Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-08 Thread Justin Schwartz



I'D LIKE TO HEAR YOUR RESPONSE TO THIS CRITICISM OF YOUR IDEA THAT WE ONLY 
NEED EXPLOITATION NOT VALUE THEORY.

More on your papers as I read through them.


I'm tuckered out on value theory. But as a matter of philosophy of social 
science, I note that it was never an objection of mind that: Value theory is 
a lawlike generalization, but there are no such in social sciences, so value 
theory is false. That was not what I said. Even if laws as lawlike as you 
like are available in social science, itdoes not follow that anything that 
has the form of a lawlike generalization is true or useful. However, this is 
a point about philosophy of science. I am not discussing value theory any 
more. Sorry. jks

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Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Justin Schwartz

But Justin, do you accept that what you criticise as being redundant some
of us would merely call a labor theory of prices?

Not merely. Marx attemptedto use value theory to do a lot of work, e.g., as 
part od a theory of crisis, as a component of his account of commodity 
fetishism, as an account of the nature of money, and, of course, as the 
explanation of profit, exploitation, surplus value, and the rate of these 
things. However, he correctly started from the premises that to do this 
work, value had to be quantity with a determinable magnitude, and price is 
the point of entry into that because value appears as price and profit in 
the phenonemal world. If value theory breaks down there, it's toast, as Marx 
also recognized, which is why he and Engels and traditional Marxism were 
concerned with the transformation problem. In these respect he was more 
intellectually honest that the latter-day defenders of value theory who want 
the quantity without being able to determine its measure.


And from the perspective of it being an expanation of exploitation, some of
us would say that childen notice there are grossly unfair and inexplicable
differences in society.

Unlike me, right? I think that all the inequalities that exist are just 
great. But here you depart from Marxism: Unfair is a charge he would 
dismissa sa  bourgeois whine. As a liberal democrat, I myself think he was 
wrong about that--I think justice talk is very important--but I find it odd 
that you insist on orthodoxy in political economy while rejecting Marx's 
ideologiekritik of morality in general and talk of justice and fairness in 
particular.

Finally, I don't understand why you think you can't explain inequality with 
value theory. Here's Roemer['s explanation: the bourgeoisie grabbed the 
means of production by force or acquired them by luck, and used their 
ill-gotten resources to maintain their unfair advantages. Not a whisper of 
value, and so far as it goes a perfectly true, and indeed Marxian 
explanation.

Some of us would say that the marxian theory
of
value is much bigger than an explanation of exploitation.

Without being persuaded by us, do you acknowedge that such different
perspectives exist?

Do you mean, do I recognize that you persist in error? Yes.

jks

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Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread christian11

Rakesh,

Let me try this definition (open to revision of course):

Value is the socially necessary abstract labor time which potentially objectified in 
a commodity has as its only and necessary form of appearance units of money.

This is what I meant yesterday by debt and wages as the terms of capital 
depreciation. If I were being polemical, I might ask how you know that money always 
distorts value if you have no other measure of it. It seems to me that you accept that 
as a first principle, based on the existential description of class antagonism. But I 
wonder if this distortion always takes the same shape: is the value produced by the LA 
Lakers distorted in the same way as that by the workers who prep and clean the Staples 
center? I don't think so, although you could argue that what's being distorted is the 
snalt, not subjective labor time. Wage differences (like wages themselves), you might 
say, express this distortion. But then you're left explaining how Shaq's and Kobe's 
wages, as representations of surplus value/snalt are only in _appearance_ (since 
that's what wages are) different from those of the staff at Staples--in principle, 
they really aren't different; there's still extraction of surpl!
us!
 value;, it just looks like they have better lives because their are 
multimillionaires. Then what?

Christian





RE: Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Devine, James

But Justin, do you accept that what you criticise as being redundant some
of us would merely call a labor theory of prices?

Justin responds: Not merely. Marx attempted to use value theory to do a lot
of work, e.g., as  part od [of?] a theory of crisis, as a component of his
account of commodity fetishism, as an account of the nature of money, and,
of course, as the explanation of profit, exploitation, surplus value, and
the rate of these things.

That's right: Marx's Law of Value was a component of his account of
commodity fetishism, or is rather implied by his whole vision of the
capitalist system, which involves commodity fetishism (or the illusions
created by competition of volume III). Like Locke before him (who developed
a very non-Marxian labor theory of property), money is central to Marx's
LoV. The key thing about the LoV is that it applies -- as a
true-by-definition accounting system that's an alternative to doing one's
accounting in price terms -- for the capitalist system as a whole or to the
average capital (abstract capital) representing the system as a whole. 

However, he correctly started from the premises that to do this work, value
had to be quantity with a determinable magnitude, and price is the point of
entry into that because value appears as price and profit in the
phenonemal world. If value theory breaks down there, it's toast, as Marx
also recognized, which is why he and Engels and traditional Marxism were
concerned with the transformation problem.

It's surplus-value that appears as profit in the phenomenal world, i.e.,
the world that we perceive rather than the world revealed by applying the
acid of abstraction. (It's only Roemer who sees profit as in essence a
scarcity price.) But no matter. Marx's concern with the so-called
transformation problem (the derivation of values from prices or vice-versa)
comes from his early learning from Ricardo. But then he takes the whole
issue in a different direction. 

For Marx, as I read him, the movement from value to price (or price of
production) is not mathematical as much as it is one of moving from a high
level of abstraction (volume I of CAPITAL) to a lower one (volume III). In
volume I, he focused on capital as a whole (as represented by the
representative capitalist, Mr. Moneybags), abstracting from the
heterogeneity of many capitals and the relationships amongst them.
Step-by-step, he brings in aspects of the picture from which he had
abstracted, until he gets to volume III, where he deals with how the
configurations of capital appear on the surface of society, in the action
of different capitals on one another, i.e., in competition, and in the
everyday consciousness of the agents of production themselves (from the
first page of text in volume III). 

In this light, the so-called transformation problem should be seen as a
disaggregation problem, going from the whole to the heterogeneous parts
that make it up. In Marx's thought, the distinction between individual
values and individual prices is as important as their unity. (For example,
the value produced by money-lenders equals zero in Marx's theory, but they
receive revenues: they are paid a price for their services.)  The
distinction represents the role of heterogeneity of capitals and
competition, whereas the unity (represented by his equations total value =
total price and total surplus-value = total profits+interest+rent)
represents the fact that the heterogeneity and competition take place within
a unified whole. (The revenues received by the money-lenders is a deduction
from the surplus-value that the industrial capitalists have organized the
production of.) 

In these respect he was more intellectually honest that the latter-day
defenders of value  theory who want the quantity without being able to
determine its measure.

to whom are you referring? and what does this mean? 

It should also be noted that prices are very hard to measure, especially
since the quality of diffferent products varies among them and over time. 
 
