Tom, you are correct to stress the tangled lineage from Marshall’s “external 
economies,” through Pigou’s uncompensated services and disservices, to Coase’s 
transaction costs and social costs. Marshall had already treated information 
spillovers and agglomeration effects as central economic phenomena, many of 
which later reappear under the heading of transaction costs. The warning that 
Coase’s “stepping stone” of zero transaction costs is conceptually slippery is 
also fair: transaction costs and social costs can transform into one another, 
and careless use of the distinction can obscure rather than clarify real 
economic processes.

Nevertheless,  it would seem to be taking a step too far to suggest that this 
conceptual instability undermines Coase’s argument. Coase never claimed a hard 
ontological boundary between transaction costs and social costs - the 
distinction is functional and analytical. Its purpose was to show that once the 
costs of using markets are recognized, welfare conclusions change. That insight 
survives terminological messiness that you described. The most important 
contribution of your response, however, is your political point about digital 
planning: contemporary digital coordination systems lower transaction costs for 
large corporations while raising them for everyone else. This does not refute 
Coasean logic but reveals its class-structured application under capitalism. 
From a Marxian-Coasean perspective, this reinforces the case that coordination 
technologies are instruments of power, and that the real issue is not whether 
planning reduces transaction costs in the abstract, but who controls planning 
and how those costs are distributed socially.

That's why we need Marx here. Otherwise, Charles's point that ," This is all 
technical stuff that leaves out the main class choice. " becomes fully 
justified.


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