Re: Hobby Lobby Question

2014-07-02 Thread Vance R. Koven
I assume that the use of quotes around constitutional fact is meant to
highlight that the phrase is used as an analogy in this situation, which is
governed by a statute and not the Constitution. But partly for that reason,
I think the danger of a jury's refusal to follow a proper instruction on
the irrelevance of a belief's rationality to its sincerity is not likely to
be very significant (since firstly, juries don't usually ignore a judge's
instructions, and secondly, a court can also enter a JNOV if the jury has
obviously gotten it wrong). If the determination of sincerity is left to
courts as some kind of über-fact then I think we really do tread
dangerous ground, since that determination will too often be made on hidden
policy agendas, for administrative convenience, or other factors that we
really don't want to impinge on religious liberty, to say nothing of
investing the courts in determining issues of religion that the
Constitution forbids them to do.


On Tue, Jul 1, 2014 at 12:11 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu wrote:

 Maybe this is a constitutional fact, like NY Times actual malice. We
 need to be careful that a trier of fact does not conclude that a party
 isn't sincere just because the trier of fact thinks the belief is so
 obviously wrong that a reasonable person couldn't believe it.

 Mark

 Mark S. Scarberry
 Pepperdine University School of Law


 Sent from my iPad

 On Jul 1, 2014, at 8:30 AM, Vance R. Koven vrko...@gmail.com wrote:

 I have (perhaps incorrectly) assumed that when the Court says *it* should
 not get involved in judging the sincerity of a religious belief, it is
 expressing the proper division of labor between a court and the finder of
 fact. It should be up to the jury (or the court wearing a fact-finder hat)
 to decide whether the belief is sincerely held or not. A trial court can
 easily enough instruct a jury to disregard whether they think the religious
 belief is kooky; but it's perfectly acceptable based on the credibility of
 the witnesses and direct and circumstantial evidence for a jury to
 ascertain whether the claimed religious belief is real or bogus.

 I have often suspected that doctrine in religious liberty cases has become
 quite twisted over time by courts' reluctance to let juries do what they're
 supposed to do.


 On Tue, Jul 1, 2014 at 2:04 AM, Arthur Spitzer artspit...@gmail.com
 wrote:

 I appreciate Steve's response, which I think demonstrates that he is
 precisely rejecting the legitimacy (or perhaps the religiosity) of the
 plaintiffs' beliefs.  The plaintiffs say that their religious beliefs
 prohibit complicity with evil, and that signing a contract that makes
 available certain chemicals or devices to others amounts to complicity with
 evil, because of the use to which such chemicals or devices are most likely
 to be put (terminating what plaintiffs believe is a human life).

 If a court should not accept that assertion without inquiry, then what
 inquiry is it supposed to make?

 Can a court evaluate and reject the religious belief that complicity
 with evil is sinful?

 Can a court evaluate and reject the religious belief that terminating a
 human life is evil?

 Can a court evaluate and reject the religious belief that morning-after
 pills terminate a human life?

 Can a court evaluate and reject the religious belief that providing the
 means for a person to obtain a chemical or device whose principal purpose
 is to terminate a human life, and that is likely to be used for that
 purpose, counts as complicity in terminating a human life?

 Is there some other inquiry the court should be making that I'm missing?

 Art Spitzer
 PS - My questions should not be taken to imply that I necessarily agree
 with the majority opinion (not that anyone cares), and they certainly do
 not represent the views of my employer.