 
 And from the perspective of it being an expanation of 
 exploitation, some of
 us would say that childen notice there are grossly unfair 
 and inexplicable
 differences in society.
 
 Unlike me, right? I think that all the inequalities that 
 exist are just 
 great. But here you depart from Marxism: Unfair is a charge 
 he would 
 dismissa sa  bourgeois whine. As a liberal democrat, I myself 
 think he was 
 wrong about that--I think justice talk is very important--but 
 I find it odd 
 that you insist on orthodoxy in political economy while 
 rejecting Marx's 
 ideologiekritik of morality in general and talk of justice 
 and fairness in 
 particular.
 
 Finally, I don't understand why you think you can't explain 
 inequality with 
 value theory. Here's Roemer['s explanation: the bourgeoisie 
 grabbed the 
 means of production by force or acquired them by luck, and used their 
 ill-gotten resources to maintain their unfair advantages. Not 
 a whisper 

FW: Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Devine, James

[this was sent by mistake, before I finished it.]

But Justin, do you accept that what you criticise as being redundant some
of us would merely call a labor theory of prices?

Justin responds: Not merely. Marx attempted to use value theory to do a lot
of work, e.g., as  part od [of?] a theory of crisis, as a component of his
account of commodity fetishism, as an account of the nature of money, and,
of course, as the explanation of profit, exploitation, surplus value, and
the rate of these things.

That's right: Marx's Law of Value was a component of his account of
commodity fetishism, or is rather implied by his whole vision of the
capitalist system, which involves commodity fetishism (or the illusions
created by competition of volume III). Like Locke before him (who developed
a very non-Marxian labor theory of property), money is central to Marx's
LoV. The key thing about the LoV is that it applies -- as a
true-by-definition accounting system that's an alternative to doing one's
accounting in price terms -- for the capitalist system as a whole or to the
average capital (abstract capital) representing the system as a whole. 

However, he correctly started from the premises that to do this work, value
had to be quantity with a determinable magnitude, and price is the point of
entry into that because value appears as price and profit in the
phenonemal world. If value theory breaks down there, it's toast, as Marx
also recognized, which is why he and Engels and traditional Marxism were
concerned with the transformation problem.

It's surplus-value that appears as profit in the phenomenal world, i.e.,
the world that we perceive rather than the world revealed by applying the
acid of abstraction. (It's only Roemer who sees profit as in essence a
scarcity price.) But no matter. Marx's concern with the so-called
transformation problem (the derivation of values from prices or vice-versa)
comes from his early learning from Ricardo. But then he takes the whole
issue in a different direction. 

For Marx, as I read him, the movement from value to price (or price of
production) is not mathematical as much as it is one of moving from a high
level of abstraction (volume I of CAPITAL) to a lower one (volume III). In
volume I, he focused on capital as a whole (as represented by the
representative capitalist, Mr. Moneybags), abstracting from the
heterogeneity of many capitals and the relationships amongst them.
Step-by-step, he brings in aspects of the picture from which he had
abstracted, until he gets to volume III, where he deals with how the
configurations of capital appear on the surface of society, in the action
of different capitals on one another, i.e., in competition, and in the
everyday consciousness of the agents of production themselves (from the
first page of text in volume III). 

In this light, the so-called transformation problem should be seen as a
disaggregation problem, going from the whole to the heterogeneous parts
that make it up. In Marx's thought, the distinction between individual
values and individual prices is as important as their unity. (For example,
the value produced by money-lenders equals zero in Marx's theory, but they
receive revenues: they are paid a price for their services.)  The
distinction represents the role of heterogeneity of capitals and
competition, whereas the unity (represented by his equations total value =
total price and total surplus-value = total profits+interest+rent)
represents the fact that the heterogeneity and competition take place within
a unified whole. (The revenues received by the money-lenders is a deduction
from the surplus-value that the industrial capitalists have organized the
production of.) 

In these respect he was more intellectually honest that the latter-day
defenders of value  theory who want the quantity without being able to
determine its measure.

to whom are you referring? and what does this mean? It's quite possible to
measure values, though  only approximately. But note that even prices can be
very hard to measure, especially since the quality of diffferent products
varies and the cost of buying something can involve non-monetary or hidden
monetary elements. 

Justin continues ... I don't understand why you think you can't explain
inequality with value theory. Here's Roemer['s explanation: the bourgeoisie
grabbed the means of production by force or acquired them by luck, and used
their ill-gotten resources to maintain their unfair advantages. Not a
whisper of value, and so far as it goes a perfectly true, and indeed Marxian
explanation.

In our old article in ECONMICS  PHILOSOPHY, Gary Dymski and I devastated
Roemer's theory. He has no explanation of why the capitalists continue to
receive profits over time. Blinkered by general equilibrium theory, he
presents an equilibrium (i.e., inadequate) theory which cannot explain why
the key variable in the story -- the scarcity of capital goods -- persists
over time. That is, Roemer's theory doesn't 

Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Rakesh Bhandari


And how could Marx define the absolute general law of capitalist 
accumulation in the way he does in Ch XXV if his theory of value 
was not
a) dynamic
b )systemic?



Mine is not an overimaginative reading of the overall thrust of 
Marx's approach, (although unimaginative readings of Marx's theory 
are more than possible).


Chris Burford

Not at all Chris. I was suggesting that my definition was limited, in 
need of supplmentation because it did not capture the meanings on 
which you are rightly focused.

Rakesh




Re: Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Rakesh Bhandari

Christian,
Can't follow what you're getting at. Please restate.


Rakesh,

Let me try this definition (open to revision of course):

Value is the socially necessary abstract labor time which 
potentially objectified in a commodity has as its only and 
necessary form of appearance units of money.

This is what I meant yesterday by debt and wages as the terms of 
capital depreciation.

Well that's not what I mean since I still don't understand what you are saying.



  If I were being polemical, I might ask how you know that money 
always distorts value if you have no other measure of it.

What's the problem?



It seems to me that you accept that

what is the reference to that?



  as a first principle, based on the existential description of class 
antagonism. But I wonder if this distortion always takes the same 
shape: is the value produced by the LA Lakers distorted in the same 
way as that by the workers who prep and clean the Staples center? I 
don't think so, although you could argue that what's being distorted 
is the snalt, not subjective labor time. Wage differences (like 
wages themselves), you might say, express this distortion. But then 
you're left explaining how Shaq's and Kobe's wages, as 
representations of surplus value/snalt are only in _appearance_ 
(since that's what wages are) different from those of the staff at 
Staples--in principle, they really aren't different; there's still 
extraction of surpl!
us!
  value;, it just looks like they have better lives because their are 
multimillionaires. Then what?

Christian




Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Michael Perelman

Chris, Marx puts the dynamism in, in part, by saying that value represents
the cost of REPRODUCTION, not production.  This is a key element in his
analysis of the devalorization of capital.

Chris Burford wrote:

 At 06/02/02 20:10 -0800, you wrote:
 This definition of course does not capture the systemic and dynamic
 features which Chris B is attempting to build into his definition.

