitewater Independent Counsel Kenneth
Starr, testifying before the Whitewater grand jury and later before a
Congressional hearing on the death of Vincent Foster. When Lloyd Cutler
replaced Nussbaum as White House General Counsel, Tripp, who by then had
been widely identified as an unabashed political enemy of President Clinton,
was reassigned to the Pentagon, where she eventually got an $80,000-a-year
job, which also involved her getting top-level security clearances. Tripp
claimed, to anyone who would listen, that she had been transferred from the
White House because she ``knew too much about Whitewater,'' a patent lie.

Commenting on the role of Tripp as the linchpin in the latest Clintongate
assault, Lyndon LaRouche called on Jan. 22 for Tripp's security clearances
to be immediately revoked, pending the outcome of a thorough probe of her
role in the sordid affair. ``She obviously needs her security clearances
immediately pulled, given her role in what has all the earmarks of an
illegal attack against the President, ostensibly on behalf of partisan
Republican forces. I would certainly hope that there is no one in the
Pentagon who would countenance such an obvious assault against a vital
American institution, the Presidency. I would expect such treachery from the
editorial page writers at the Wall Street Journal, but not from our
military.''



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An earlier "eruption"
In the summer of 1997, Tripp surfaced again as part of an effort to hit
President Clinton with a ``Profumo''-style sex scandal, telling Newsweek
that the President had sexually harassed a White House aide, Kathleen
Willey. Willey denied, under oath, that Tripp's allegations were true. This
prompted President Clinton's attorney, Robert Bennett, belatedly, in August
1997, to denounce Tripp as a liar.
While working at the Pentagon, in late 1996, Tripp had already begun to
cultivate a close relationship with a former White House junior staff aide,
22-year-old Monica Lewinsky, who had been recently transferred to the
Defense Department. It is unclear how the two women came to meet, but in
short order, Tripp began to exert a significant amount of control over the
younger woman. Tripp should be forced, under oath, to detail the
circumstance under which she met and befriended Lewinsky.

Tripp soon betrayed Lewinsky's confidence by surreptitiously--and, probably,
illegally--taping telephone conversations with Lewinsky.

By December 1997, Tripp and Lewinsky had both, mysteriously, been subpoenaed
to give depositions to attorneys for Paula Jones, in her civil lawsuit
against the President--a lawsuit instigated by British intelligence operator
and former London Sunday Telegraph Washington correspondent Ambrose
Evans-Pritchard. How Jones's attorneys came to know of the existence of
Tripp and Lewinsky is one question that may hold a key to Tripp's role in
the present attack against the President. It should be recalled that, prior
to being named the independent counsel in Whitewater, Kenneth Starr had been
paid by Richard Mellon Scaife, through the Landmark Legal Foundation, to
prepare an amicus curiae brief in support of Paula Jones.

Tripp claims that, on Jan. 12, 1998, she took 20 hours of tape-recorded
conversations with Lewinsky to Whitewater Special Prosecutor Starr. The next
day, Starr arranged for Tripp to secretly tape her meeting with Lewinsky at
the Ritz Carlton Hotel near the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia.

At the time that Starr arranged for the FBI to secretly tape the
Tripp-Lewinsky meeting, he had absolutely no jurisdiction to probe President
Clinton's relationship to the former White House aide. Indeed, it is
critical that a full-scale probe be conducted, to determine whether Tripp,
who was in league with Starr from 1995, was taping her conversations with
Lewinsky on her own, or, covertly, on behalf of Starr. At minimum, Starr
vastly overstepped his jurisdiction; far more likely, he himself broke the
law--along with Tripp--in a flagrant attempt to entrap and destroy President
Clinton.



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No U.S. precedent
In the 200-year history of the American Presidency, there have been
occasional sexual scandals involving top government officials; however,
never has such a personal scandal brought down the chief executive. There is
only one country in the world where heads of government are brought to their
knees through such tabloid scandal-mongering: Great Britain. In 1963, Harold
Macmillan's government was brought down by a sex scandal involving Defense
Minister John Profumo.
It is, therefore, not surprising that a review of the various Clintongate
scandals, from the 1993 so-called ``Troopergate'' affair to the present
attack, reveals that British intelligence stringer and former Sunday
Telegraph Washington correspondent Ambrose Evans-Pritchard has been the
chief instigator. As early as May 8, 1994, in a Sunday Telegraph column,
Evans-Pritchard boasted that he had been instrumental in getting Paula Jones
to file her civil suit against the President.

Evans-Pritchard has elsewhere boasted that his assignment, on behalf of the
British Crown's Hollinger Corporation, has been nothing less than the total
destruction of the Clinton Presidency. Writing in the Jan. 22 Daily
Telegraph, Evans-Pritchard loudly bragged of his manipulation of Paula
Jones: ``My impression after befriending her four years ago, before she took
the momentous step of suing the President, is that her motive was sheer
rage.''

``Paula Jones has now achieved her object of inflicting massive damage on
Bill Clinton, with shortening odds that she may ultimately destroy his
Presidency,'' he continued. Evans-Pritchard accuses the U.S. news media of
covering up the Clinton sex scandals, so that only the American Spectator or
the British press will print the stories. ``What Paula Jones has done is to
use the immense power of legal discovery to force the scandal to the
surface. She has finally done the job that the American media failed to do
so miserably.''

This was precisely the strategy that Evans-Pritchard had laid out in 1994,
when he acknowledged on May 8, 1994, that he had had ``a dozen conversations
with Mrs. Jones over the past two months.'' He furthermore admitted that ``I
happened to be present at a strategy meeting last month on a boat on the
Arkansas River,'' at which Jones's attorney ``was weighing the pros and cons
of legal action.''

It doesn't ``matter all that much whether Mrs. Jones ultimately wins or
loses her case,'' he wrote on May 15, 1994. ``The ticking time bomb in the
lawsuit lies elsewhere, in the testimony of other witnesses.''

``Put plainly,'' Evans-Pritchard blurted, ``the political purpose of the
Jones lawsuit is to reconstruct the inner history of the Arkansas Governor's
Mansion, using the legal power of discovery. In effect, the two lawyers and
their staff could soon be doing the job that the American media failed to do
during the election campaign and have largely failed to do since.''

Evans-Pritchard's motive, in contrast to Jones's ``sheer rage,'' is a deep,
abiding hatred of the United States, and particularly, the institution of
its Presidency. Anyone who joins Evans-Pritchard in this unfolding assault
upon the Presidency, is joining the ranks of traitor Aaron Burr.

A thorough probe of the current insurrection, beginning with a spotlight on
Linda Tripp, is more than appropriate.



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The preceding article is a rough version of the article that appeared in The
Executive Intelligence Review. It is made available here with the permission
of The Executive Intelligence Review. Any use of, or quotations from, this
article must attribute them to The Executive Intelligence Review.



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