 *Warning*
 *: this message is subject to monitoring by the NSA.*





 --
 Vance R. Koven
 Boston, MA USA
 vrko...@world.std.com

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-- 
Vance R. Koven

Re: Attenuation

2014-07-02 Thread Marty Lederman
Perry:  I think this is a very important, and contestable, assumption:
Hobby Lobby is using religious reasoning, not secular reasoning [in
determining what sort of connection constitutes prohibited complicity].
What is the basis for that assumption?  In fact, virtually all theological
analysis I've ever seen about questions of complicity does *not *consist of
what we would ordinarily call religious reasoning -- such as whether God
exists, whether there's a heaven or a hell, whether God commands a
particular thing, or whether and when an embryo has a soul or is a human
life -- questions that secular authorities are incapable of or forbidden
from assessing.  Instead, that reasoning quite closely resembles the
ordinary sort of reasoning that nonreligious authorities -- academic,
legislative, and judicial -- make all the time about complicity and
responsibility and culpability of accessories.  (Of course, the exception
is that, within the religious assessment, the existence and importance of
the underlying evil -- e.g., prevention of implantation of a fertilized
embryo -- is itself a religious question.  I am referring, instead, to the
questions of attenuation/proximate cause/responsibility/etc.)


On Tue, Jul 1, 2014 at 5:47 PM, Perry Dane d...@crab.rutgers.edu wrote:

  Steve Jamar writes: I do not reject the legitimacy nor the
 religiousity of the plaintiff’s beliefs.  Quite the contrary; I accept them
 and undertstand them.  But I do not accept that we should accept a
 complicity with evil claim when it becomes too attenuated as it is here.
  The inquiry is attenuation, not substantive on the sinfulness nor evilness
 nor “legitimacy” of the beliefs.

 With all due respect, though, I have always found the
 attenuation claim the least convincing of the arguments against Hobby
 Lobby's position.

 As the majority opinion suggests, and as many of us have been saying
 for a long time, Hobby Lobby needs to be understood as putting on the table
 two distinct religious claims:  (1) Certain forms of contraception should
 not be used.  (2) Hobby Lobby and/or its owners are religiously prohibited
 from signing insurance contracts that cover those same forms of
 contraception.  Of course, Hobby Lobby has religious reasons taking it from
 claim (1) to claim (2).  But it's not the business of the secular state to
 second-guess the quality of that reasoning.  In fact, as far as the secular
 state is concerned, claim (1) should be essentially irrelevant.  All that
 really counts is claim (2).

 Imagine an observant Jewish prison inmate who asks for kosher food.
 The prison administration tells him, We're happy to give you kosher food.
 We'll also be sure not to give you meat meals and dairy meals within
 however many hours of each other you think is religiously significant.  But
 we can't give you separate (or disposable) plates for your meat and dairy
 meals.  That would just be too expensive or complicated for us to do.  The
 prisoner responds, That's not good enough, I'm afraid.  As a matter of
 Jewish law, hot foot transfers its 'taste' to plates, which in turn
 transfer the 'taste' to other food served on those plates, even if the
 plates are thoroughly washed between uses.  So I need separate or
 disposable plates.  (There are more technicalities that I won't get
 into.)  The prison administration replies, That's just silly.  No 'taste'
 gets transferred.  We understand that you have religious reasons for not
 eating meat and dairy food together, and we'll grant you that
 accommodation, but this argument you're making about plates and such is
 just too attenuated.

I suspect that most courts, and most of us, would reject this defense
 of attenuation.  (This has nothing to do with arguments over compelling
 interest, less restrictive means, etc.)   Jewish law's conclusion [that (1)
 a ban on mixing dairy and meat foods entails (2) a ban on using the same
 dishes for dairy and meat foods] might be wacky from a secular or
 scientific point of view, but it's not up to the secular state to
 second-guess that view.  Indeed, all the secular state needs to know is
 that the prisoner has a religious need not to eat meat and dairy meals from
 the same plates.  If the prisoner is to lose, it will not be because his
 claim is too attenuated.

 I think the hangup in the Hobby Lobby context is this:  We
 all appreciate that Jewish law and other system of religious ritual law
 often conceptualize the world in wacky-seeming ways very different from
 ordinary reasoning.  The separate-plates rule is the least of it.  (I say
 all this with all due respect; I guide some of my life by those wacky
 conceptualizations.)  Hobby Lobby, on the other hand, seems to be using a
 form of argument (complicity with evil) that has a much clearer secular
 analogue.  But that's deceptive.  Hobby Lobby is using religious reasoning,
 not secular reasoning.  That doesn't mean it should win at the end of the
 day.  But it does 

Re: Hobby Lobby Question

2014-07-02 Thread Marty Lederman
Thankfully, this issue is now beside the point, but just to repeat, the
premise is mistaken:  There are not literally millions of women whose
policies are exempted.  Almost all women in the United States are or soon
will be entitled to cost-free contraceptive coverage in their insurance
plan.