 The law of value of commodities ultimately determines how much of its
 disposable working-time society can expend on each particular class of
 commodities.

 V  Vol I  Ch 14Sec 4

 And how could Marx define the absolute general law of capitalist
 accumulation in the way he does in Ch XXV if his theory of value was not
 a) dynamic
 b )systemic?

 Mine is not an overimaginative reading of the overall thrust of Marx's
 approach, (although unimaginative readings of Marx's theory are more than
 possible).

 Chris Burford

--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-07 Thread Justin Schwartz


^

CB: Are you saying that probablistic laws are not fuzzier than laws that 
are more definitive ?

Depends on the probablistic laws. The laws of quantum mechanics are as 
precise as can be. So too are the laws of Mendelian genetics. Essentially 
they can predict the probabilities they describe extremely precisely. A 
law of thefalling rate of profit is not like that that.


The laws of physics are formulated with plenty of exceptions. Take the 
first law of Newton and Galilei as presented by Einstein below.  The clause 
removed sufficiently far from other bodies is a ceteris paribus clause 
and implies exceptions to the law ( i.e. when the body is not removed 
sufficiently from other bodies there is an exception).

Not the same thing. If you factor in the gravitational attraction of other 
bodies, you can (with difficulty, the many-body problem is very 
challenging), predict the path of the body affected as precisely as you 
like. With physics, the sources of deviation are few in kind, well 
understood, and rigorously accountable for.

Social systems by contrast are open. We don't know even what kinds of things 
might count as disturbances. And the ideal type models, freed from 
disturbances, are of unclear status. The best ideal type we have of that 
sort is the rational actor model underlying game theory and neoclassical 
economics. Even there the terms are disputed. With the rational actor 
minimax or maximin or what?

I repeat that I am not, as a social scientist, gripped with physics envy. I 
do not think that physics is better as science merely because it is more 
precise. I also agree that the differences between the natural and the 
social sciences are differences in degree rather than kind. This was the 
thesis of my doctoral dissertation. That doesn't mean that there are no 
differences.

jks

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Re: Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Justin Schwartz


  I discuss this is What's Wrong with Exploitation?, look it up, and see 
if
  you disagree. jks

What is wrong is endegenous accumulation which is enabled by exploitation
as the profit source. And if endogenous accumulation is possible, 
capitalism
can not experience crises. Rosa Luxemburg understood that, ninety years 
ago.



Say more, I don't understand this.

jks

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Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Carrol Cox



Charles Brown wrote:
 
  Myself, I would not give dialectics a lesser status than full theoretical concepts. 
I was edified by THE DIALECTICAL BIOLOGIST , well, sort of as a heuristic in coming 
to an understanding of dialectics as more than a heuristic , as Marx , Engels and 
Lenin use dialectics.

Charles, some where in Anti-Duhring Engels says that dialectics neither
proves anything nor discovers anything new. Sorry I can't quote it
exactly or give you an exact cite. Some writer used that as a text on
the basis of which he rejected dialectics completely.

Carrol




Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Rakesh Bhandari

As with most definitional debates or what seems futile hairsplitting 
and mere semantics, the hope is that clarity as to definitions will 
help prevent confusion and mutual incomprehension at a later stage in 
the debate. For example, I think much of the debate in value theory 
could be more productive if participants were clear about how surplus 
value is defined.

Let me try this definition (open to revision of course):

Value is the socially necessary abstract labor time which potentially 
objectified in a commodity has as its only and necessary form of 
appearance units of money.

I believe that this definition follows from the simple fact that in 
an atomized bourgeois society in which social labor is organized by 
private money-making units social labor time relations can only be 
regulated in and through the exchange of things, however value is in 
fact misrepresented by this mode of expression.

In capturing Marx's quantitative and qualitative sense, one should 
probably build money and fetishism into the very definition of value.

This will help to clarify that Marx is not simply qualifying 
Ricardo's definition of value but stipulating a new meaning.

This definition of course does not capture the systemic and dynamic 
features which Chris B is attempting to build into his definition.

Of course a serious problem with my definition is that it may imply 
that units of money come to define the objectified social labor time 
that is socially attributed to a commodity, rather than money price 
being an expression of the socially necessary abstract labor time 
objectively needed for the reproduction of the commodity.

While I would agree that monetary measurement is not merely a passive 
ascertainment of a preexisting attribute and specifically that value 
is not actualized without successful money sale--that is a value must 
prove itself to be a social use value--the value that is expressed in 
exchange value is based on the objective social labor time that is in 
fact needed to reproduce the bulk of such commodities though as Marx 
emphasizes this value is in fact necessarily mis-represented in 
exchange.

rb




Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Justin Schwartz




 CB: What's the difference between a lawful explanation and a lawlike
 explanation ?  ( no fuzzy answers)
 

The explanations invoked in physics are lawful, i.e., they use preciselt
formulated lawsto generate specific (if sometimes probabilistic)
predictions.

^^

CB: Of course, admitting probablism admits the very fuzziness that this old 
superiority complex of  hard sciences claims is its superiority to soft 
social science.

Not at all. With quantum probabilities you can predict values down to as 
many decimal places as you care to write. Quantum is not riddled with 
exceptions and ceteris paribus clauses.

Physics is now a contradictory unity of extreme precision and extreme 
fuzziness, just as a dialectics of nature might have expected.

What are you talking about?


On the most charir=table interpretation of laws in social
science, any lawlike generalizations that exist are not like this.



CB: Naw. I overcame my social science inferority complex to physical 
sciences long ago.

It's not superiority/inferiority thing, it's just different.

This won't fly anymore with us social scientists.

I'm a Michigan=trained socisl scientists myself, Charles--my PhD is joint 
polisci and philosophy.

Social scientist generalizations are very lawlike, in the original sense of 
law , to which physics and certainly biology, have come full circle and 
retuned to.

Some and some, but more like evolutionary biology, which hardly has any 
lawlike generalizations at all. That doesn't, I say again, make it worse or 
inferior.


To paraphrase the leading anthropologist Leslie A. White (sort of opposite 
to postmods) a main reason that social science is rendered soft and 
impotent in the bourgeois academy is that the best social science today, 
Marxism, would overthrow the existing order.

I said something like this in The Paradox of Ideology, by way of explaining 
why therre is no consenus in social science.


Marxism makes very good and lawlike generalizations.


A few, but which are you thinking of?

I'm mean you can say that the laws of history are not as mechanical as the 
laws of mechanics, i.e. physics. But that's a tautology. So what ?
Physics is not the archtype model for all science.


You asked what the difference was. I never said social science should aspire 
to be like physics.


  They are
riddled with exceptions, burdened with ceteris paribus clauses, and
generally fuzzy.

^^^

CB: There are lots of these in physics, chemistry and biology.


Biology, yes. Name a few in physics and chemistry.

