-Caveat Lector-

Euphorian spotted this on the Guardian Unlimited site and thought you should see it.

To see this story with its related links on the Guardian Unlimited site, go to 
http://www.guardian.co.uk

Bush banks on Pyrrhic victory
If passed, America's tough resolution on Iraq could be so damaging that only al-Qaida 
may be said to have scored a victory, says Simon Tisdall
Simon Tisdall
Thursday October 24 2002
The Guardian


The Bush administration's battle to secure a tough new UN security council resolution 
on Iraq is approaching a climax. The word from the White House is that after over a 
month of discussions, it's time to wrap it up.

Having been presented with the "final" US draft, the council is expected to meet again 
this weekend. US diplomats are adamant that their government, having toned down some 
of the draft's provisions, is unwilling to make further concessions to critics led by 
France and Russia.

One of three outcomes is possible in this high-stakes game of diplomatic poker; all 
are potentially hugely damaging on a wide range of fronts. That consideration prompts 
a more basic question about the wisdom of President George Bush's approach.

One possible outcome is that the UN will pass the resolution. On this scenario, 
permanent members such as France, Russia and China, despite their deep-seated 
misgivings, will reluctantly abstain rather than use their veto powers. But the US 
will still gain the required nine or more votes in favour from the council's total 15 
members.

In theory, such a victory would satisfy the administration. It would certainly come as 
a great relief to the British government, which has backed Washington and helped frame 
the draft. Prime minister Tony Blair urged Bush to take the Iraq issue to the UN and 
seek its backing for any future action.

On the other hand, hardliners within the administration may view such success with 
mixed feelings. They do not believe for a minute that resumed weapons inspections 
(which will follow a UN agreement) will eradicate the threat posed by Saddam Hussein 
and his weapons of mass destruction.

The hawks fear that inspections will simply allow Saddam to gain time and that, as in 
the past, he will find ways to thwart the inspectors and bamboozle the international 
community. An inspection and report-back period lasting up to 135 days, as envisaged 
in the resolution, could seriously disrupt the Pentagon's timetable and regional 
preparations for military action.

A second possible outcome is that the draft resolution is put to a vote and is vetoed 
by either France or Russia, or both, or otherwise fails to attract the crucial nine 
votes in favour.

The third possibility is that, realising that it lacks sufficient support, the US 
decides not to force a vote at all and ends the discussion.

Bush and his officials have already made crystal clear what will happen if either of 
the above outcomes result. The US, they say, is prepared to go it alone and take all 
necessary measures, including military action, in pursuit of its national security 
interest. They will try to assemble a "coalition of the willing". And they will 
condemn the UN for its inability to stand up for itself and enforce its own, previous 
Iraq resolutions. This, they will say, indicates a fundamental lack of backbone.

It can thus plainly be seen why any of these three possible conclusions to the current 
UN debate are potentially damaging.

If the resolution as drafted is passed, and an inspection process resumes, parties to 
all three sides of the dispute may immediately begin to undermine it. France and 
Russia will continue to express the opinion that the resolution amounts to a "green 
light" for war and that its terms make it almost certain that Iraq will be unable to 
comply.

They will continue to argue that the UN should have been able to consider and vote on 
the issue again, if and when Iraq's non-compliance is asserted. As permanent council 
members, they may even try to ensure that that the UN does get a second bite. They 
will not support Bush's coalition and their example may lead others to follow suit. 
This may be particularly true of Arab countries that supported the Paris-Moscow 
stance. Iraq will try to exploit these divisions.

The administration hawks meanwhile will be looking for any chance to halt the 
inspection process and declare Saddam to be formally in "material breach" of his 
obligations, in defiance of the international community.

Since Iraq has to accept the resolution unconditionally within seven days of its 
passage, and declare a full inventory of the weapons it says it does not possess 
within 30 days, the hardliners may not have to wait long.

The inspection conditions, meanwhile, are so onerous and inflexible that even if the 
inspections recommence, it may be only be a matter of time before the process breaks 
down. For example, US and British warplanes continue to engage in almost daily 
exchanges with the Iraqi military in the northern and southern no-fly zones, where 
inspections are to take place. Such incidents, which may become entangled with efforts 
to provide security for the UN, have explosive potential.

Lastly, the Iraqis - who have consistently insisted that there was no need at all for 
a new UN resolution - may decide to reject it outright. Or, more likely, they will 
ostensibly go along with the new inspection regime while trying to ensure that it does 
not succeed and appealing for solidarity against US "imperialism".

This may all be thought bad enough. But the damage caused by the possible vetoing of 
the US resolution, or its withdrawal, will be even greater.

A US decision to go ahead anyway means that war may be considered a certainty. That in 
turn will face people like Blair with an agonising decision. It is no exaggeration to 
say that, given the state of British public and Labour party opinion, his support for 
US unilateral action could bring down his government. And much worse, in the longer 
term, the UN will have been perhaps fatally weakened.

A precedent will have been set, to all intents and purposes, that suggests that a 
member state, if it feels strongly enough about a given issue, can go ahead with 
pre-emptive military action without UN authority. That undermines the UN charter and 
international law and the system of collective responsibility and collective 
self-defence that has been in place (and fully supported by previous US 
administrations) since 1945. It is a recipe for chaos in international affairs.

Perhaps there is yet a way out of this impasse but it is hard to see where it lies. 
And thus do these uniformly gloomy alternative outcomes raise a basic question about 
Bush's approach.

It is too late now, apparently, but Bush would surely have been better advised to put 
forward a resolution that could have commanded broad, positive international support. 
It may have taken a little longer. But the US would almost certainly have got what it 
wanted in the end, backed by firm international support.

Instead - by its aggressive and hasty approach and because of its previous, 
well-documented disdain for collective international policy-making, international 
treaties and consensual political action - the administration has divided its friends, 
alienated and undermined traditional allies, and now finds that its policies and 
motives (however well justified they seem to be) are widely distrusted.

This only strengthens America's enemies, the foremost among whom is not Saddam but the 
many-headed terrorists of al-Qaida and their global followers.

It may be safely assumed that these thugs are observing the ructions at the UN with 
enormous pleasure.

Note to readers: To all the many hundreds of readers who have emailed me concerning my 
recent columns on Iraq I would like to say thank you. I apologise for not replying to 
all of you but please do keep writing. ST.

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited

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