On Tue, Jul 1, 2014 at 8:04 PM, Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com
wrote:

 The Court assumed that there is a compelling interest in covering
 contraceptives, even though there are literally millions of women whose
 policies are exempted from the mandate under the ACA. Do we all agree that
 such gross underinclusion is irrelevant to the issue of compelling
 interest?

 Rick Duncan
 Welpton Professor of Law
 University of Nebraska College of Law
 Lincoln, NE 68583-0902

 My recent article, *Just Another Brick in the Wall: The Establishment
 Clause as a Heckler's Veto*, is available at SSRN

 And against the constitution I have never raised a storm,It's the
 scoundrels who've corrupted it that I want to reform --Dick Gaughan (from
 the song, Thomas Muir of Huntershill)

   --
  *From:* Scarberry, Mark mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu

 *To:* Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

 *Sent:* Monday, June 30, 2014 8:03 PM

 *Subject:* RE: Hobby Lobby Question

 With regard to Sandy’s comment that there isn’t a chance in hell of
 getting funding from Congress to cover these methods of contraception:

 Do we agree that a less restrictive means is available for purposes of
 RFRA and (where applicable) constitutional analysis, even if the government
 (including Congress) is for some reason unwilling to use it? The political
 difficulty (or impossibility) of getting agreement on implementing an
 approach does not make it unavailable; it just means that there is no
 consensus on using it. Do we agree on that point?

 On the question whether govt funding may be a less restrictive means:

 The majority opinion does suggest that the government could be required,
 if it seeks to advance its compelling interest, to incur a cost that is
 small compared to the cost of the entire program. A means of advancing that
 interest that requires the spending of money could be a less restrictive
 means – less restrictive of religious liberty – than a requirement that the
 individual or business incur the cost. See the discussion that begins at
 the top of page 41, and this excerpt from pp. 42-43:

 “The most straightforward way of doing this would be for the Government to
 assume the cost of providing the four contraceptives at issue to any women
 who are unable to obtain them under their health-insurance policies due to
 their employers’ religious objections. … It seems likely, however, that the
 cost of providing the forms of contraceptives at issue in these cases (if
 not all FDA-approved contraceptives) would be minor when compared with the
 overall cost of ACA. … If, as HHS tells us, providing all women with
 cost-free access to all FDA-approved methods of contraception is a
 Government interest of the highest order, it is hard to understand HHS’s
 argument that it cannot be required under RFRA to pay anything in order to
 achieve this important goal.
  “We do not doubt that cost may be an important factor in the
 least-restrictive-means analysis, but both RFRA and its sister statute,
 RLUIPA, may in some circumstances require the Government to expend
 additional funds to accommodate citizens’ religious beliefs. Cf.
 §2000cc–3(c) (RLUIPA: ‘[T]his chapter may require a government to incur
 expenses in its own operations to avoid imposing a substantial burden on
 religious
 exercise.’). HHS’s view that RFRA can never require the Government to
 spend even a small amount reflects a judgment about the importance of
 religious liberty that was not shared by the Congress that enacted that
 law.”

 Mark

 Mark S. Scarberry
 Professor of Law
 Pepperdine Univ. School of Law



 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
 religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Levinson, Sanford V
 *Sent:* Monday, June 30, 2014 12:28 PM
 *To:* 'Law  Religion issues for Law Academics'
 *Subject:* RE: Hobby Lobby Question

 This is a good question.  AS I read the opinion it tends to rely on the
 fact that the insurance providers will be required to provide the coverage
 “for free” (given that it will overall cost less to cover than would
 pregnancies), so that the government must allocate not a single new penny.
 If, on the other hand, a new appropriation, even of a penny, would be
 necessary, then we all know that there isn’t a chance in hell of that being
 voted by Congress.