But that subjectivities play a bigger role in social science does not mean 
there are not also objective exactnesses.

I agree.

There are subjectivities in law situations, but the law manages to put a 
very precise grid over social situations.  Social science can obtain a 
literally similar _lawlike_ precision.

Not a _very_ precise grid.

So, natural scientists need a new word. Lawlike is closer to what social 
scientists have.


That's what I said.

But not only that, social science has identified satisfactorily , from the 
standpoint of knowledge, many generlizations, and laws,that can guide 
practice.  I reject the physical sciences claims to lawlike superority and 
the like.

Me too.


CB: In this sense, Marx's value is not heuristic, but a fundamental 
theoretical concept.


I'm not persuaded.

jks


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Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Chris Burford

At 07/02/02 06:07 +, you wrote:

CB: In this sense, Marx's value is not heuristic, but a fundamental 
theoretical concept.

I'm not persuaded.

jks


Nobody has to be persuaded of anything.

But Justin, do you accept that what you criticise as being redundant some 
of us would merely call a labor theory of prices?

And from the perspective of it being an expanation of exploitation, some of 
us would say that childen notice there are grossly unfair and inexplicable 
differences in society. Some of us would say that the marxian theory of 
value is much bigger than an explanation of exploitation.

Without being persuaded by us, do you acknowedge that such different 
perspectives exist?

Chris Burford




Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-06 Thread Chris Burford

At 06/02/02 20:10 -0800, you wrote:
This definition of course does not capture the systemic and dynamic 
features which Chris B is attempting to build into his definition.


The law of value of commodities ultimately determines how much of its 
disposable working-time society can expend on each particular class of 
commodities.


V  Vol I  Ch 14Sec 4



And how could Marx define the absolute general law of capitalist 
accumulation in the way he does in Ch XXV if his theory of value was not
a) dynamic
b )systemic?



Mine is not an overimaginative reading of the overall thrust of Marx's 
approach, (although unimaginative readings of Marx's theory are more than 
possible).


Chris Burford






Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz



The clearest non-LTV demonstration that there is exploitation is Joan
Robinson's observation that ownership is not an activity therefore it is 
not
a productive activity, so any rewards to ownership must come out of someone
else's production.  But without something like the LTV, we miss a lot of
what is important about specifically *marxist* exploitation.  It's possible
to believe that there is exploitation in this sense, but that this is
because of a technical factor; that capital has a marginal productivity.  
In
order to see that the reward to capital is a result of social relations
rather than relations between things, you need to get off the fence and 
make
more definite statements about value.



I have argued this point ins ome detail in my What's Wrong with 
Exploitation? Nous 1995, from which you might as well be paraphrasing, 
except that while I say the notion of value in a broad sense has an 
important theoretical role to play, and labor time is an important component 
of it, particukarly in accounting for profit, the LTV as I have defined it 
here is false and unnecessary. You might well say that I have conceded 
enough so that I mighta s well admit the LTV is true. But this is a glass 
half-empty/full matter. I could justa s well as that if you admit that value 
is not definitionally or empirically equivalent to labor time, you might as 
well admit that the LTV is false.

Some of the issue between these alternatives may be the difference between 
those who think of themselves as Marxists possessed of a  new science,a 
holistic theoretical explanation of the nature of capitalsim, and pragmatic 
radicals like myself who are cheerly eclectic, willing to borrow from Marx, 
Hayek, Weber, Robinson, Keynes, etc., but who have no pretense to having 
more than mid level scientific theories that may help us muddle through in 
our reformsit ways towards unseen but aspired to radical ends.
I don't think we are making progress here, hadn't we best stop?

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RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Devine, James

I wrote: Marx uses the word law differently than Justin does. Marx's
laws are dialectical, non-deterministic. But many interpret his ideas in
Justin's terms, proving that Marx was a determinist.

Justin writes:  How do you get deterministic out of precisely formulated
relatoon among variables? The laws of quantum mechanics are as precisely
formulated as could be, and nondeterministic too.

they are deterministic in that they make very specific predictions. 

Fallback to dialectics, though, raises my antennae, because it is often
an excuse to talk a lot of nonsense. I think Marx was genuinely dialectical
in a specific Hegelian sense--he  proceeds by immanent critique, for
example--but this isn't a matter of giving an alternative to explanation by
means of probabalistic laws or tendecies, but rather a style of explanation
that offers a framework for offering lawlike explanations.

Yes, dialectics are often used to speak nonsense, just as the economic
way of thinking that shows up in textbooks is. But I wasn't falling back
to dialectics (and I don't understand why you think I was doing so). Rather,
I was pointing to the intellectual tradition that Marx belonged to, which
meant that he used the word law in a different way than modern social
science does. That's all. If you don't situate a thinker in his or her
tradition, it weakens your understanding of his or her thought. Among other
things, different traditions use words differently. See Ollman's excellent
book, ALIENATION, for example.  (Frankly, I don't like the way Marx uses
words -- as having varying meanings depending on context -- but it's
important for understanding's sake to understand what he was doing.) 

It's good to get beyond a knee-jerk reaction (pro _or_ con) to the word
dialectics. That kind of thing encourages the rigidity of thought. 

BTW, the laws of supply  demand are also non-determinist. SD cannot
give specific answers to anything in the abstract. Rather, they have to be
given empirical content. SD might best be seen as a (an?) heuristic, acting
as a guide to thought. Of course, Marx's value theory -- or law  of value --
is also a heuristic.
 
 I have said as much here. But it's a far more limited heuristic than you
seem to think. It's basically useful for showing ina  simple way that
there's exploitation going on. However, you can do this without it.

as I write on the margins of term papers now and then, assertion is not the
same as proof. I've published a couple of articles about the utility of
value. If you want the references, I'll send them to you. 

-- Jim Devine
 




Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Fred Guy



Devine, James wrote:

I wrote: Marx uses the word law differently than Justin does. Marx's
laws are dialectical, non-deterministic. But many interpret his ideas in
Justin's terms, proving that Marx was a determinist.

Justin writes:  How do you get deterministic out of precisely formulated
relatoon among variables? The laws of quantum mechanics are as precisely
formulated as could be, and nondeterministic too.

they are deterministic in that they make very specific predictions. 

Wow. That's a broad definition of deterministic. Are bookies determinists?

