Eugene has expressed much more clearly than I did why it I matters that there 
is a "connection" between the signs that may have been directed to particular 
persons and the broader, clearly protected message.

Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Thursday, March 03, 2011 1:03 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Snyder v. Phelps

               It seems to me that the speech in Snyder was speech that was 
both on a broad topic, and used a particular person as an example (and the 
occasion for the speech).  That of course is utterly routine - many news 
stories, for instance, talk about crime, risks to health, government 
misconduct, and so on, using specific incidents as examples and occasions for 
the speech.  And those incidents often involve tragic things happening to 
private persons.  My sense is that such concrete "news hooks" are considered 
necessary in journalisms.

               I don't think that this can be enough to make the speech less 
constitutionally protected.  See, e.g., Florida Star v. B.J.F., where the Court 
concluded that the general story was on a matter of public concern (crime, even 
though it was just a small item on one crime, with no express connection to 
broader discussions), and that this was so even though it used the name of the 
crime victim.  Likewise here, it seems to me.

               The Phelpses believe that God is retaliating against America for 
its sin of tolerating homosexuality, and that this retaliation - including the 
violent death of American soldiers - will continue until we change our 
policies.  That strikes me as a ridiculous position; but it is surely speech on 
a matter of public concern.  And including a specific example of someone who 
died allegedly because of our sins can't, I think, make this speech on a matter 
of private concern any more than focusing on someone who died from lung cancer 
(whether as a result of smoking or second-hand smoke) or from HIV strips a 
broad discussion of the dangers of smoking or sexual promiscuity or anal 
intercourse of its public-concern status.

               Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Brownstein, Alan
Sent: Thursday, March 03, 2011 10:10 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Snyder v. Phelps

I admit to being confused by the emphasis in the Court's opinion on the 
question of whether the speech at issue was a matter of public concern or not. 
The primary issue in the case in my judgment involved targeting and harassment. 
I assume that derogatory statements about a class of people defined by race, 
religion, sexual orientation or other characteristics can be construed to be 
matters of public concern. I have also assumed, however, that such statements 
can be restricted as harassment or made the basis of civil liability if they 
are directed at a targeted individual in an inappropriate manner. The fact that 
someone hates everyone in your class and not just you doesn't transform the 
harassing nature of speech. If Church members had called Snyder at his home 
before and after the funeral and told the grieving Dad "Thank God for dead 
soldiers" or "God Hates you", I think that would have been actionable. It would 
still be actionable if the statements were generalized to say "God hates people 
like you."

Conversely, if I stood up on a soapbox and said that one of my colleague who I 
identified by name was a horrible person and that G-d hated him, and that I 
would be happy if terrible things happened to him, I would think that was 
speech on a matter of private concern, but it would still be fully protected 
speech.

The extent to which speech involves a public figure or is a matter of public 
concern plays some role in deciding whether expressive activities are 
actionable or not - but isn't the key issue here when, where, and how this 
hurtful message was communicated. The funeral of a President may involve a 
different analysis than the funeral of a private citizen. But here, I think the 
fact that the protestors were 1000 feet away from the funeral, were standing 
where they were told to stand by the police, and could not be seen by the 
mourners carries the lion's share of the weight in supporting the Court's 
conclusion. The conclusion that the expression of racism, homophobia and other 
forms of bigotry is speech on a matter of public concern is secondary.

(For the record, the idea that someone who travels thousands of miles to hold a 
demonstration as close to a funeral service as they can get to hold up a sign 
saying "Thank God for dead soldiers" is not referring to  the soldier being 
buried is pretty unpersuasive. They may be referring to other deceased soldiers 
as well - but that does not change the fact that they are referring to Snyder's 
son.)