 sandy

 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [
 mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Hillel Y. Levin
 *Sent:* Monday, June 30, 2014 9:54 AM
 *To:* Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 *Subject:* Hobby Lobby Question

 As we are all digesting the Hobby Lobby decision, let me ask a 

RE: Attenuation

2014-07-02 Thread Berg, Thomas C.
And in the standard complicity-with-evil analyses, including religious ones, 
the degree of connection that's permissible is affected by the perceived 
gravity of the harm, which as Marty notes is a religious determination.  
Gravity of the harm, for example, is part of the material cooperation 
analysis in Catholic thought, which essentially involves a proportionality 
test.  So even the reasoning this degree of connection is too much is a 
product, in part, of the religious determination.  I think if people shared the 
Greens' belief that the emergency contraceptives kill a human person, they'd be 
more sympathetic to the claim.

-
Thomas C. Berg
James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy
University of St. Thomas School of Law
MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
Minneapolis, MN   55403-2015
Phone: 651 962 4918
Fax: 651 962 4881
E-mail: tcb...@stthomas.edumailto:tcb...@stthomas.edu
SSRN: http://ssrn.com/author='261564
Weblog: http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Perry Dane [d...@crab.rutgers.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, July 02, 2014 10:20 AM
To: Marty Lederman
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Attenuation


Marty,

I would define religious reasoning as reasoning within a religious discourse or 
tradition used by religious people to reach religiously-significant 
conclusions.  Religious reasoning need not be metaphysical or transcendent or 
explicitly spiritual.  And it can certainly resemble analogous secular 
discourse.  But it is still distinct.

Three observations:

1. Look again at my Jewish separate-plates example.  Rabbinic discussions of 
these sorts of questions rarely involve discussions about whether God exists, 
whether there's a heaven or a hell, whether God commands a particular thing, or 
whether and when an embryo has a 'soul' or is a 'human life.'  So I return to 
my question:  Should the prison authorities be heard to argue that the 
connection between the underlying rule against mixing dairy and meat and the 
subsidiary conclusion that those foods must be eaten on separate plates is just 
too attenuated?

2. It's a staple of first-year torts that reasoning about proximate cause is 
inextricably intertwined with various policy and other concerns.  And even if 
we disagree with that, and adopt Ernie Weinrib's view that proximate cause 
reasoning is built into the structure of tort law, that would still suggest 
that it is embedded in a specific, constrained, discourse that follows certain 
rules and makes certain very deep assumptions peculiar to that discourse.  That 
would suggest that there exist a whole bunch of constrained discourses about 
notions of causation, responsibility, and the like.  Each of those constrained 
discourses is, explicitly or implicitly, grounded in certain assumptions and 
world-views.  For example, in Peter Singer's thoroughgoing utilitarian 
discoursehttp://www.utilitarianism.net/singer/by/1972.htm, each of us has 
a direct affirmative responsibility to try to alleviate famines and other forms 
of suffering around the world, since  if it is in our power to prevent 
something bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything of 
comparable moral importance, we ought, morally, to do it.  That is certainly a 
more radical view than that taken by tort law, or by more deontological moral 
discourses, or even by Hobby Lobby.

Now, in the light of all that, it seems to me quite reasonable to assume that 
Hobby Lobby is (however inarticulately) reaching its conclusions about 
causation and responsibility based on forms of reasoning or instinct embedded 
in its own religious assumptions and priorities, though loosely analogous, of 
course, to other forms of reasoning about causation and responsibility.

3. Note that in the Establishment Clause context, we're (usually rightly, I 
think) quite willing to describe certain propositions (such as creation 
science) as religious even though their proponents claim they are not and in 
fact carefully try to exclude all mention of whether God exists, whether 
there's a heaven or a hell, whether God commands a particular thing, or whether 
and when an embryo has a 'soul' or is a 'human life.'