Fred


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RE: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Davies, Daniel

Justin wrote:

I have argued this point ins ome detail in my What's Wrong with 
Exploitation? Nous 1995,

At this point I must once more apologise for having taken a somewhat snippy
tone in this thread; it is entirely because I am an idiot.  I seem to have
acquired the belief that What's Wrong with Exploitation? and In Defense
of Exploitation were the same paper and that this paper was called In
Defence [note spelling] of Exploitation.  As a result I've been searching
fruitlessly for this non-paper for the last three days and was beginning to
uncharitably suspect that it didn't exist.  A thousand apologies.  In the
circumstances, I agree that we'd better stop; I may come back on this once
I've read the papers if I still disagree.  Alternatively, if I find that I
agree with you, I promise to start a cult in your name and argue with
anybody who I decide is misinterpreting you :-)

dd


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Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Ian Murray


- Original Message -
From: Davies, Daniel [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Monday, February 04, 2002 11:17 PM
Subject: [PEN-L:22376] RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV



I have said as much here. But it's a far more limited heuristic
than you
seem to think. It's basically useful for showing ina  simple way
that
there's exploitation going on. However, you can do this without
it. jks

It's also useful for showing that the exploitation (defined in
Roemer's
sense) is a result of social factors rather than technical ones; I
don't
think you can do this without ending up committed to something
which has
most of the characteristics of the LTV.

The clearest non-LTV demonstration that there is exploitation is
Joan
Robinson's observation that ownership is not an activity therefore
it is not
a productive activity, so any rewards to ownership must come out of
someone
else's production.  But without something like the LTV, we miss a
lot of
what is important about specifically *marxist* exploitation.  It's
possible
to believe that there is exploitation in this sense, but that this
is
because of a technical factor; that capital has a marginal
productivity.  In
order to see that the reward to capital is a result of social
relations
rather than relations between things, you need to get off the fence
and make
more definite statements about value.

dd


=

Why not focus on ownership, property, contract, corporate
governance etc. in a manner that fellow citizens can relate to. How
would value theory help the working class understand Enron and
Argentina?

Ian




RE: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Forstater, Mathew

Many laws such as the laws of supply and demand are really neither
descriptive nor predictive, but can only really be seen as
*prescriptive*.  This is what you *should* do if you want such and such
results.  (This is what Adolph Lowe called instrumental analysis.)

Subject: [PEN-L:22404] LOV and LTV

 LOV and LTV
by Devine, James
05 February 2002 04:42 UTC  
 

BTW, the laws of supply  demand are also non-determinist. SD cannot
give
specific answers to anything in the abstract. Rather, they have to be
given
empirical content. SD might best be seen as a (an?) heuristic, acting
as a
guide to thought. Of course, Marx's value theory -- or law of value --
is
also a heuristic.

JDevine




RE: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Devine, James

Charles writes: 
 Can we get into a little more what a heuristic is ?  Seems to be a sort of
ok device for guiding scientific enquire, but sort of not a fulfledged
...what ? Theoretical concept ?   What is the term for other types of ideas
( that are more than heuristic ) that are used in scientific or economic
theories ? Heuristic devices seem to be tools used in a scientific or
knowledge process, but not the ultimate theoretical concepts. 

you've got it. A heuristic is a device for guiding thought or inquiry. One
example is the dialectical way of thinking, which does not give answers as
much as tell you what questions to ask: how does the whole affect the parts?
how do the parts affect the whole? how does the dynamic interaction between
these work? (cf. Lewontin  Levins, THE DIALECTICAL BIOLOGIST, last
chapter.)
JDevine
 




RE: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Forstater, Mathew


CB: Can we get into a little more what a heuristic is?

Anyone interested in heuristics should consult a wonderful little book
called _How to Solve It_ by Georges Polya.  The aim of heuristics
according to Polya is to study the methods and rules of discovery and
invention.  People like Polya (and those he influenced like Michael
Polanyi) and C. S. Peirce (and his follower Norwood Hanson) believe that
there is a logic of discovery.

mat




Re: RE: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz




Charles writes:
  Can we get into a little more what a heuristic is ?  Seems to be a sort 
of
ok device for guiding scientific enquire, but sort of not a fulfledged
...what ? Theoretical concept ?   What is the term for other types of ideas
( that are more than heuristic ) that are used in scientific or economic
theories ?

Theory, law, variable, etc.

Heuristic devices seem to be tools used in a scientific or
knowledge process, but not the ultimate theoretical concepts. 

Could not have said it better myself. jks



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Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz



 I have argued this point ins ome detail in my What's Wrong with
 Exploitation? Nous 1995,

At this point I must once more apologise for having taken a somewhat snippy
tone in this thread; it is entirely because I am an idiot.  I seem to have
acquired the belief that What's Wrong with Exploitation? and In Defense
of Exploitation were the same paper and that this paper was called In
Defence [note spelling] of Exploitation.  As a result I've been searching
fruitlessly for this non-paper for the last three days and was beginning to
uncharitably suspect that it didn't exist.  A thousand apologies.  In the
circumstances, I agree that we'd better stop; I may come back on this once
I've read the papers if I still disagree.  Alternatively, if I find that I
agree with you, I promise to start a cult in your name and argue with
anybody who I decide is misinterpreting you :-)

dd

Here is the link to a draft (slightly different from the published version):

http://lists.village.virginia.edu/~spoons/marxism/Exploit.htm

In defence of exploitation, Econ  Phil 1995, is at

http://lists.village.virginia.edu/~spoons/marxism/DefenseE.htm

The Brit editors britishized the spelling (behaviour, defence, and the 
like). I wrote it in good 'murrican.

jks



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Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz


I
think Marx was genuinely dialectical in a specific Hegelian sense--he
proceeds by immanent critique, for example--but this isn't a matter of
giving an alternative to explanation by means of probabalistic laws or
tendecies, but rather a style of explanation that offers a framework for
offering lawlike explanations.

^

CB: What's the difference between a lawful explanation and a lawlike 
explanation ?  ( no fuzzy answers)


The explanations invoked in physics are lawful, i.e., they use preciselt 
formulated lawsto generate specific (if sometimes probabilistic) 
predictions. On the most charir=table interpretation of laws in social 
science, any lawlike generalizations that exist are not like this. They are 
riddled with exceptions, burdened with ceteris paribus clauses, and 
generally fuzzy. Moreover many social scientific explanations are, like the 
explanations in evolutionary biology, entirely nonwalike, but instead 
proceed by giving a specific sort of narrative. Darwinian explanations are 
generally like this. However, there sre some more or lessrobust explanatory 
generalizations that are like laws, if not ful--fledged laws like the laws 
of physics. Precise enough for you? Books have been written on this; I could 
give you cites.

CB: Is exploitation a heuristic ?   Does the other way of showing that 
exploitation is going on use heuristic devices ?


No, exploitation is a fundamental fact. And yes my way of proceeding does 
use heuristics; there's nothing wrong with using heuristics, as long as you 
remember they are not fundamental theoretical concepts that describe the Way 
Things Are. (I was a graduate student of Prof. Mary B. Hesse, author of the 
pioneering study Models and Analogies in Science, still the place to start 
in thinking about this stuff.)