Alan Brownstein



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marty Lederman
Sent: Wednesday, March 02, 2011 4:23 PM
To: Ira Lupu
Cc: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics; CONLAWPROFS professors
Subject: Re: Snyder v. Phelps

Perhaps.  Or perhaps those signs might refer, like most of the other messages, 
to the government and its agents more generally.  And perhaps that would be 
good enough reason to immunize such statements -- because there is a likelihood 
they were on matters of public concern, and would be understood as such by a 
(forgive me) "reasonable observer."  At least that would be a rationale -- one 
that would limit the holding so that it did not apply to speech unambiguously 
about a private figure (an issue that could be reserved).

But what Roberts writes is this:  "Even if a few of the signs-such as "You're 
Going to Hell" and "God Hates You"-were viewed as containing messages related 
to Matthew Snyder or the Snyders specifically, that would not change the fact 
that the overall thrust and dominant theme of Westboro's demonstration spoke to 
broader public issues."

This appears to suggest that speech can't be the source of IIED liability if 
its "overall thrust" is with respect to broader public issues, even if certain 
of its constituative statements are only about "non-public-figure" targets.
On Wed, Mar 2, 2011 at 7:13 PM, Ira Lupu 
<icl...@law.gwu.edu<mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu>> wrote:
It's not at all obvious that "You're Going to Hell" and "God Hates You" refers 
to  Mr. Snyder (the father), or to his deceased son, or to anyone in 
particular.  Perhaps the "You" in these messages refers to anyone who supports 
gay rights, or the Roman Catholic Church.  So Isn't there an echo here of NYT 
v. Sullivan, where (as I recall, perhaps erroneously) the Court did not remand 
because a jury could not reasonably find that the NYT ad was "of and 
concerning" Sullivan?
On Wed, Mar 2, 2011 at 6:45 PM, Marty Lederman 
<lederman.ma...@gmail.com<mailto:lederman.ma...@gmail.com>> wrote:
The most troubling (or at least undefended) part of the majority opinion is why 
the particular signs specifically about Snyder and arguably not on a matter of 
public concern - namely, "You're Going to Hell" and "God Hates You" - should be 
immunized merely because the "overall thrust" of the collective messages was on 
matters of public concern.  (Get ready to teach your students the "overall 
thrust" doctrine.  Akin to the "taken as a whole" component of obscenity 
doctrine?)

That is to say - why wasn't the proper resolution to remand with instructions 
that the jury is to be charged only with respect to the non-public-concern 
speech?  I can imagine reasons why the Court might be reluctant to do that and 
might prefer an "overall thrust" test - e.g., to provide breathing space; or 
because the jury would invariably be tainted by, and inclined to assign 
liability for, the surrounding public concern speech; or because the record 
didn't demonstrate that the Snyder family was aware of those particular 
messages (if that's the case); or perhaps even on the theory that speech *about 
Snyder* but directed to a public audience is more constitutionally protected 
than Dun&Bradstreet-like speech to a purely private audience -- but the Court 
doesn't bother to invoke any such explanations, or even try to distinguish, 
e.g., the old "Voltaire/flyleaf" reasoning.

On the other hand, most of the Internet speech here was, in fact, directed to a 
public audience but concerning a private figure, and the Court goes out of its 
way to emphasize that it's not deciding that question.  So perhaps some such 
speech might still not be entitled to full constitutional protection . . . at a 
minimum, where it constitutes the "overall thrust" of the expression viewed as 
a whole.

On Wed, Mar 2, 2011 at 6:05 PM, Steven Jamar 
<stevenja...@gmail.com<mailto:stevenja...@gmail.com>> wrote:
Snyder v. Phelps, 8-1.

C.J. Roberts:

Whether the First Amendment prohibits holding Westboro liable for its speech in 
this case turns largely on whether that speech is of public or private concern, 
as determined by all the circumstances of the case.

http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/10pdf/09-751.pdf

--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar                     vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org<http://iipsj.org/>
Howard University School of Law           fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/

Peace can only last where human rights are respected, where the people are fed, 
and where individuals and nations are free.

Dalai Lama





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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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