On 07/02/2014 10:32 am, Marty Lederman wrote:

Perry:  I think this is a very important, and contestable, assumption:  Hobby 
Lobby is using religious reasoning, not secular reasoning [in determining what 
sort of connection constitutes prohibited complicity].  What is the basis for 
that assumption?  In fact, virtually all theological analysis I've ever seen 
about questions of complicity does not consist of what we would ordinarily call 
religious reasoning -- such as whether God exists, whether there's a heaven 
or a hell, whether God commands a particular thing, or 

Re: Attenuation

2014-07-02 Thread Perry Dane
 

Steve Jamar wrote: 

 [1] How about owning stock in companies that
make and sell contraceptives? They had to sign a contract to do that. 


 [2] The distance between doing the improper thing -- selling, paying
for, using contraceptives -- and buying general health insurance with
coverages mandated by the government is attenuated sufficiently for me.
However, I understand how one can rhetorically manipulate these matters
as Prof. Dane (and I) have done. And that is fully fair game and 5
justices agreed with one rethorical approach and 4 did not. 5 thought
religion under RFRA should trump the other values (as a matter of
statutory interpretation); 4 did not.

Point 1 simply confirms that we
all draw have to draw lines of causation and moral responsibility
somewhere, and those different lines will be embedded in a variety of
discourses and grounded in a variety of different assumptions. 

As to
point 2, I don't think that 5 justices agreed with Hobby Lobby's
conclusions about causation and moral responsibility. They simply, and
correctly, accepted them as religious views. It's as if Hobby Lobby had
just said, for religious reasons, we can't sign a document that alludes
to 'Plan B, Ella, or intrauterine devices.' It's just something about
those words.

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How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Michael Peabody
Good morning,

In reviewing the Hobby Lobby decision, and particularly its extent, I
can't help but wonder how far this decision goes.  While much of the
focus is on the contraceptives themselves, it seems like Hobby Lobby
may be to particular contraceptives as Employment Div. v. Smith was to
peyote.

While the majority claims the decision is narrow, the circumstances
seem very broad. Here there is a closely-held corporation with 13,000
employees whose owners object to providing insurance that makes
available contraception to be prescribed by a physician and where the
actual usage will never be known by the owner (and indeed there's no
scientific consensus as to whether the contraception causes abortion)
as it is protected by HIPAA.  Anything within that range would seem to
be fair game.

Certainly a closely-held corporation with 5,000 employees might object
(under this decision I no longer need to qualify this by saying that
the owners do the act since the will of the corporation and owners are
one and the same, right?) to directly providing same-sex couples with
federally mandated benefits, right?

And then we enter what appear to be uncharted waters where you have a
potential Title VII case brought by a religious employee (of Religion
A) who claims that she is being discriminated against by the religious
secular corporation (of Religion B) and the EEOC takes the case as
what we could consider to be a co-plaintiff.  Could the corporation
defend itself against the EEOC by claiming RFRA? Would the Corporation
defeat the Individual employee?

Apparently the Circuits are split in whether RFRA can be used a
defense in private suits (see the following Virginia Law Review note
by Shruti Chaganti -
http://www.virginialawreview.org/sites/virginialawreview.org/files/343.pdf
), and I'm wondering if Hobby Lobby will be used the same way.

Any thoughts would be greatly appreciated.

Michael Peabody, Esq.
Editor
ReligiousLiberty.TV
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Degrees of complicity

2014-07-02 Thread Jean Dudley
On Jul 2, 2014, at 7:45 AM, Steven Jamar stevenja...@gmail.com wrote:

 How about owning stock in companies that make and sell contraceptives?  They 
 had to sign a contract to do that.  

Good question, Steve:  Let’s narrow this down a bit—remember, HL only objects 
to “morning-after” contraception and IUDs. And yes, HL made investments in 
those companies that made, among other things, both “morning after” pills and 
IUDs.  Whether or not they received any dividends really isn’t germane, I 
think—the fact that they gave money makes them complicit and nullifies a claim 
of religious sincerity to my mind.  But if they do accept dividends wouldn’t it 
compound complicity? 