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Re: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Rakesh Bhandari
Title: Re: [PEN-L:22419] Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV
and


Why is domination functional for increasing
exploitation? The answer highlights a third problem with Roemer's
argument which turns on a crucial assumption of his models. In these
what workers sell is labour, not labour power, or,
equivalently, labour contracts are costlessly enforceable (1986b,
269). This is a consequence of the Walrasian assumption that there
are no transaction costs, including those of contract enforcement,
i.e., that markets are 'complete'. But this assumption is not a minor
technical issue. Its effect is to undermine domination as an ethical
reason for interest in exploitation by calling into question the
explanatory interest simpliciter of domination.

Marx argues that workers sell labour power, their ability to
work (1967a, 167-169).

Justin, this is extremely well put,
though it leaves us with the task of reconstructing Marx's logic. How
is it that Marx discovers on the island of free wage labor (i..e,
workers own no means of production) that the proletariat alienates
labor power rather than (as it seems) labor time?

rb



Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz



Another point on this is that for Marx value mainly applies to 
capitalism. Marx refers to the fruits of exploitation in pre-capitalist 
societies as surplus-labor ( see below) not surplus value . So, for 
Marx value is meant to convey the specific form of exploitation that 
predominates in capitalism.   Value is unique to capitalism, or to the 
commodity production and exchange that was on the periphery of societies 
until capitalism. In Marxist terms, feudal serfs were exploited , but did 
not produce value.

So, showing exploitation in capitalism without using the concept of value 
misses the point or impoverishes rather than enriches Marx's theory.

I discuss this is What's Wrong with Exploitation?, look it up, and see if 
you disagree. jks




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Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Justin Schwartz


  I have said as much here. But it's a far more limited heuristic than you
seem to think. It's basically useful for showing ina  simple way that
there's exploitation going on. However, you can do this without it.

as I write on the margins of term papers now and then, assertion is not the
same as proof. I've published a couple of articles about the utility of
value. If you want the references, I'll send them to you.


Right, Professor. I used to be a Professor too, and I think I may have heard 
of the concept. I also think I have argued the point. I would very much 
appreciate if you would send me the _papers_ (snail mail: 2227 Lincolnwood 
Dr. Evanston IL 60201). I lack easy access to a U library, not being a 
Professor anymore. I will do the same, if you like, with the papers I have 
written attacking the utility of the LTV or showing that we can do without 
it.

jks

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Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Romain Kroes

 I discuss this is What's Wrong with Exploitation?, look it up, and see if
 you disagree. jks

What is wrong is endegenous accumulation which is enabled by exploitation
as the profit source. And if endogenous accumulation is possible, capitalism
can not experience crises. Rosa Luxemburg understood that, ninety years ago.




RE: Re: RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Devine, James

JKS writes:  I have said as much here. But it's [the Marxian Law of Value
is] a far more limited heuristic than you seem to think. It's basically
useful for showing ina simple way that there's exploitation going on.
However, you can do this without it.

quoth me: as I write on the margins of term papers now and then, assertion
is not the same as proof. I've published a couple of articles about the
utility of value. If you want the references, I'll send them to you.

he responds: Right, Professor. I used to be a Professor too, and I think I
may have heard of the concept. I also think I have argued the point.

dunno. It seems that you rest too much on your laurels rather than your
logic, citing published articles rather than explaining your point of view,
your assumptions, how they are applied, etc. 

I would very much appreciate if you would send me the _papers_ (snail mail:
ADDRESS SUPPRESSSED TO PRESERVE PRIVACY). 

They're in the snail-mail. 
JDevine
 




Heuristics Re: RE: LOV and LTV

2002-02-05 Thread Carrol Cox

A wonderful story on heuristics.

Back in the fall of 1970 I got subpoened by a legislative commit6ee
investigating campus disorders. They were a bunch of buffoons -- as
shown beautifully by their interrogation of a professor of electrical
engineering from the U of I. He was a German emigre and stepped right
out of a cartoon of a kindly old professor.

The background was that for many years he had taught a quiet course in
the Engineering school on heuristics, in which only engineering students
enrolled. As part of the jazzing up of distribution requirements back in
the late '60s they made his course available to the general student
body. The idea he came up with was to let the students choose their own
goal, it could be anything sensible or not, and then their semester
project would be to establish how they would work out the means to that
end. They came up with some doozies. How to make a fortune selling
marijuana. How to blow up the student union building. All sorts of
sixtyish projects. The good Illinois senators decided that it was all
a commie plot hauled him down to springfield to testify. The high point
came when they began grilling him on those students who had,
purportedly, refused to carry out the project. The Illinois Legislators
(name for one of the lower forms of life) obviously thought that he had
assigned subversive topics and that some patriotic students had refused
to carry out the nefarious work. His reply (in a gentle German accent
but very clear): I'm sorry, zey vas just lazy bums!.

Carrol




Re: LOV or LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Romain Kroes


 CB: The problem I see with this is that increasing productive capacity of
the men in the trade or increase productivity would seem to be defined by
fewer human labor time per unit commodity. How can that result in more work
for men (people) ?


And yet, it has been a historical fact  for long. This paradox demands to be
explained. The answer is growth. Capital runs after productivity to make
profit. Now, the profit does not result from a fewer human labour per unit
commodity, but from the multiplication of commodities per unit of time (not
working time, but calendar's one). So that in a period of normal growth
(inflation being neglected) due to an increasing productivity, the most
productive sectors do not reduce their workforce. But according to Marx's
assessment I recalled in my posting (differential distribution of
productivity along the economic chain), the providers of the most productive
sectors can not match with the increasing demand by an equal productivity
rise. So that they must increase their workforce in order to compensate
their productivity gap. And so on, up to the sectors that are the closest to
natural cycles. This way, an increasing productivity leads to an increase in
global labour force. And this is a historical fact.
However, this mechanism does not work, when growth is repressed in order to
fight against inflation, by repressing public expenditure and setting
interest rates above price index. So that the equation I wrote in my answer
to Chris is more accurately:

  Rate of productivity rise = Rate of change in Labour force + Price
Index

Such a model is detailed in my article World-System's Entropy on irép's
website:
http://www.edu-irep.org/Romain.htm

RK




Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Chris Burford

At 04/02/02 15:37 -0500, you wrote:
 
Chris Burford:I suggest that approaching these debates with the mind set 
of LTV, sustains
 an assumption which is essentially about a simple equation:
 
 the value of something is its labour content (with various subtleties added
 about terminology and more or lessness)
 
 LOV however is essentially a whole systems dynamical  approach to the
 circulation of the collective social product that is produced in the form
 of commodities.

Justin:That's not a law, in any normal scientific sense. A law is a 
precisely
formulable generalization (n.b., not a definitional assumption) stating
relations between variables. I think the law of value is that the price of
commodities tends towards their value in long runm, with certain determinate
disturbances that imply that prices tend to converge on pricesof prodyction.

