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2010/12/1 Tom Cod <tomc...@gmail.com>:
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> Then again, we had the Chetnik Great Serbian chauvinist collaborators of the
> Axis in World War 2, Chetnik having been also aptly used as a political
> epithet by Milosevic's political opponents against him and his followers in
> the 80s and 90s.  Emblematic of that,  forces allied with Milocevic have
> been demanding that Tito's remains be disinterred from his tomb in Belgrade
> and sent back to Zagreb based on his ethnicity, at least according to Tito's
> grandson. So let's not be too knee jerk in our analysis.

The Chetnik may have been "Great Serbian" in the sense that they were
monarchists and the monarchy was a Serbian monarchy. But it is seldom
said that the agreement with the "barbaric" Serbians allowed the
"civilized" Croatian (and Slovenian) bourgeoisies to step away from
the losing party in 1918, and that this was a bitter medicine for
those ethnocentrist elements in the Yugoslavian constituency. In fact,
as a bourgeois fraction of the national front, the Chetniks were
ambiguous in their relation with the foreign occupants, and this is
why in the end the Yugoslavian people decided to support Titoist
guerrillas, not just socialist but also representative of the lower
strata of the peasantry as against the Chetniks.

In fact, it is my own opinion that one of the worst mistakes of
Titoism was to water down the sinister role of the Croatian and
Slovenian petty provincial "nationalisms", who had never fought
against the Austro Hungarian Empire up to the end of World War I but
only wanted to have a "cultural-national" autonomy WITHIN that rotten
body of shitty semi-feudal peasant exploitation with some privileged
nodes of modern (but weak) capitalism. The Czech, Slovenian and
Croatian bourgeoisies (who knows, even some of the subaltern classes
too?) considered themselves above their less lucky "fellow" Slavs:
Slovakia, Serbia, etc. and never fully accepted to be ruled by any of
them or even sharing power with them.

That is why every time imperialism reasserted its power in the area
(by way of Germany during the late 30s/early 40s, by way of NATO after
1989) there appeared a fissiparous policy supported by those
bourgeoisies. While the grip of the Serbian Royalists on the Kingdom
of the Serbs, Croatians and Slovenians was resented by those more
"Westernlike" sections of the country as an Oriental yoke, and today´s
defenders of the break up of Yugoslavia consider it as a general
Serbian malady, nothing is said of the supremacist environment that
prevailed  in Czechoslowakia, which during the 20s and 30s never
accepted full equality between the West and the East of the country
unless under the rule of the more "civilized" -i.e. half-Germanized-
West.

When Titoists got to power on a mainly Serbian-led war effort, and by
Serbian-led I mean "led by the lower ranks of the Serbian society",
they tried to begin to put an end to the "Western" tendencies of the
Northern Republics. Among other things, they raised the Chetnik issue
to an IMHO unacceptable equality with the Ustasha, and later on made
the latter issue a minor one as compared to that of the Chetniks. The
civil war between the Serbs thus became a substitute for the civil war
between the lower strata of the Yugoslav society and _all_ of its
bourgeois constituencies, where the leading role was _not_ that of the
Serbian bourgeoisies but that of the Croatian bourgeoisies. Which had
a temporary consequence of appeasement in the Northern Republics, but
eventually turned out to become a part of the effort of Satanization
of the struggle for Yugoslav unity during the 90s.


> Like the Irish in
> 1916, the Muslims of Bosnia and Kosovo had the right to accept material aid
> from whomever.  To me it is ironic, looking for example at the review pages
> of Johnstone's books on amazon, to see leftists lining up with anti-Islamic
> bigots worthy of O'Reilly and Beck.  The Machiavellian dictum, often
> ascribed to Mao, that your enemies enemy is your friend, has a lot of
> applicability, but it is not a universal substitute for a concrete analysis
> that starts from the facts.

The Muslims of Bosnia and Kossovo had NEVER been a national minority
in Yugoslavia up to the moment when Washington geniuses came to
discover that Germany had taken the lead in the game of breaking up
Yugoslavia. This is a first difference between them, then, and the
NATIONAL insurgence in Ireland. Thinking differently implies to accept
the British imperialist point of view that the Irish question is a
"religious", and not a national, question. This said, the Muslims of
Bosnia and Kossovo, of course, had every right to accet material aid
from whomever, but in the same predicament is anyone who leads a
struggle. What we must assess is the validity of that struggle, from
the point of view of the general struggle for socialism. When your
struggle appears as an outcome of an inter-imperialist brawl within
the general imperialist movement to break apart a somewhat rebel
country, I find it difficult to support it from the point of view of
socialists. Not, of course, from the point of view of the imperialist
bourgeoisies. But I suppose Tom Cod is NOT on this latter side...


-- 

Néstor Gorojovsky
El texto principal de este correo puede no ser de mi autoría

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