Further, they pay money for goods made in China, a country that still routinely 
forces women to abort in a state backed population control effort, even though 
China says they don’t do that.  How many steps removed does it have to be to 
not count as complicity? 

Can HL have its exemption revoked and fines imposed because their “sincerely 
held religious belief” is a moral sham?  If the SCOTUS doesn’t scrutinize how 
“sincere” a religious belief is, but accepts on prima facia that the belief is 
sincere, don’t they have an obligation to vacate the exemption once similar 
complicity in said “evil” is proven? 

This decision was a huge game changer;  previously other folks with sincerely 
held religious beliefs had to content themselves with not doing “evil” 
themselves, but not denying said “evil” to others under their employment.  Now 
a group of people can withhold medically necessary and legally mandated 
treatment options.  If you’re against blood transfusions, don’t have one, but 
don’t block others from having them.  But they can now opt out of providing 
Plan B or IUDS to women who need them medically even though those women don’t 
agree that they are abortive.  The fact that medical science doesn’t think 
they’re abortive doesn’t matter.  Religious belief once again trumps science 
and law.  How sad. 

Once again, I am not a lawyer.  I just happen to have a (non-functioning) 
uterus. 
Jean


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Re: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Jean Dudley

On Jul 2, 2014, at 9:24 AM, Michael Peabody peabody...@gmail.com wrote:

 (and indeed there's no
 scientific consensus as to whether the contraception causes abortion)

Problem with this sentence on two levels:  First, contraception is a pretty 
broad term, and includes things like abstinence, barriers, hormone therapy.  
Literally defined, contraception prevents or impedes conception.  Abortion, on 
the other hand is medically defined as the premature exit of the product/s of 
conception.  Abortion can be induced or spontaneous.  BTW, about 1/2 of all 
conceptions are aborted spontaneously, and if one believes it was God’s will, 
then that makes one’s God the busiest abortion provider in the universe.  

As for the claim that there’s no scientific consensus as to whether “the 
contraception” (Plan B? The Pill? IUD? Condoms? Pulling out? ) causes abortion, 
that’s because it’s damn hard to conduct ethical, empirical tests whether or 
not a zygote was prevented from implanting in the uterine wall tissue, or if it 
was ejected during induced menses. Remember, there can be no consensus unless 
there are multiple, peer reviewed experiments under rigorous scientific 
processes.  Not many women are willing to have their menstrual effluvia 
collected for scientific examination.  Not many scientists think it important 
enough to find out, either. Not many sources of funding for any kind of 
scientific research of any kind, much less something so female-centric. 

Carry on.  I’m just providing some uterine perspective here. 
Jean. 
TMI? Yeah.  Deal with it. 

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Re: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Michael Peabody
Thanks Jean - I was trying to avoid getting into a discussion as to
the particulars of the contraception (which is the vehicle for this
particular case) by relying on Justice Alito's statement on page 9,
footnote 7, which dismissed the dispute over what the drugs actually
do (distinguishing between how the company and regulators viewed the
drugs).  In other words, if the company owners believe it causes
abortion, or the company owners believe that wearing blue hats on a
Monday attracts evil spirits, the Court would apply the same analysis.
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Re: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Jean Dudley
We’re dealing with some pretty icky stuff, here;  zygotes, embryos, fetuses, 
menstruation, uterine tissues…but if decisions that affect those icky things 
are made, we really should be willing to speak about them. 

Now what gets me is there’s an exemption for blood transfusions and 
vaccines—equally valid religious exemptions exist for those in that same 
statement if I recall.  It seems to me that Justice Alito gets to pick and 
choose which scientific facts are ignored based on his own beliefs.  