CharlesB: The law of value is stated by Marx and Engels azs a relationship 
between variables. The law of value is that commodities are exchanged for 
each other based on the labor time embodied in them (not as Justin state 
it; Engels has an essay on this in the afterward or something of Vol. III )


Obviously I am in general sympathy with Charles's defence of the LOV 
approach, but I think Justin helpfully pinpoints a line of demarcation. For 
Justin a law is a precisely formulable generalization. Many might agree 
the merits of such an approach, but I am fairly confident that Marx and 
Engels would not. People will have to make a value judgement about this.

In  Chapter XXV   Section 4 of Vol 1 of Capital Marx states in connection 
with the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation like all other 
laws it is modified in its working by many circumstances, the analysis of 
which does not concern us here.

Now it is true that Marx's formulation of the law could still conceivably 
be expressed in a clear relationship of variables despite this 
qualification, but  the qualification suggests to me that Marx expected the 
workings of any serious law to be fuzzy in practice.

The statement about the law of value of commodities in Ch XIV  Section 
4  goes on to say But this constant tendency to equlibirum ... is 
exercised only in the shape of a reaction against the constant upsetting of 
this equilbrium. This to my mind makes it sound much more like a strange 
attractor than a simple equation.

There is the strange argument that the law of value only begins to develop 
itself freely on the basis of capitalist production (Ch XIX) which Engels 
appears to support by his argument in the appendix to Vol III of Capital on 
the Law of Value, which argues that the LOV has been in existence for at 
least 7,000 years.

In stating this Engels, has a throw-away qualification as far as economic 
laws are valid at all

In the essay he considers various definitions of the law of value and does 
not insist on only one.

Furthermore he asks people to make sufficient allowance for the fact that 
we are dealing with a historical process and its explanatory reflection in 
thought, the logical pursuance of its inner connections.

So this is a declaration of philosophical realism - that something has 
emerged in the course of economic history and that a law describing it is 
not a purely logical process but an explanatory reflection in thought of 
that real process.

The phenomenon itself may be complex enough but the reflections in our 
brain could be fuzzier still. Nevertheless the complex phenomenon DOES exist.


 Chris Burfod: Crudely, the difference between LTV and LOV is the 
 difference between a
 simple equation, which may indeed be weak nourishment, and a dynamic
 system.
 

Justin: It's possible, and a standard move of defenders of Marxian value 
theory, to
make immune from testing and criticism by making it so fuzzy that it lacks
determinate meaning. Who could object to asytstems-dynamical approach to the
economy?



CharlesB: Here's an example of what I am talking about on AM. It is 
Justin's understanding that seems fuzzy here . Chris Burford's seems to 
have quite adequate determinate meaning.  The difference Chris describes 
is also that between moving from the whole to parts and moving from the 
parts to the whole. A holistic approach is not fuzzier than an approach by 
parts. ( See Jim D.'s discussion of this issue elsehere here)


Obviously like Charles I am a believer that there is some such thing as a 
capitalist economy and that it has a self perpetuating dynamic. As in chaos 
theory, it is possible to posit something that is determinate but is 
indeterminate in precise form: deterministically indeterminate is a serious 
mathematical concept. As is fuzzy logic.

But I suspect that Justin's clearest line of demarcation is in the 
importance of any theory being vulnerable to testing and criticism. This 
is a standpoint of a philosophical approach that objects to theories like 
those of Freud or Marx on the grounds that they are not falsifiable. This 
is the 

Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Sabri Oncu

Chris wrote:

 The statement about the law of value of commodities
 in Ch XIV  Section 4  goes on to say But this constant
 tendency to equlibirum ... is exercised only in the
 shape of a reaction against the constant upsetting of
 this equilbrium. This to my mind makes it sound much
 more like a strange attractor than a simple equation.

Dear Chris,

I have not done any work in Dynamical Systems, so I don't know
much about strange attractors. All I know is that an attractor is
a set with certain properties, which is associated with a
nonautonomous, nonlinear differential equation, and that a
strange attractor is an attractor which is chaotic. A simple
equation, which based on your statement I read as one that does
not exhibit chaos, is not comparable to a set, i.e., they don't
belong to the same equivalance class, so I get confused here.
Also, as far as I know, not all departures from equilibria are
chaotic, even when the equilibria are unstable. I don't even see
anything related with stability in Marx's statement.

No offense is meant Chris. I read many of your posts with great
interest and respect. But this time, I got confused.

Best,
Sabri




Re: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Justin Schwartz



Obviously I am in general sympathy with Charles's defence of the LOV
approach, but I think Justin helpfully pinpoints a line of demarcation. For
Justin a law is a precisely formulable generalization. Many might agree
the merits of such an approach, but I am fairly confident that Marx and
Engels would not.

Why do you think not?

People will have to make a value judgement about
this.


Why is this a value judgment?

In  Chapter XXV   Section 4 of Vol 1 of Capital Marx states in connection
with the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation like all other
laws it is modified in its working by many circumstances, the analysis of
which does not concern us here.

This doesn't show that Marx rejects the usual formulation of law, rather, 
he accepts the obvious point that like many purported social laws, it states 
a tendency that is ceteris paribus and probabalistic.


Now it is true that Marx's formulation of the law could still conceivably
be expressed in a clear relationship of variables despite this
qualification, but  the qualification suggests to me that Marx expected the
workings of any serious law to be fuzzy in practice.

Sure. But this is just a fact about social generalizations.

The statement about the law of value of commodities in Ch XIV  Section
4  goes on to say But this constant tendency to equlibirum ... is
exercised only in the shape of a reaction against the constant upsetting of
this equilbrium. This to my mind makes it sound much more like a strange
attractor than a simple equation.

Even a precisely formed law can take a very complex form. A law doesn't have 
to have a simple form.


In the essay [Engels] considers various definitions of the law of value and 
does
not insist on only one.

Is that supposed to be a recommendation?


So this is a declaration of philosophical realism - that something has
emerged in the course of economic history and that a law describing it is
not a purely logical process but an explanatory reflection in thought of
that real process.

Social laws, if there are any, are empirical generalizations, not purely 
logical processes.



Obviously like Charles I am a believer that there is some such thing as a
capitalist economy

Me too.

and that it has a self perpetuating dynamic.

I agree.

But I suspect that Justin's clearest line of demarcation is in the
importance of any theory being vulnerable to testing and criticism. This
is a standpoint of a philosophical approach that objects to theories like
those of Freud or Marx on the grounds that they are not falsifiable.

I didn't say that and don't believe it. I think Freud's a fraud as a 
scientist, but Marx is the real think. I think the core of his theories is 
correct.

jks


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Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Justin Schwartz




Marx uses the word law differently than Justin does. Marx's laws are
dialectical, non-deterministic. But many interpret his ideas in Justin's
terms, proving that Marx was a determinist.

How do you get deterministic out of precisely formulated relatoon among 
variables? The laws of quantum mechanics are as precisely formulated as 
could be, and nondeterministic too. Fallback to dialectics, though, raises 
my antennae, because it is often an excuse to talk a lot of nonsense. I 
think Marx was genuinely dialectical in a specific Hegelian sense--he 
proceeds by immanent critique, for example--but this isn't a matter of 
giving an alternative to explanation by means of probabalistic laws or 
tendecies, but rather a style of explanation that offers a framework for 
offering lawlike explanations.


