I conceded at the outset that reasonable people could differ on "Smith is
right, and RFRA is still good policy."  I just don't think that case can be
made on grounds of political accountability that RFRA invites.  I apologize
for putting Mark in the wrong group.

Bill Marshall did indeed think Smith was right for reasons never expressed
in the opinion (primarily, that pre-Smith doctrine improperly elevated
religion over its secular counterparts.)  But Bill most certainly is no fan
of RFRA.  He has just posted "Bad Statutes Make Bad Law: Hobby Lobby v.
Burwell," forthcoming in Supreme Court Review,
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2562949.  I strongly
encourage others on the list to read it.

On Wed, Feb 18, 2015 at 7:15 PM, Scarberry, Mark <
mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu> wrote:

> Chip,
>
>
>
> I’m with Doug on this: I also think Smith was wrongly decided, so you have
> put me in the wrong group; even on your view of the matter, I’m not a
> clinger.
>
>
>
> And I **haven’t** seconded any argument about political accountability.
> In fact, I very much worry that there will be too little room for religious
> freedom if the matter is left to the political process. Recent developments
> confirm my fears. I want Smith to be overruled. Meanwhile I’m willing to
> support RFRAs as a second best approach (and perhaps as a better approach
> than what might be put in place of Smith, were it to be overruled).
>
>
>
> What I **have done** is to point out that there are people who are
> convinced of two perfectly consistent propositions: (1) Smith was right as
> a matter of whether the Constitution requires religious exemptions, and (2)
> a RFRA approach is good policy. They may have various reasons for taking
> both of those positions. They need not agree with the reasons Justice
> Scalia gave in his Smith opinion. I need not agree with any of their
> reasons to recognize that they put them forward reasonably and in good
> faith.
>
>
>
> Even if I thought that Smith got it right as a matter of constitutional
> law – perhaps, to use a counterfactual, because I somehow was persuaded
> that it was right on originalist grounds – I still would support the RFRA
> approach. I’m not persuaded that the concerns expressed by Justice Scalia
> about (as you term them) “normative and institutional deficiencies”
> outweigh the need for real and substantial protection of religious exercise
> against neutral, generally applicable laws. It’s not that Justice Scalia’s
> concerns “go away;” I never found them persuasive in the first place.
>
>
>
> Best,
>
> Mark
>
>
>
> Mark S. Scarberry
>
> Professor of Law
>
> Pepperdine Univ. School of Law
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
> religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Doug Laycock
> *Sent:* Wednesday, February 18, 2015 3:28 PM
> *To:* 'Law & Religion issues for Law Academics'
> *Subject:* RE: Jim Oleske's new review of book by Robert George
>
>
>
> I think *Smith* was wrong. But those who think it right think so for a
> variety of reasons. They may think the original public meaning simply
> didn’t include exemptions, and think that unfortunate. They may not at all
> buy Scalia’s argument about how terrible it is for judges to make
> judgments. Recall Bill Marshall’s argument that the result was right but
> the opinion was a travesty.
>
>
>
> Even if they rely on legislative oversight, they may think that in a
> sufficiently clear or unpopular case, legislative oversight would come.
> State legislatures have enacted plenty of RFRA exceptions, some of them
> reasonably sensible and some of them deeply ill-advised. Most of these were
> part of the initial enactment, but at least Illinois and Florida have
> enacted RFRA exceptions in response to particular litigation. Supporters of
> both *Smith* and RFRA may also think that the present legislative
> polarization will not last forever, and sooner or later, it will be
> possible for Congress to legislate again.
>
>
>
> Douglas Laycock
>
> Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
>
> University of Virginia Law School
>
> 580 Massie Road
>
> Charlottesville, VA  22903
>
>      434-243-8546
>
>
>
> *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [
> mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
> <religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>] *On Behalf Of *Ira Lupu
> *Sent:* Wednesday, February 18, 2015 6:12 PM
> *To:* Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> *Subject:* Re: Jim Oleske's new review of book by Robert George
>
>
>
> Dear Rick:
>
>
>
> Yes, I think you are just echoing Mark and Eugene when you emphasize the
> distinction between pre-Smith free exercise adjudication and RFRA
> adjudication.  Consider what Scalia says in Smith (pp. 885-890) about the
> normative and institutional deficiencies of free exercise adjudication --
> among other concerns, the deep undesirability of "a system in which each
> conscience is a law unto itself or in which judges weigh the social
> importance of all laws against the centrality of all religious beliefs" (at
> 890).  What makes this and other concerns he expresses go away when the
> identical standards are being applied under RFRA?
>
>
>
> The argument to the contrary, as I understand it, is not about judicial
> competence to apply those standards.  How can judges magically become more
> trustworthy or reliable when the identical power is being exercised under a
> statute? Eugene's argument (which you and Mark have seconded) is not about
> manageability or substantive soundness of those standards.  Instead, it is
> all about political accountability - that somehow RFRA adjudication is
> different because of the possibility of legislative revision and control.
> As you probably know, I have recently argued that this line of thinking is
> an academic fancy, with no real world confirmation.  See pp. 73-74 of
> "Hobby Lobby and the Dubious Enterprise of Religious Exemptions,
> http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2466571.  Reasonable
> people can differ on this, of course, but public choice theory confirms the
> lived experience -- at least before the recent conflict about marriage
> equality and vendor discrimination, legislators would routinely vote for
> "religious freedom" in the abstract, and leave to the judiciary all the
> particular choices of how to apply RFRA's to each case. Legislators would
> get all the credit and none of the blame for any bad choices.  There has
> been no after the fact accountability for legislative approval of a RFRA.
>
>
>
> So I get why Mike Paulsen, Doug Laycock, and others are big fans of RFRA
> -- they think Smith was wrong, and that RFRA rightly restores some version
> of the pre-Smith regime.  But I don't get why you, Mark, Eugene and others
> cling to this "Smith was right, but RFRA is good" trope.  It rests on sand.
>
>
>
> I will confess original ambivalence about Smith (i have written on both
> sides of that -- critical of Smith in the early years, supportive more
> recently).  But I have been convinced from the beginning that RFRA was a
> mistake, and I am only more convinced by 20 years of experience that the
> regime of RFRA, as administered by judges and never supervised by
> legislatures, is unprincipled.
>
>
>
>  I hope this answers your question.
>
>
>
> Chip
>
> _______________________________________________
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>



-- 
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious
People" ( Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2014))
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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