Jean
“Now I’m not stupid but I can’t understand/ Why she walks like a woman but 
talks like a man…” 
(From “Lola”, by The Kinks)


On Jul 2, 2014, at 9:54 AM, Michael Peabody peabody...@gmail.com wrote:

 Thanks Jean - I was trying to avoid getting into a discussion as to
 the particulars of the contraception (which is the vehicle for this
 particular case) by relying on Justice Alito's statement on page 9,
 footnote 7, which dismissed the dispute over what the drugs actually
 do (distinguishing between how the company and regulators viewed the
 drugs).  In other words, if the company owners believe it causes
 abortion, or the company owners believe that wearing blue hats on a
 Monday attracts evil spirits, the Court would apply the same analysis.
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RE: Hobby Lobby Question

2014-07-02 Thread Brian Landsberg
I have long thought, as Sandy does, that Naim v. Naim was a disgrace.  It is 
hardly proof that Brown “did absolutely nothing,” though.  Even Gerald 
Rosenberg’s flawed analysis of Brown does not go that far.  Looking more 
closely at Naim, it seems somewhat less outrageous that the Court waited for 
better cases, which ultimately came in McClaughlin and Loving.  Naim was a 
Chinese citizen who had married a white woman in North Carolina.  She sued for 
divorce on grounds of adultery, or for an annulment, throwing into doubt Naim’s 
eligibility for U.S. citizenship.  Even if the Virginia law was held 
unconstitutional, the lower court could still have granted an annulment or 
divorce.  The husband’s lawyer did not argue that the racial classification was 
unreasonable, according to an article in 42 American Journal of Legal History, 
119.  Thurgood Marshall and Roy Wilkins refused to file amicus briefs, probably 
reflecting their fear that the post-Brown slogan “integration means 
intermarriage” would gain added credence and endanger compliance with Brown.  
None of this excuses the Court for ducking the issue, but perhaps it helps 
explain why the Court waited for a prosecution of an interracial couple before 
deciding the issue.  For a good overview, see Peggy Pascoe, What Comes 
Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America.

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Levinson, Sanford V
Sent: Monday, June 30, 2014 7:20 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hobby Lobby Question

Art raises an interesting point.  For better and worse, Brown in 1954 did 
absolutely nothing, and Brown II settled for the (in)famous “all deliberate 
speed.”  It was the Civil Rights Movement, Lyndon Johnson, and Congress that 
fundamentally changed things, not the Supreme Court that in 1956 engaged in the 
disgraceful evasion of Naim v. Naim.  I’m not sure how much credit Roe should 
get for reforming American abortion law.  That’s the great question raised by 
Gerry Rosenberg’s book.  Same-sex marriage is quite unlike these, incidentally, 
in that the Court can, should it wish to, make it a possibility nation-wide 
simply by the “performative utterance” of declaring that such marriages can’t 
be barred by states.  There will, even in Oklahoma and North Dakota, be 
ministers willing to preside and civil servants who will feel obligated to sell 
the marriage licenses.  It’s far less complicated, in terms of changing the 
behavior of thousands upon thousands low-visibility officials, than school 
segregation.

But I also want to emphasize that the utter cynicism is to suggest, while 
maintaining an iniquitous status quo, that the answer lies in Congress.  The 
strongest argument for judicial intervention is indeed the argument of John 
Hart Ely that it is foolish to consign unpopular groups to legislative mercy.  
That was, incidentally, what was so offensive about Frankfurter in 1962 saying 
that the folks in Memphis should “sear the consciences” of the Tennessee 
legislators that never in a million years would have voluntarily given up their 
illegitimate power as a result of malapportionment.  “Power corrupts,” as John 
P. Roche once put it, “and the prospect of losing power corrupts absolutely.”  
So I don’t know how much we disagree after all.

sandy

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Arthur Spitzer
Sent: Monday, June 30, 2014 8:51 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Hobby Lobby Question

With respect, I think Sandy's response (I think that it's utter cynicism to 
suggest possibilities that are politically impossible. The life of the law 
should be experience and not arid logical possibility) is unacceptable.  It 
was politically impossible to get southern states to integrate their public 
schools in 1954.  Did that make it constitutionally unnecessary?  It was 
politically impossible to get many states to allow abortions in 1973.  But it 
happened.  It is politically impossible to get Oklahoma (or Congress) to agree 
to same-sex marriage.  Does that make it constitutionally unnecessary?  The 
life of the law should be experience, and experience teaches that the nation 
obeys the law.  At least mostly, and at least so far.  And Congress can amend 
RFRA if The People don't like it.