BTW, the laws of supply  demand are also non-determinist. SD cannot 
give
specific answers to anything in the abstract. Rather, they have to be given
empirical content. SD might best be seen as a (an?) heuristic, acting as a
guide to thought. Of course, Marx's value theory -- or law of value -- is
also a heuristic.

I have said as much here. But it's a far more limited heuristic than you 
seem to think. It's basically useful for showing ina  simple way that 
there's exploitation going on. However, you can do this without it. jks

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RE: Re: RE: Re: LOV and LTV

2002-02-04 Thread Davies, Daniel


I have said as much here. But it's a far more limited heuristic than you 
seem to think. It's basically useful for showing ina  simple way that 
there's exploitation going on. However, you can do this without it. jks

It's also useful for showing that the exploitation (defined in Roemer's
sense) is a result of social factors rather than technical ones; I don't
think you can do this without ending up committed to something which has
most of the characteristics of the LTV.  

The clearest non-LTV demonstration that there is exploitation is Joan
Robinson's observation that ownership is not an activity therefore it is not
a productive activity, so any rewards to ownership must come out of someone
else's production.  But without something like the LTV, we miss a lot of
what is important about specifically *marxist* exploitation.  It's possible
to believe that there is exploitation in this sense, but that this is
because of a technical factor; that capital has a marginal productivity.  In
order to see that the reward to capital is a result of social relations
rather than relations between things, you need to get off the fence and make
more definite statements about value.

dd


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RE: LOV or LTV

2002-02-03 Thread Devine, James

very good point! I think it's also important to remember that what most
critics of the LOV are talking about is a LTP, a Ricardian Labor Theory of
Prices. Marx wasn't especially interested in prices (assuming the question
away until volume III of CAPITAL) but he was interested in the social
relations of production of capitalism as a whole and in microcosm.
Jim D

-Original Message-
From: Chris Burford
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: 2/2/02 11:40 PM
Subject: [PEN-L:22261] LOV or LTV

Quite rightly, these fundamental questions come round and go round.

I have not been able to keep up with all the recent posts. But I notice 
that some of the debate is using the abbreviation LTV.

I suggest that this slants the debate and makes it more likely that
people 
will talk past each other.

Marx and Engels never used the term Labour Theory of Value, nor did they

invent it.

It was conceptualised by the classical political economists.

Marx and Engels to be fair also did not formulate a neat definition of
the 
Law of Value, but LOV is the term they did use.

I suggest that approaching these debates with the mind set of LTV,
sustains 
an assumption which is essentially about a simple equation:

the value of something is its labour content (with various subtleties
added 
about terminology and more or lessness)

LOV however is essentially a whole systems dynamical  approach to the 
circulation of the collective social product that is produced in the
form 
of commodities.

Crudely, the difference between LTV and LOV is the difference between a 
simple equation, which may indeed be weak nourishment, and a dynamic
system.

IMHO

Chris Burford

London




Re: LOV or LTV

2002-02-03 Thread Romain Kroes


 Crudely, the difference between LTV and LOV is the difference between a
 simple equation, which may indeed be weak nourishment, and a dynamic
system.

 IMHO

 Chris Burford

I agree with the authenticity of LOV rather than LTV. Nevertheless, a
simple equation may match a model of a dynamic system, as follows.

In 1911, F. W. Taylor observed that the history of the development of each
trade shows that each improvement, whether it be the invention of a new
machine or the introduction of a better method, which results in increasing
the productive capacity of the men in the trade and cheapening the costs,
instead of throwing men out of work make in the end work for more men (The
Principles of Scientific Management).
This empirical observation may be done further, up to nowadays. And it may
be explained by having in mind a theoretical assessment of Marx, on the
unequal distribution of organic composition of capital, that is of
productivity, along the economic chain (B.3, Ch.45; Dietz: pp.767-768). By
putting n productive sectors in a growing-productivities order between
ecosystem and final product, as an abstract model of economic chain, and by
assuming that the very upstream productivity gains are insignificant with
respect to the ones of the very downstream activities, we obtain such an
equation at the limit of flows adaptation (just-in-time) :

Rate of increase in global employed workforce = Rate of increase in mean
productivity of economic chain

That is to say, along economic chain, capital valorizes its productivity
gains (relative surplus value) by exchanging them against labour activity.
And we retrieve LOV.
 From the point of vue of downstream dominance (USA, Western Europe and
Japan), this law is blured by relocations outside, but from the point of vue
of Third-World countries, providing cheap work force and raw material, it
works as it always worked, driving populations from their traditional
economy towards industrializing centers (cf. Rosa Luxemburg).

Such a model of mine is published at this address:
http://www.edu-irep-org/ romain.htm
under the title: World-System's Entropy.
 It is a dynamic model that notably matches asymmetric exchanges, exogenous
accumulation, expansionnism, inflation by growth and the trending profit
rate to fall. It demands to be harshly criticized.
Regards,

Romain Kroês




Re: LOV or LTV

2002-02-03 Thread Justin Schwartz


Quite rightly, these fundamental questions come round and go round.

I have not been able to keep up with all the recent posts. But I notice
that some of the debate is using the abbreviation LTV.

Marx and Engels never used the term Labour Theory of Value, nor did they
invent it.

Of course not, and I have repeatedly said that Marx was using and developing 
the best political economy of his time..

Marx and Engels to be fair also did not formulate a neat definition of the
Law of Value, but LOV is the term they did use.

Well, he does say, for example, that which determines the magnitude of the 
value of any article is the amount oof labor socially necessary, or the 
labor timer socially necessaey for production. This at the very start pf 
CI, Part I. Marx footnotes an author of an a remarkable anonymous work 
written circa 1740. That is the formulationI use.

I suggest that approaching these debates with the mind set of LTV, sustains
an assumption which is essentially about a simple equation:

the value of something is its labour content (with various subtleties added
about terminology and more or lessness)

LOV however is essentially a whole systems dynamical  approach to the
circulation of the collective social product that is produced in the form
of commodities.

That's not a law, in any normal scientific sense. A law is a precisely 
formulable generalization (n.b., not a definitional assumption) stating 
relations between variables. I think the law of value is that the price of 
commodities tends towards their value in long runm, with certain determinate 
disturbances that imply that prices tend to converge on pricesof prodyction.


Crudely, the difference between LTV and LOV is the difference between a
simple equation, which may indeed be weak nourishment, and a dynamic 
system.


It's possible, and a standard move of defenders of Marxian value theory, to 
make immune from testing and criticism by making it so fuzzy that it lacks 
determinate meaning. Who could object to asytstems-dynamical approach to the 
economy?

jks

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