Over on Medium I have a Summary a ( 
https://medium.com/@jimfarmelant/summary-and-take-away-of-online-debate-with-remarkl-on-young-ronald-coase-as-socialist-1c347f694db6
 ) nd take-away of online debate with Remarkl on “Young Ronald Coase as 
socialist ( 
https://medium.com/@jimfarmelant/summary-and-take-away-of-online-debate-with-remarkl-on-young-ronald-coase-as-socialist-1c347f694db6
 ) ”

If you read the responses to my *The Young Ronald Coase as socialist* ( 
https://medium.com/@jimfarmelant/the-young-ronald-coase-as-socialist-eddab4d1a2c8
 ) post, you will see that a fellow Medium blogger Remarkl ( 
https://medium.com/@remarklj ) challenged my attempt to ground a case for 
socialism in terms of a partial synthesis of Coase and Marx. Remarkl very much 
takes a pro-capitalist stance but is not any sort of a libertarian 
free-marketeer, rather Remarkl accepts the need for government regulation and 
for a strong welfare state. Remarkl, in fact, praised the Scandinavian social 
democracies for providing a strong social safety net while remaining very much 
capitalist. What follows is a summary of that debate.

----------------
1. Shared ground
----------------

*Remarkl* and I agree on several foundational claims:

* Capitalist economies generate harms (externalities, inequality, instability) 
that *require political intervention*.
* Democratic regulation has historically *mitigated some of capitalism’s worst 
outcomes*.
* Any economic system must be *institutionally workable* , not judged solely by 
abstract models.
* Frictionless theories — of markets or planning — are inadequate for 
real-world analysis.

Thus, the disagreement is *not* about whether politics matters or whether 
capitalism is ever regulated.

--------------------------
2. Remarkl’s core position
--------------------------

Remarkl’s position can be summarized as follows:

* Capitalism is an *amoral profit-driven system* , not a moral philosophy.
* Politics is *not external to capitalism* , but a *market-like corrective 
mechanism* , analogous to collective consumer action.
* Democratic regulation is best understood as a *form of coordinated market 
choice* , enforced through political institutions.
* This view closely aligns with *James Buchanan’s* ( 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_M._Buchanan ) ** *public choice framework* 
( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_choice ) , which treats political 
decision-making as exchange-like behavior among self-interested actors.
* On this view, capitalism is *politically corrigible* rather than 
self-justifying.
* Historical evidence shows capitalist systems *can improve over time* without 
systemic collapse.
* Socialism fails because its incentive problems are *fatal* , whereas 
capitalism’s incentive problems are *manageable through politics*.
* The appropriate standard is *progressive improvement and survivability* , not 
ideal alignment.

In short: capitalism adapts through political feedback mechanisms analogous to 
markets; socialism does not.

-------------------
3. My core position
-------------------

My position diverges at a deeper structural and theoretical level:

* Capitalism’s improvements occur *despite* , not because of, its core 
incentive structure.
* Politics is not a market-like process but an *institutionally distinct mode 
of coordination* , involving authority, coercion, and asymmetric power.
* Treating politics as a market (à la public choice) *collapses critical 
distinctions* between democratic constraint and profit-driven allocation.
* Continuous political correction signals a *structural limitation* , not a 
system success.
* Capitalism has a recurring tendency to *erode, evade, or reverse reforms*.
* Viewing politics as endogenous to capitalism *renders capitalism, 
definitionally insulated* from structural critique. as a system.
* Coasean analysis explains why large-scale coordination increasingly 
outcompetes markets technologically; Marxism explains *who controls that 
coordination and why*.

In short: capitalism persists only through ongoing restraint, and that 
persistence does not constitute vindication.

----------------------
4. The real fault line
----------------------

The disagreement between Remarkl and myself is not primarily about whether 
capitalism has improved historically, whether socialism has failed in practice, 
or whether incentives matter — on all three points there is substantial 
overlap. The real fault line lies in how politics itself is conceptualized and, 
on that basis, how economic systems are evaluated.

I treat politics as a qualitatively distinct mode of coordination from markets, 
involving authority, coercion, collective decision-making, and asymmetrical 
power relations. From this perspective, regulation appears as an external 
constraint on markets, and the need for continuous political correction reveals 
structural limits in capitalism’s incentive system.

Remarkl, by contrast, drawing on James Buchanan and public choice theory, 
conceptualizes politics as market-like: a process of exchange among 
self-interested actors aggregated through democratic institutions. On this 
view, regulation is not external to capitalism but one of its endogenous 
feedback mechanisms. As a result, Remarkl denies that such internal evaluation 
is meaningful, instead judging capitalism by its long-run capacity for 
improvement and survival.

I maintain, on the contrary, that capitalism can and should be judged by the 
incentive structure it generates, and that it is therefore institutionally 
accountable as a system; What ultimately divides us is not so much empirical 
history but incompatible theoretical starting points about the nature of 
politics and institutional change.

A major issue left unaddressed in our exchange was imperialism. While we both 
acknowledged that capitalism has been associated with significant social 
improvements, those improvements have been overwhelmingly concentrated in the 
capitalist core — North America and Western Europe. A public-choice response 
might argue that this reflects differences in domestic institutions, governance 
quality, or voter preferences, rather than anything intrinsic to capitalism 
itself. However, such an explanation abstracts from the historically documented 
role of core capitalist states — especially the United States — in actively 
constraining the political and economic choices available to peripheral 
countries. Efforts by governments in the periphery to pursue reformist or 
developmental strategies have repeatedly been met with external intervention, 
ranging from sanctions and financial pressure to electoral interference and 
outright military force. These actions cannot be explained as the outcome of 
local political failure or voter preference; they represent deliberate 
exercises of power by core states to preserve favorable conditions for capital 
accumulation. As a result, comparisons between “successful” regulated 
capitalism in the core and stalled development in the periphery cannot be 
treated as independent institutional experiments. The political constraints 
that make capitalism appear corrigible in the core have often been denied, by 
force if necessary, to those outside it.


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