Art Spitzer

Warning: this message is subject to monitoring by the NSA.

On Mon, Jun 30, 2014 at 9:11 PM, Levinson, Sanford V 
slevin...@law.utexas.edumailto:slevin...@law.utexas.edu wrote:
I think that it's utter cynicism to suggest possibilities that are politically 
impossible. The life of the law should be experience and not arid logical 
possibility.

Sandy

Sent from my iPhone

On Jun 30, 2014, at 8:05 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edumailto:mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu wrote:
With regard to Sandy’s 

RE: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Tessa Dysart
But aren't the forms of contraception that Hobby Lobby objects to specifically 
marketed as contraception that can prevent implantation? I know that Plan B 
is-whether IUDs prevent implantation is  perhaps a little more controversial.   
For people who believe that life begins at fertilization, a form of 
contraception that prevents implantation is a problem.

Tessa

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Jean Dudley
Sent: Wednesday, July 2, 2014 12:43 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?


On Jul 2, 2014, at 9:24 AM, Michael Peabody 
peabody...@gmail.commailto:peabody...@gmail.com wrote:


(and indeed there's no
scientific consensus as to whether the contraception causes abortion)

Problem with this sentence on two levels:  First, contraception is a pretty 
broad term, and includes things like abstinence, barriers, hormone therapy.  
Literally defined, contraception prevents or impedes conception.  Abortion, on 
the other hand is medically defined as the premature exit of the product/s of 
conception.  Abortion can be induced or spontaneous.  BTW, about 1/2 of all 
conceptions are aborted spontaneously, and if one believes it was God's will, 
then that makes one's God the busiest abortion provider in the universe.

As for the claim that there's no scientific consensus as to whether the 
contraception (Plan B? The Pill? IUD? Condoms? Pulling out? ) causes abortion, 
that's because it's damn hard to conduct ethical, empirical tests whether or 
not a zygote was prevented from implanting in the uterine wall tissue, or if it 
was ejected during induced menses. Remember, there can be no consensus unless 
there are multiple, peer reviewed experiments under rigorous scientific 
processes.  Not many women are willing to have their menstrual effluvia 
collected for scientific examination.  Not many scientists think it important 
enough to find out, either. Not many sources of funding for any kind of 
scientific research of any kind, much less something so female-centric.

Carry on.  I'm just providing some uterine perspective here.
Jean.
TMI? Yeah.  Deal with it.


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Re: How Far Does Hobby Lobby Decision Potentially Reach?

2014-07-02 Thread Jean Dudley

On Jul 2, 2014, at 10:33 AM, Tessa Dysart tdys...@regent.edu wrote:

 But IUDs do change the uterine lining, 
 http://www.webmd.com/sex/birth-control/intrauterine-device-iud-for-birth-control,
  raising the question for some people as to whether they can act to prevent 
 implantation, assuming fertilization occurs. 
  
 As for Plan B  Ella, the websites for both products contain documents that 
 do say that they may work to prevent implantation--Ella (see p. 12: 
 https://pharma.afaxys.com/afaxys/assets/pdf/ella_FPI.pdf); Plan B (click on 
 “How Plan B Works” http://www.planbonestep.com/faqs.aspx).

One of the URLs that Dawn Johnson provided calls into question the information 
on those very sites;  
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/06/health/research/morning-after-pills-dont-block-implantation-science-suggests.html?_r=0

As of 2012, what exactly Ella does is up for question.  Plan B, well, it delays 
ovulation, and (Ick trigger warning!) causes cervical mucus to thicken, 
impeding sperm from reaching the ovum. But of course now the Green family has a 
supreme court pass to ignore this fact, and still make contributions to 
companies that make morning after pills and IUDs, and possibly get monetary 
dividends from said contributions.  

Jean
“Liar!  LIAR! I’m NOT a witch, I’m your WIFE!”
—Valerie, wife of Miracle Max, Princess Bride. ___
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