Friends,

This bounced back, as too long, and so I’m trying again.  Sorry if you receive 
it twice!

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN page<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235>

Blogs:

Prawfsblawg<http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/>
Mirror of Justice<http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/>

From: Rick Garnett
Sent: Monday, June 25, 2012 1:47 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions and discrimination

Dear colleagues,

I’m coming to this discussion late, and I apologize (and realize that many of 
us are today focused more on immigration and the Eighth Amendment!).  The first 
sentence of Eugene’s response to Bob expresses really well, I think, a key 
point in these debates.  As he says, “discrimination” means many different 
things, and not all of these things are wrong.  Shamelessness alert:  I have a 
chapter in a forthcoming book (which grew out of a really interesting 
conference that Austin Sarat organized at Alabama last year), called “Religious 
Freedom and the Nondiscrimination Norm,” which tries to explore the issue in a 
bit more detail.  Here’s the first paragraph of the abstract:

“Discrimination,” we believe, is wrong. And, because “discrimination” is wrong, 
we believe that governments like ours – secular, liberal, constitutional 
governments – may, and should, take regulatory and other steps to prevent, 
discourage, and denounce it. However, it is not true that “discrimination” is 
always or necessarily wrong. Nor is it the case that governments always or 
necessarily should or may regulate or discourage it even when it is. Some 
wrongs are beyond the authorized reach of government policy; some are too 
difficult or costly to identify, let alone regulate; others are none of the 
government’s business. . . .

The full abstract, and the paper, are available here:  
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2087599

Best,

R

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN page<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235>

Blogs:

Prawfsblawg<http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/>
Mirror of Justice<http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/>

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Friday, June 15, 2012 3:50 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Religious exemptions and discrimination

                I think this is combining under the rubric of “discrimination” 
many different things.  First, item 2 doesn’t involve discrimination based on 
the passenger’s race, religion, sex, and so on which is why businesses 
generally are free to discriminate against patrons with wine, or employees who 
drink wine.  The relevant law here is a sort of “common carrier” rule that 
imposes on a few businesses (and only a few) the obligation to do business with 
pretty much everyone, an obligation that is much broader than that imposed by 
antidiscrimination law.  Relatedly, item 1 doesn’t involve discrimination in 
the antidiscrimination law sense (except insofar as one can argue that such a 
refusal is sex discrimination because only women take Plan B, which I doubt 
will succeed).  Indeed, I take it that all of us would agree that a supermarket 
could choose to refuse to stock condoms (male or female) or over-the-counter 
contraceptives.  Rather, the relevant law is a professional obligation imposed 
on pharmacies to stock either all in-demand pharmaceuticals, or at least to 
stock this particular pharmaceutical.

                Second, even true discrimination rules have historically been 
applied more narrowly in some areas than in others, and this reflects (in 
addition to federalism concerns) real differences in the way discrimination 
affects people.  Title II of the Civil Rights Act, for instance, does not 
constrain pharmacies, cab drivers, or professional photographers; indeed, it 
applies to only a narrow range of places of public accommodation.  It does, 
however, affect all businesses with more than a threshold number of employees.  
And this makes sense, because as to many places of public accommodation, the 
chief harm with discrimination is only dignitary:  If Elaine Huguenin refuses 
to photograph a same-sex commitment ceremony, the couple might be annoyed by 
the refusal, but they can probably find another photographer at little cost, at 
least in most places.  (Indeed, the couple may prefer to hire a photographer 
who they feel will see their ceremony as beautiful, and thus be inspired to 
photograph it that way, rather than a photographer who is being forced by law 
to photograph something she disapproves of.)  On the other hand, employment 
discrimination can dramatically affect people’s livelihoods, especially since 
employment is often much less fungible than most commercially available 
services.

                Third, different sorts of discrimination rules relate 
differently to other constitutional rights, and liberty rights more generally.  
Requiring a photographer to photograph something she doesn’t want to photograph 
affects her  First Amendment right not to create expressive works that she 
disapproves of.  (Even those who think wedding photography isn’t expressive 
enough to qualify for that purposes might, I think, agree that a commercial 
press release writer should have the right to refuse to write press releases 
for Scientology – though that’s discriminating based on religion – or to write 
a glowing account of a same-sex ceremony.)  Likewise, constraining a landlord’s 
choice about who lives in the other half of a duplex in which she lives may 
burden her privacy rights, constitutional or otherwise.  Not so for a landlord 
who owns a large apartment building.  This doesn’t directly affect the 
religious exemption claim, of course, but it does highlight why the wedding 
photographer example may need to be treated differently.

                Given these differences, it seems to me quite unsurprising that 
the caselaw rejecting religious exemptions to employment discrimination claims 
wouldn’t necessarily fully extend to claims of housing  discrimination based on 
marital status (to give an example of a religious exemption claim that some 
courts have accepted), and wouldn’t be particularly helpful as to claimed 
exemptions from common carrier obligations or professional regulations.

                Eugene
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