(1)  If the contraceptive mandate was attached to a broad 
government spending program - as best I can tell it isn't, but I'll be glad to 
work with the hypo - then the question is how RFRA interacts with the 
unconstitutional conditions doctrine, which of course treats some conditions as 
permissible and others as not.  I would think that, given Sherbert, RFRA would 
apply pretty strongly even when the government is attaching conditions to 
benefits, though it's hard to tell.

                (2)  It seems to me that "religious liberty" in the sense of a 
right to exemptions and free speech/association are not on equal par as 
constitutional rights.  Indeed, Smith expressly holds that there is no right to 
exemptions, and that the constitutional right is purely a nondiscrimination 
right.  Nor are RFRA and free speech/association on par; RFRA mandates weakfish 
strict scrutiny with a substantial burden threshold, while the rules for free 
speech/association are a mix of different standards - very strong strict 
scrutiny with no burden threshold for content-based restrictions, intermediate 
scrutiny with a high burden threshold for content-neutral restrictions, and 
either some kind of strict scrutiny or maybe per se invalidation with a 
moderate burden threshold (though one that might well be quite different than 
the RFRA threshold) for expressive association.  I drew the Rust analogy simply 
to show that conditions attached to subsidies are very different from 
requirements imposed on everyone who goes into business (or into some kinds of 
business), not to suggest that the free speech rules and the religious 
exemptions rules would be identical.

(3)  In FAIR v. Rumsfeld, the Court concluded that there was no substantial 
burden on the university's rights, because (a) the university remained free to 
express whatever views it wishes (the free speech issue), (b) the right of 
expressive association does not extend to a right to exclude visitors, as 
opposed to members or speakers as in Dale (the expressive association issue), 
and (c) the right to be free of compelled speech likewise did not extend to 
this situation (the compelled speech issue).  I think (a) and (b) are clearly 
right but (c) is more questionable, but in any case that's how the unanimous 
Court reasoned.  So as to all these rights claims, the Court found no 
cognizable burden, because the underlying rights did not extend as far as the 
universities said they did.

                But the substantial burden threshold under RFRA is different:  
Requiring a claimant to do something that the claimant believes (for religious 
reasons) that it ought not do, or forbidding a claimant from doing something 
that the claimant believes (for religious reasons) that it ought to do, is a 
substantial burden, and triggers RFRA strict scrutiny.  That requirement just 
wasn't present the same way in FAIR, because the burden threshold rules there 
were dictated by the nature of the other rights involved.

                Eugene


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Steve Sanders
Sent: Monday, February 13, 2012 1:26 PM
To: 'Law & Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: Contraceptives and gender discrimination

I'm not talking about a Rust v. Sullivan type government program that mandates 
or prohibits specific speech, I'm thinking of the spending clause power to 
attach conditions to government money.  See, e.g., Grove City College.  
Hospitals get all manner of govt funds through Medicare and Medicaid, research 
grants, etc.  So Eugene, would religious liberty be just as improperly 
infringed if the govt required specific standards of medical care (my hypo) in 
exchange for acceptance of government funding?

Another question: assuming that religious liberty and free speech/association 
are on equal par as constitutional rights, isn't this really like FAIR v. 
Rumsfeld?  How is it different, other than the relative popularity (or 
political exploitability) of the constitutional rights involved?  Isn't the 
burden here just as incidental and necessary as the burden on law schools was 
in FAIR?  If not, why not?

________________________________
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Monday, February 13, 2012 11:04 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Contraceptives and gender discrimination
                Isn't there a difference here between (1) accepting specific 
subsidies ("federal funds") that the government insists be used for behavior 
that furthers specific government goals, and (2) "operat[ing] in the public 
sphere by running hospitals and universities"?  By way of analogy, consider the 
Free Speech Clause.  Rust v. Sullivan  says that the government may insist that 
certain funds be used to promote prenatal care and not abortion; and though the 
holding is controversial as to that particular fact pattern, I assume it would 
be uncontroversial as to most other funding programs.  But it hardly follows, I 
take it, that anyone running a hospital could be ordered not to speak out in 
favor of abortion, or even some medical procedure that is not constitutionally 
protected.

                Eugene
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